Showing posts with label Saudi. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Saudi. Show all posts

Thursday, May 11, 2023

UN Security Council meets today to discuss Sudan

NOTE from Sudan Watch Ed: The UK, penholder on Sudan at UN Security Council, requested a meeting of the Council to be held today (11 May) to discuss the deteriorating humanitarian and security situations in Sudan.

Special Representative and head of the UN Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS) Volker Perthes and Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Martin Griffiths are expected to brief.

In this report from What's In Blue, the yellow highlighting is mine for easy future reference. Hopefully, the Council members will agree on the "product" needed in response to the escalating violence in Sudan.

Report from What's In Blue 

Dated Thursday 11 May 2023 - full copy:

Sudan: Closed Consultations


This morning (11 May), following the briefing on the ICC’s Libya-related activities, Security Council members will hold closed consultations on Sudan


The UK, the penholder on the file, requested the meeting to discuss the deteriorating humanitarian and security situations in the country, in light of the fighting that erupted on 15 April between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), headed by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan—Sudan’s military leader and Chairperson of the Transitional Sovereign Council—and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo. Special Representative and head of the UN Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS) Volker Perthes and Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Martin Griffiths are expected to brief.


Council members last met to discuss the situation in Sudan on 25 April, when the Council convened for an open briefing at the request of the UK. Secretary-General António Guterres, Perthes, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator Joyce Msuya, and Permanent Observer of the AU to the UN Fatima Kyari Mohammed briefed. In his remarks, Guterres said that the power struggle in Sudan is not only jeopardising the country’s future but is also “lighting a fuse that could detonate across borders, causing immense suffering for years and setting development back by decades”. He called on Council members, the wider UN membership, and regional organisations with influence to press the Sudanese leaders to de-escalate tensions. (For background, see our 25 April What’s in Blue story.)


Fighting has continued in and around Khartoum despite repeated calls by regional and international actors for a ceasefire. According to a 6 May OCHA flash update, at least 528 people have been killed and 4,599 injured since the outbreak of hostilities. Additionally, more than two-thirds of hospitals across Sudan are not functional because of direct attacks, occupation by the warring parties, as well as lack of electricity, water supply, fuel, or medicine.


Perthes is likely to update members on political developments in Sudan, as well as on the various ongoing regional and international efforts aimed at resolving the crisis. On 2 May, the AU Commission (the regional organisation’s secretariat) held a follow-up meeting to its 20 April special ministerial session on Sudan. Among other matters, the meeting focused on identifying priorities, strengthening the unity of the international community, promoting a ceasefire agreement, and advancing efforts to return to a democratic, inclusive, and civilian transition.


In a 2 May press release, South Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that the warring Sudanese parties had agreed to a seven-day truce starting on 4 May, and to name their representatives for talks led by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), under the leadership of South Sudanese President Salva Kiir Mayardit in Juba. The seven-day truce was reportedly not observed by the parties and, at the time of writing, only al-Burhan has named his representative for the IGAD-facilitated talks. 


On 8 May, Kiir held a meeting with al-Burhan’s special envoy, Dafallah al-Haj Ali, in Juba, during which Ali reportedly affirmed the primacy of IGAD in mediation efforts to resolve the ongoing conflict. 


On 10 May, Kiir met Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry in Juba. According to a press statement released following the meeting, both leaders discussed “proposed modalities to merge the many different processes, forums and efforts into meaningful ceasefire” to end the ongoing conflict.


On 6 May, Saudi-US facilitated talks between representatives of the warring parties began in Jeddah. In a 7 May statement, Saudi Arabia and the US urged the parties to earnestly engage in the talks, with the aim of “achieving an effective short-term ceasefire, facilitating the delivery of emergency humanitarian assistance and restoration of essential services, and scheduling subsequent expanded negotiations to achieve a permanent cessation of hostilities”. The statement added that the parties began to review a proposed “Declaration of Commitment to Protect Civilians and facilitate and respect Humanitarian Action in Sudan”.


In an 8 May interview with an Egyptian media outlet, al-Burhan reportedly expressed support for a political solution to the ongoing conflict but emphasised that the withdrawal of RSF forces from residential areas and public facilities in Khartoum is a pre-condition. Speaking about the ongoing talks in Jeddah, he added that discussions about a lasting settlement could take place only after a permanent ceasefire is achieved in Khartoum.


On 7 May, the League of Arab States (LAS) convened an emergency ministerial-level meeting of its Executive Council in Cairo to discuss the situation in Sudan, during which it adopted a resolution stressing the need to respect the sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Sudan. The resolution called for protecting Sudanese state institutions and preventing any “foreign interference” that could destabilise regional peace and security. It also established a contact group on Sudan, consisting of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and LAS Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul Gheit. Among other things, the contact group is mandated to communicate with the Sudanese parties, regional and international partners, and international organisations with the aim of reaching a settlement; undertake efforts to reach a complete and sustainable ceasefire; address the underlying drivers of conflict; and coordinate with humanitarian relief agencies to provide assistance and medical aid.


At today’s meeting, Griffiths is likely to brief about his recent visit to Port Sudan on 3 May, where he met Perthes and the heads of several humanitarian agencies, including the World Food Programme (WFP), UNICEF, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM). In a press briefing during the visit, Griffiths noted that he is working to have clear and public commitments from the warring parties about protecting humanitarian assistance and allowing the delivery of aid. In this regard, he stressed the “need to have agreements at the highest level and…deliver those commitments into local arrangements”. Griffiths added that he hopes to meet SAF and RSF leaders, separately, in person, to explain to them the humanitarian requirements based on the discussions with the UN and other humanitarian agencies.


In a 9 May press briefing, OCHA Spokesperson Eri Kaneko noted that Griffiths was also present in Jeddah to engage with relevant parties and countries with influence to secure security guarantees for the UN and other humanitarian actors for the delivery of aid across various parts of the country. She added that prior to that, Griffiths also held phone calls with SAF and RSF leaders, in which he stressed the importance of developing safe corridors for the delivery of aid. At today’s meeting, Council members may wish to learn more about the scale and reach of OCHA’s operations and engagement with the respective parties for ensuring the safety and security of the humanitarian personnel and facilities.


Some Council members are expected to express concern about attacks against civilian infrastructure and the looting of humanitarian facilities in Sudan. On 9 May, the World Health Organization (WHO) said that it had verified 28 attacks against healthcare facilities since 15 April, which resulted in eight deaths and 18 injuries. In a tweet on the same day, WFP Executive Director Cindy McCain noted that nearly 25 percent of the WFP food stock has been stolen and that the organisation’s offices in the country have been looted.


Another likely issue of concern for Council members is the internal displacement of civilians and influx of refugees into Sudan’s neighbouring states. A 9 May IOM Sudan situation report noted that, since 15 April, almost 736,223 people have been displaced internally across Sudan, 13.8 percent of whom are foreign nationals. It added that approximately 177,116 individuals have sought refuge in neighbouring states, mainly in the Central African Republic (CAR), Chad, Egypt, Ethiopia, and South Sudan.


It appears that Council members continue to have diverging views on whether a Security Council product is needed in response to the escalation of violence in Sudan. Council members apparently failed to adopt a draft press statement that was proposed by the UK following the AU Commission’s 20 April ministerial meeting because of opposition from the A3 members of the Council (Gabon, Ghana, and Mozambique). The A3 apparently argued that adopting a Council product could lead to duplicate messaging and create complications at a delicate time. It seems that China and Russia supported this position. 


Apparently, during Council members’ 25 April closed consultations on Sudan, the UK, with support from other Council members, again called for a press statement. However, this proposal did not garner consensus after the A3 members, followed by China and Russia, reiterated their objection to a product.


Tags: Insights on Africa, Sudan


View original:

https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/whatsinblue/2023/05/sudan-closed-consultations.php


[Ends]

Wednesday, September 25, 2019

Sudan: ICC will ask new govt to extradite Bashir

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor:  According to an article by Ayin re-printed in full here below, the International Criminal Court (ICC) charges against Sudan’s former president Omar al-Bashir cannot be cancelled out by local trials since the ICC charges involve a threat to international security and cannot be waived.  Also:
  • "The two arrest warrants issued against Bashir are not subject to any statute of limitations, and the court will ask the coming government to extradite him," ICC spokesman Fadi el-Abdallah told Ayin.
  • Regarding the possibility of accepting Bashir's trial in Sudan, Abdallah stipulated that the government should make such a request with guarantees that ensure an impartial investigation following the same charges initially filed by the international court.
  • Bashir’s defence team told Ayin the ICC charges against the former president do not concern them as the decision in this matter belongs to the state and its officials.
  • Defence lawyer Mohammed el Hassan el Ameen said they are focusing on Bashir’s charges of possession of foreign money in his office at the general command exclusively. “We, as a defence team, have not addressed the issue of the ICC, and there is a near agreement within the defence team, which is composed of more than 100 lawyers, not to go into the ICC issue and the charges against Bashir,” he said. 
Article from and by Ayin Network.com
Dated Tuesday 17 September 2019 
Bashir national trial continues, but ICC trial remains blocked
As the trial of deposed former president Omar Al-Bashir is set to continue this week, several sources claim former members of the ruling party, the National Congress Party, had prepared a plan to ensure the former president does not appear before the International Criminal Court and remain tried within the country.

Last week a packed courtroom heard the testimony of the former president’s office manager, Yaseer Basheer, claiming that the president gave him US$ 11 million, of which US$ 5 million was given to the notorious militia, the Rapid Support Forces. Bashir also gave US$ 4 million to the director and deputy director of the International University of Africa, a private institution with links to Islamists, according to the university’s accountant. Speaking for the first time in court, Bashir claimed he had received US$25 million from the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, among other sources. The former 30-year long authoritarian ruler is facing charges of possessing illicit foreign currency.
Speaking for the first time in court, Bashir claimed he had received US$ 25 million from the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, among other sources.

While Bashir’s gross fiscal mismanagement is gradually revealed in a national court, charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide in Darfur by the International Criminal Court (ICC) may never see the light of day.

Fearing their own implication through an ICC trial, several former ruling party cadres have lobbied members of the Sovereign Council to prevent Bashir’s trial to leave the national stage, according to sources close to the former ruling party that cannot be named for security reasons. The decision to ensure Bashir did not face the two ICC arrest warrants against him took place directly after the former president’s overthrow on 11 April, according to near-identical statements from the sources.

The plan to spare Bashir international legal scrutiny was adopted by the then Chairman of the Political Committee in the Military Council, General Omar Zain al Abideen, and announced during a press conference following Bashir’s ouster. Several National Congress Party (NCP) lawmakers and Gen. Abideen decided to file a police report against Bashir to bring him before an internal court, effectively blocking the ICC whose laws do not allow it to intervene in the event of legitimate national judicial proceedings.
“The two arrest warrants issued against Bashir are not subject to any statute of limitations, and the court will ask the coming government to extradite him,” ICC spokesman Fadi al-Abdullah told Ayin.

ICC
But the ICC has confirmed its determination to pursue Bashir at all costs, outlining the cases in which Bashir’s arrest warrants have been issued are not subject to the statute of limitations. “The two arrest warrants issued against Bashir are not subject to any statute of limitations, and the court will ask the coming government to extradite him,” ICC spokesman Fadi al-Abdullah told Ayin. Regarding the possibility of accepting Al-Bashir’s trial in Sudan, Abdullah stipulated that the government should make such a request with guarantees that ensure an impartial investigation following the same charges initially filed by the international court.

Advocate and international law expert Salih Mahmood said the ICC charges against Bashir cannot be canceled out by local trials since the ICC charges involve a threat to international security and cannot be waived. Mahmood supported the jurisprudence behind the ICC charges against Bashir, stressing that the national courts lacked independence and obstructed legal procedures by the existing authority at the time. 

The advocate claims these circumstances are still the same. “International law gives priority to national courts, but this priority is given in a climate of freedom, independence of the judiciary, and a favourable political situation consistent with international standards of justice,” Mahmood said. “The jurisdiction of the Sudanese courts to try Bashir does not apply –we have not yet seen the independence of the judiciary or even a favourable atmosphere for the trial of Bashir at home.”
Calls for judicial reform are growing. Mass protests organised by the Sudan Professionals Association took place on Thursday in Khartoum and several other towns calling for the replacement of senior judiciary officials and justice for those killed during the protests earlier this year. Sovereign Council member Siddiq Tawer tried to placate the crowd in Khartoum. “The appointment of an independent judiciary chief and a general attorney is one of the government’s priorities considering that justice is one of the demands of the revolution.  All those who have committed a crime against the people and country during the previous regime’s rule will be held accountable,” said Tawer.
“We, as a defense team, have not addressed the issue of the ICC, and there is a near agreement within the defense

Defence team not addressing ICC
Bashir’s defense team told Ayin the ICC charges against the former president do not concern them as the decision in this matter belongs to the state and its officials.

Defense lawyer Mohammed el Hassan el Ameen said they are focusing on Bashir’s charges of possession of foreign money in his office at the general command exclusively. “We, as a defense team, have not addressed the issue of the ICC, and there is a near agreement within the defense team, which is composed of more than 100 lawyers, not to go into the ICC issue and the charges against Bashir,” he said. “There are many statements made in the media by the leaders of the transitional government that affirm they are the decision-makers in trying the president internally or handing him over to the International Criminal Court,” he adds. “It’s not time yet.”

Countless conflict-displaced people in the western Darfur region may not agree with Bashir’s defense team. Mowada Yacoub is an internally displaced person [IDP] still eking out a living in Zam Zam camp in North Darfur and told Ayin justice for Bashir and his associates past war crimes should be a priority for the new transitional government. “The Bashir government is the reason why we are in the IDP camps and lost our families,” Yacoub told Ayin. “I lost my father, I lost my brother, grandfather, uncle –all of this happened during this war. We don’t feel happy after that – even our house was set on fire and our land taken by militias. I lost all of that because of the Bashir government.”

- - -

FURTHER READING
From the website of the International Criminal Court (ICC):

Pre-trial
Once the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) has sufficient evidence against an individual, it submits a request to the Pre-Trial judges to issue a warrant of arrest or summons to appear.  

Al Bashir Case
The Prosecutor v. Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir
The first warrant for arrest for Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir was issued on 4 March 2009, the second on 12 July 2010.  The suspect is still at large.  
Next steps:  Until Omar Al Bashir is arrested and transferred to the seat of the Court in The Hague, the case will remain in the Pre-Trial stage. The ICC does not try individuals unless they are present in the courtroom.
Charges: five counts of crimes against humanity: murder, extermination, forcible transfer, torture, and rape; two counts of war crimes: intentionally directing attacks against a civilian population as such or against individual civilians not taking part in hostilities, and pillaging; three counts of genocide: by killing, by causing serious bodily or mental harm, and by deliberately inflicting on each target group conditions of life calculated to bring about the group's physical destruction, allegedly committed at least between 2003 and 2008 in Darfur, Sudan.  

Alleged crimes (non-exhaustive list)

Pre-trial Chamber II 
Situation in Darfur, Sudan in the case of The Prosecutor v. Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir.  Decision on the non-compliance by the Republic of Djibouti with the request to arrest and surrender Omar Al-Bashir to the Court and referring the matter to the United Nations Security Council and the Assembly of the State Parties to the Rome Statute.  

Tuesday, August 27, 2019

Sudan: Omar al-Bashir had cash worth $113m: $90m from Saudi royal family - $25m sent to him by Prince Mohammed bin Salman to use outside state budget

Article from the Financial Times
By TOM WILSON in Nairobi 
Dated Friday 23 August 2019
Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir faces court reckoning 
Photo:  Dictator who loomed over country for a generation faces corruption charges Omar al-Bashir sits inside a cage as corruption charges are read out © Reuters 

Thirty years after seizing power in a military coup and four months after widespread protests forced him from office, Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir, once one of the most notorious leaders on the African continent, this week appeared in court. 

He appeared not at the International Criminal Court that charged him with genocide in 2010 for trying to wipe out non-Arab ethnic groups in Darfur, but in the east African country he has dominated for the past three decades. 

Dressed in immaculate white robes, Mr Bashir sat in a black metal cage as prosecutors and investigators described the corruption charges against him. 

The former president, who is expected to plead not guilty, spoke only to confirm his name, his age and his residence ” Khartoum’s Kober prison. 

For the millions of Sudanese citizens that struggled under his dictatorial regime and the hundreds of thousands that protested since December for his removal, it was a huge moment. “Bashir was the symbol of the regime since 1989,” said Wasil Ali, a Sudanese commentator and the former deputy editor of the Sudan Tribune, an online newspaper.  “People seeing him in court breaks a longstanding condition, it allows them to feel that Bashir is gone.” 

Despite an international arrest warrant, US sanctions and countless civil conflicts, Mr Bashir had clung to power, looming over the country for a generation. Ever present, barely a day went by without him giving a statement or making an appearance on state television. 

But as symbolic as the trial is, many also fear that the prosecution will not be sufficient to deliver justice. “It is a relief to see Bashir behind bars but we think this is not enough,” said Amjed Farid, a spokesman for the Sudanese Professionals Association, one of the groups that spearheaded the demonstrations that led to his ousting. “The current case against him is about money laundering and dealing in foreign currency [but] we don’t think this is the only crime that Bashir committed.”  

Though more charges could follow, Mr Bashir is currently accused of illicit possession of foreign currency and accepting gifts in an unofficial manner after a raid of his home in April, in which military officers said they found cash in at least three currencies worth $113m. 

At this week’s hearing, a police officer testified that Mr Bashir had admitted that some of the money was part of $90m he had received from members of the Saudi royal family, including the current de facto leader Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. 

“The accused told us that the money was part of a sum of $25m sent to him by Prince Mohammed bin Salman to be used outside of the state budget,” police Brigadier General Ahmed Ali told the court. 

The revelation was further evidence of prolonged efforts by Saudi Arabia to maintain influence in Sudan. In 2015 Mr Bashir agreed to send thousands of troops to support the Saudi-led war in Yemen and in April, Saudi Arabia and its ally the United Arab Emirates were quick to back Sudan’s new military leaders. 

That Mr Bashir had received personal payments from another leader would have been shocking to many Sudanese, said Mr Ali, but pales in comparison to the violence and war crimes of which he also stands accused. “To see him on corruption [charges], I think that fuels a suspicion that the government is not serious about really prosecuting for the crimes that really matters,” he said. 

Over 30 years Mr Bashir’s secret police terrorised opponents, while his army officers led murderous military campaigns in the now independent South Sudan and in Darfur, South Kordofan and other regions of the country. 

Part of the problem is that under a transitional agreement signed last week, civilian administrators will share power for the next three years with military officers, all of whom served Mr Bashir loyally until his ousting and some of whom were directly involved in some of the former regime’s worst atrocities. 

Still, the SPA’s Mr Farid said there was little appetite in Sudan to hand Mr Bashir over to the International Criminal Court, which issued warrants for his arrest in 2009 and 2010 on charges of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. The next hearing in Sudan is due in September.

“It is right for the Sudanese people to see Bashir facing justice in Sudan but this is conditioned on sufficient legal reform to guarantee that justice has been served and that all victims can present their cases against him,” Mr Farid said. “He needs to answer to his crimes and we don’t think there is any place for him to hide.”

Thursday, August 01, 2019

US ‘has intelligence Hamza bin Laden is dead’ - US offers $1 million reward to find Osama bin Laden’s son

Article from The Telegraph.co.uk
By NICK ALLEN, Washington
Date: Wednesday, 31 July 2019 8:58PM

US ‘has intelligence Hamza bin Laden is dead’

The United States has received intelligence that Hamza bin Laden, the son and possible successor of the former al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, is dead, according to reports.

There were no details of how, or where, the reported death occurred, or whether the US had itself confirmed the information, NBC News reported.

Asked whether Hamza bin Laden was dead, Donald Trump, the US president, said: "I don’t want to comment on it. I don’t want to comment on that."

Three US officials confirmed the intelligence had been obtained, but gave no details of whether the US was involved in causing Hamza bin Laden's death, NBC News reported.

Five months ago the US state department announced a $1 million reward for information on his location, and described Hamza bin Laden, who is aged about 30, as an "emerging al-Qaeda leader."

In a statement at the time the US government added: "He has released audio and video messages on the internet, calling on his followers to launch attacks against the United States and its Western allies, and he has threatened attacks against the United States in revenge for the May 2011 killing of his father by US military forces."

Osama bin Laden was shot dead by US Navy Seals in May 2011 in a raid on his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. Hamza bin Laden was not discovered at the compound.

He is believed to have been the 15th of Osama bin Laden's roughly 20 children.

Hamza bin Laden spent his early childhood with his parents in Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Afghanistan.

Following the September 11, 2001 terror attacks he was sent to Iran.

After his father's death he became known as the Crown Prince of Jihad, calling for jihadists to unite, and for the overthrow of the Saudi royal family.

In one of the recordings he released after his father's death, Hamza bin Laden said: "If you think that the crime you perpetrated in Abbottabad has gone by with no reckoning, you are wrong."

He reportedly married the daughter of Mohammed Atta, the leader of the September 11, 2001 hijackers. And Ayman al-Zawahiri, his father's successor as leader of al-Qaeda, described him as a "lion".

Al-Qaeda was believed to be hoping to use his name as a propaganda tool as it sought a resurgence in the wake of the destruction of the caliphate of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.

- - -

Article from The Telegraph.co.uk
By BEN FARMER, Islamabad; GIANLUCA AVAGNINA, video producer
Date: 01 March 2019 2:39PM

US offers $1 million reward to find Osama bin Laden’s son

A favourite son of Osama bin Laden who has tried to take on his father's mantle of international jihadist leader has had his Saudi citizenship removed and a $1m reward put on his head.

America offered a bounty for information leading to the capture of Hamza bin Laden after the man sometimes called the Crown Prince of Jihad has become a rising star in al Qaeda.

The son of the group's late founder was now emerging as a leader in his father's network after issuing a string of exhortations to attack the West, the United States said.

The measures followed the warning last month by the head of MI6, Alex Younger, that al Qaeda was undergoing a resurgence.

As the bearer of the world's most notorious terrorist name, and son of the man behind the 9/11 attacks, his pedigree as jihadist royalty potentially makes him a potent propaganda tool for al Qaeda.

The group is thought to be trying to capitalise on the destruction of the Islamic State's caliphate to again become the world's pre-eminent jihadist group, analysts have said.

But his lineage alone may not be enough to propel him to the top of the organisation without concrete achievements in jihad.

Film: First video of Osama bin Laden’s son Hamza as an adult

“Whether he is ’the chosen one’ still needs to be seen, but he has become more prominent in the group’s media releases during the last three years,” said Tore Hamming, a jihadist specialist at the European University Institute.

“His last name is a major advantage. His father, Osama, still commands incredible respect within the Jihadi movement, not just in al-Qaeda, but more broadly. Hamza was always favoured by his father and he has been groomed by the most senior people in al Qaeda.”

The young bin Laden is thought to be aged around 30 years old and is possibly hiding in Afghanistan, Western officials believe.

Eight years after his father was shot dead in a special forces raid on a compound in Abbottabad, in Pakistan, America has now issued a reward for information about his son.

“Hamza bin Laden is the son of deceased former al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and is emerging as a leader in the al Qaeda franchise,” the US State Department said.

Hamza is believed to be the 15th of bin Laden's 20-odd children and spent his early childhood with his parents, first in Saudi Arabia and then in Sudan and Afghanistan in the 1990s.

After the 9/11 attacks, when bin Laden became the world's most wanted man, several wives and children including Hamza were sent for their won safety to live in Iran.

Letters discovered in the Abbottabad compound after the May 2011 raid that killed the older bin Laden show Hamza had a close bond with his father and wanted to follow in his footsteps. His father in turn appeared to be grooming him for a leadership role.

At one point Hamza complained of living “behind iron bars” and wanting to join his father's holy war against the West.

“What truly makes me sad, is the mujahideen legions have marched and I have not joined them,” he wrote.

By the time of his father's death, Hamza had left Iran, but was not living in his father's compound. Instead he was reportedly kept in a separate safe house and was to be sent to Qatar for education.

“Hamza is one of the mujahideen, and he bears their thoughts and worries,” his father wrote in one letter.

He has since gone on to swear revenge for his father's death. “If you think that the crime you perpetrated in Abbottabad has gone by with no reckoning, you are wrong,” he warned in one recording.

Image: The poster released by the US State Department

His status in al Qaeda was underlined when he was introduced by the network's leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, as a “lion”. His jihadist pedigree has been further burnished by reports he married the daughter of 9/11 lead hijacker Mohammed Atta.

In one 2015 audio message, he called on jihadists in Syria to unite, claiming that the fight would pave the way to “liberating Palestine.” He has also called for the overthrow of the Saudi royal family.

Saudi Arabia on Friday said it would revoke his citizenship.

The US reward for information on Hamza bin Laden's head however remains far lower than the rewards on other al Qaeda figures, said Daniel L Byman of the Brookings Institution think tank.

Al-Zawahiri, who has a $25m reward for information, undoubtedly remains leader of the organisation, he said.

“It’s a bounty for a prominent figure but it’s not a huge bounty compared to his father or previous top-level figures.”

“The thing about him is that there isn’t much to know. He’s very young, he spent a lot of time in hiding in Iran… and he doesn’t have major operational credibility that other figures have,” he said.

“Right now he’s at best a figurehead...while seasoned leaders are trying to recapture their brand, which was much stronger under his father. With that in mind using the Bin Laden name is sensible, the question is can he build on this and go from the son of an important person to an important person in his own right.”

Sunday, June 23, 2019

TMC VP Hemeti's Janjaweed killed and burned in Darfur, Sudan. Now Darfur has come to Khartoum

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: Here is another interesting article from The New York Times by Declan Walsh 16 June 2019. Yellow highlighting is mine, for future reference.

Sudan Ousted a Brutal Dictator. His Successor Was His Enforcer.

Photo: Lt. Gen. Mohamed Hamdan, also known as Hemeti, the leader of the Rapid Support Forces paramilitaries that carried out the violent dispersal of protesters on June 3. Credit Declan Walsh/The New York Times

KHARTOUM, Sudan — Once a camel trader who led a militia accused of genocidal violence in Darfur, Lt. Gen. Mohamed Hamdan now sits at the pinnacle of power in Sudan, overlooking the scorched streets from his wood-paneled office high up in the military’s towering headquarters.

From his office in the capital, Khartoum, he can see the site where his unit, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, cleared thousands of pro-democracy protesters in a storm of violence that began on June 3.

The heavily armed troops burned tents, raped women and killed dozens of people, some dumped in the Nile, according to numerous accounts from protesters and witnesses.

The blood bath consolidated the vertiginous rise of General Hamdan, widely known as Hemeti, who by most reckonings is now the de facto ruler of Sudan. To many Sudanese he is proof of a depressing reality: Although they ousted one dictator in April, the brutal system he left behind is determined to guard its power.

“We thought this might happen,” said Alaa Salah, 22, the woman dressed in white who led chants from atop a car and brought the world’s attention to Sudan’s revolution. “For years Hemeti killed and burned in Darfur. Now Darfur has come to Khartoum.”
Photo: Alaa Salah during a protest against then-President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan in April. Credit Lana H. Haroun

For years, General Hamdan was an enforcer for President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the brutal dictator who led Sudan for 30 years. When protesters filled the streets in April, roaring for Mr. al-Bashir’s ouster, the military toppled him.

General Hamdan, claiming to support the revolution, abandoned his patron.

But when the protesters refused to disperse, demanding an immediate transition to civilian rule, the generals refused to budge. With power-sharing talks stalled on June 3, the Rapid Support Forces began their crackdown.

Sudanese doctors put the toll at 118 dead.

With international pressure building, General Hamdan, 45, wants to present himself as Sudan’s savior, not its destroyer.

“If I did not come to this position, the country would be lost,” he told The New York Times in a rare interview with a Western journalist.

But he declined to answer direct questions about accusations that his troops committed atrocities, citing a continuing investigation that, he said, will publicize its findings in the coming days.

“I’m not escaping the questions,” he said. “I’m just waiting for the investigation.”

As he spoke on Thursday, a newly appointed American envoy to Sudan was arriving in Khartoum to press the military to stop attacking civilians.

A day earlier, the United Nations Security Council formally condemned the violence.

The American envoy, Donald Booth, a former ambassador to Sudan, also called for an independent investigation into the June 3 killings, a military withdrawal from Khartoum and an end to the internet blackout that has severed Sudan’s links to the outside world.

General Hamdan, for his part, said his troops had been goaded into action by what he called “unspeakable provocations.”

“One protester pulled out this,” he said, pointing to his crotch, “and waved it at our soldiers. Our vehicle was torn apart in front of us, and they filmed it live. There were many provocations.”

A lanky man with a primary school education, four wives and no formal military training, General Hamdan is enjoying the trappings of his new position.
Photo: Most of the Sudanese fighters in Yemen belong to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, a tribal militia previously known as the Janjaweed. Credit Tyler Hicks/The New York Times

At his office in the military headquarters, courtiers, advisers and waiters swarmed around him. Golden swords and military medals, awarded to past military leaders, filled the cabinet outside his door.

His fighters lounged in khaki-colored battle wagons at the gates, showing off the weaponry that underpins his authority. Some cleared piles of paving stones from the deserted streets outside, effacing the traces of the exuberant protest that a few short weeks ago enraptured the country.

Sudan is formally under the rule of Lt. Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, an older army officer who heads the Military Transitional Council that seized power from Mr. al-Bashir on April 11. But few doubt that, with Khartoum in his grip, General Hamdan is the true power.

Since the rampage on June 3, angry residents have started to refer to General Hamdan’s men as “the Janjaweed,” after the notorious Arab militias that terrorized ethnic African communities in Darfur in the 2000s. The term offends General Hamdan, who rose to prominence by commanding one such militia.

“Janjaweed means a bandit who robs you on the road,” he said. “It’s just propaganda from the opposition.”

It’s certainly true that, under his control, the Rapid Support Forces has evolved into far more than a gun-toting rabble.

With 50,000 fighters by some estimates, the force has been deployed to quash insurgencies across Sudan and to fight for pay in Yemen as part of the Saudi-led coalition.

War has made General Hamdan rich, with interests in gold mining, construction and even a limousine hire company. His patrons include Mohammed bin Salman, the hawkish crown prince of Saudi Arabia.
Photo: An activist speaking to a crowd at the site of the sit-in in front of Sudan’s military headquarters in April. Credit Bryan Denton for The New York Times

Longstanding fears about the dominance of his group, which Mr. al-Bashir groomed for years as a sort of praetorian force, are being realized.

“Army generals and Darfur Arab leaders had repeatedly warned the Bashir regime that the militias were a time bomb,” said Jérôme Tubiana, a researcher and journalist who has covered conflicts in Chad and Sudan for more than 20 years. “Now here we are, and it may be too late to step back.”

For now, the Rapid Support Forces watch over Khartoum like hawks. 

Armed pickup trucks sit on intersections and bridges, or snarl the sandy streets with long convoys manned by fighters brandishing sniper rifles and rocket-propelled grenades.

Others work from offices. At a five-story villa in the upscale neighborhood of al-Manshiya on the banks of the Blue Nile, uniformed officers sit in air-conditioned offices with computers and printers.

On every floor, the elevator opens to large posters that show a smiling General Hamdan embracing the poor, opening schools or meeting tribal leaders. Surveillance cameras dot the ceilings.

Faced with a barrage of international condemnation, those officers are trying to shape an explanation for the violence on June 3, portraying the raid as a moral crusade against degenerate, armed pro-democracy protesters.

In one office, Gen. Nooreldeen Ahmed, a former Sudanese diplomat, heads the force’s human rights unit. A timetable of lectures on human rights for soldiers sat on his desk. A sign on the office next door read: “Child Protection Unit.”

In the past, the Rapid Support Forces have faced accusations of recruiting child soldiers to fight in Yemen. General Ahmed dismissed such claims and accounts of atrocities by soldiers during the June 3 operation as “fake news.”
Photo: A soldier passes by revolutionary graffiti at the now-empty protest site. Credit Declan Walsh/The New York Times

Their purported proof was available downstairs, where an intelligence officer piled items that he said were confiscated from protesters onto a table: a sword, an old pistol, batons, half-empty bottles of Sudanese moonshine, hashish and a fistful of condoms.

He then summoned five barefoot men in dirty clothes and with downcast eyes to the room — a few of the 300 people they said they had arrested. He did not permit questions.

Sudanese news channels, now under strict military control, pump out a stream of such propaganda every day. Protesters, who relied on the internet to mobilize opinion against Mr. al-Bashir, say they have videos and images that document army killings and beatings. But with the internet shut down, they cannot distribute them.

Dr. Sulaima Sharif, head of the Ahfad Trauma Center in Khartoum, said her staff has treated dozens of traumatized women who were beaten or abused by the Support Forces this month. At least 15 said they had been raped, she said, and many more had been beaten on the genitals by stick-wielding soldiers while in military detention.

The true number of rape victims is likely much higher, she added, because of stigma and cultural sensitivities.

Like many strongmen, General Hamdan claims his ominous reputation is overblown. “People say Hemeti is too powerful and evil,” he said. “But it’s just scaremongering. My power comes from the Sudanese people.”

Still, there are signs that his dominance of Khartoum has stoked resentment and anger inside the regular army, where some officers view him as an impudent upstart.

Those tensions exploded into the open on Thursday, when a spokesman for the Transitional Military Council said it had foiled an apparent takeover plot led by army officers this past week. But dislodging General Hamdan would be difficult, requiring the army to start a civil war on the streets of Khartoum, said a Western official in Khartoum who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the military situation. That seems unlikely for now, he said.

At the top ranks, generals of all stripes are joined by powerful, shared economic interests.

Under Mr. al-Bashir, General Hamdan and the army generals became business tycoons who cornered entire sections of the economy, said Suliman Baldo of the Enough Project, which seeks to end atrocities in African conflict zones.

“This is not just about power; it’s about money,” he said. “Army commanders and Hemeti are up to their necks in corrupt proceeds — that’s why they have zero tolerance for civilian rule in Sudan.”

- - -

VIDEO: RSF leader and TMC VP, Hemeti threatens dismissal of anyone who participates in a general strike and civil disobedience

HERE is a tweet, posted with a film clip, by Sudanese Translators for Change STC at its Twitter page @SudaneseTc [ https://twitter.com/SudaneseTc ]. If the film footage is genuine, it shows how Hemeti speaks and dictates to crowds. Note, Hemeti is also known as Hemedti or Himedti.
SOURCE: "Sudanese Translators for Change STC @SudaneseTc [ https://twitter.com/SudaneseTc"A body of professional activists on the ground and in the diaspora dedicated to transmitting the latest updates on Sudan. Email us at: sudanesetc@gmail.com"
- - -

VIDEO: Himetti, leader of Janjaweed militia -  
HERE is a copy of a tweet, posted with a film clip with English subtitles of a speech showing, quote:
Himetti, leader of janjaweed militia: 
-Thanking countries Saudi, UAE and Egypt
-Has 30K soldiers in Yemen (Using children /reports) 
-"Protecting" europe, arresting millions of illegal migrants in Sudan (referring to Kh process)
The tweet, date stamped 23 June 2019, claims to be by Ali Salih @00AliSalah [ https://twitter.com/00AliSalah ] whose Twitter page bio says: Through chaos as it swirls.. | part-time freedom fighter amid the meaninglessness. حرية | سلام | عدالة
Location Khartoum
Facebook https://www.facebook.com/ali.salah.ds