International consultative meetings on Sudan held at AU HQ in Ethiopia's Addis Ababa: NCP and SPLM partnership important to Sudan's future

Sudanese delegation in Addis Ababa: NCP and SPLM partnership important to Sudan's future
From Radio Miraya - Sunday, 09 May 2010 21:45:

The consultative meeting on Sudan held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, ended on Sunday with the Sudanese delegation affirming that a diplomatic partnership between the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the National Congress Party (NCP) is critical for Sudan when faced with future challenges. The Sudanese delegation headed by Minster of Youth Culture and Sports, Amin Hassan Omer, made the statement as the close of the meetings.

He expressed confidence that that both parties will succeed in the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) based on mutual trust.

The meeting also stressed the need to reach a political settlement for the Darfur issue before the 2011 referendum takes place. The meeting concluded with a reiteration of a comprehensive peace process towards restoring peace in Darfur, taking into account the recommendations of the Council of Wise Men and building on the progress made in Doha.

Related reports and updates

Addis Ababa Consultative Meeting on Sudan Wraps Up, Trusts NCP/SPLM Cooperation
From Sudan Vision Daily - Monday, 10 May 2010:

(Addis Ababa-SUNA) - The international two-day consultative meeting on Sudan present and future political developments held at the African Union Head Quarter in the Ethiopian Capital, Addis Ababa was over yesterday. Sudan delegation to the meeting was chaired by the State Minister of Culture and Youth, Dr. Amin Hassan Omer.

The meeting initiated by the African Union Commission Chairman Jean Ping; AU, IGAD, UN, EU, AL, OIC, representatives of the UNSC permanent member states, UNMIS and UNAMID Chiefs, AU-UN Joint Chief Mediator, Qatar, Italy, Sweden, Norway, Finland, AUPSC President for the Month- Burundi, AU President for the month-Malawi and the Evaluation and Assessment Commission participated in the meeting .

The issued communiqué’ stated that the meeting had reviewed the situations in Sudan on the heels of last April elections within the framework of progress on the CPA implementation and Darfur peace process.

The communiqué’ stressed that the partnership between the NCP and SPLM was crucial for Sudan leadership’ struggle against future challenges, expressing confidence in the two partners’ ability to fulfill the CPA implementation given their mutual trust. The communiqué stated that the participants in the meeting pledged to support the efforts of the UNAMID, AU-UN Joint Chief mediator and the Qatari mediation in respect of peace in Sudan.

According to the final statement, the meeting underscored the recent national elections had established new facts in Sudan as new legitimate representatives had been elected all levels. Those representatives would be expected to contribute to the peace building process.

The statement further added that the consultative meeting had expressed intension to support the UN and AU resolution to convene a meeting for the High Executive Group of the AU, Joint Mediation and UNAMID for consultation with Sudan Government on Darfur peace process in the light of the breakthroughs the elections had allowed.

Moreover, the meeting emphasized the importance of reaching a peaceful and comprehensive settlement of Darfur issue ahead of the referendum set for January 2011, while taking into account the recommendations of the AU Panel on Darfur, as well as the achievements of Doha forum.

The AU / UN / Government of the Sudan Tripartite Mechanism
From United Nations – African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) /APO
Monday, 10 May 2010:

(ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia) - Today, 10 May 2010, officials from the African Union (AU), United Nations (UN), and the Sudanese Government will convene in Addis Ababa for the eighth meeting of the Tripartite Mechanism on UNAMID.

Background
Following consultations between the three parties on the fringes of the AU Summit on July 2008 in Sharm El Sheik, Egypt, the Tripartite Mechanism was established with the aim of expediting UNAMID’s deployment and promoting a constructive relationship with the Sudanese government. Since then, the Tripartite meetings have offered an opportunity to strengthen cooperation between the three parties for the benefit of the people of Darfur.

Outcomes of previous meetings
The first meeting, held on 7 October 2008 in Khartoum, reviewed and outlined practical solutions to challenges faced in the deployment of UNAMID, the largest and most complex peacekeeping operation ever attempted by the UN or the AU.

By the third meeting, on 16 November 2008, the Mission had reached 60% troop deployment, and a memorandum of understanding on air operations was signed which enabled UNAMID to make more effective use of Sudanese airport infrastructure. The Sudanese government also began providing police protection to the Mission’s facilities in El Fasher, Nyala and El Geneina.

At the fifth meeting of the Tripartite mechanism, which followed the expulsion of several international NGOs, it was agreed that UNAMID would assume custody of their assets until a final solution could be reached between the Government and the INGOs.

UNAMID representatives
The Mission will be represented by Joint Special Representative (JSR) Ibrahim Gambari, Deputy JSR of Operations and Management Mohammed Yonis and the heads of UNAMID’s substantive sections.

Agenda
With the Mission now at 87% deployment, the focus of this summit will be on the protection of UNAMID personnel and the implementation of its mandate. Also among the issues to be discussed will be the provision of a radio broadcasting licence for the Mission in Darfur

Sudan activists - UNAMID receives US Envoy Gration in Darfur - Sudan's delegation at AU HQ meeting on Sudan
Sudan Watch - Saturday, 08 May 2010

Sudan activists - UNAMID receives US Envoy Gration in Darfur - Sudan's delegation at AU HQ meeting on Sudan

NOTE to self, for future reference. Yesterday evening (Friday, 07 May c. 21:00 hrs UK) I sadly noted here at Sudan Watch that in western Sudan on 07 May 2010 at about 11.30hrs, a military convoy from UNAMID’s Egyptian contingent, with three vehicles and 20 personnel, was ambushed near Katila village, 85km south of Edd al Fursan, South Darfur (click here for map) by a group of unidentified armed men who indiscriminately opened fire, without warning, on the peacekeepers.

This morning (Saturday, 08 May) while searching Google News for reports of the shocking attack, I was surprised to find that among a list of reports, Google had somehow managed to connect and include three seemingly unrelated reports from Sudan Vision Daily, AllAfrica and Sudan Tribune. See copy of the three reports here below, plus several other related reports and a report from Sudan Watch archives regarding an Egyptian peacekeeper killed in El Fasher, the capital city of North Darfur in May 2007.

Gunmen kill 2 peacekeepers in Sudan's south Darfur

‎
The Associated Press - 13 hours ago

Fighting between rebels and Sudanese government forces began there in 2003, killing up to 300000 people and driving 2.7 million from their homes. ...

Two Egyptian peacekeepers killed in Darfur‎ - BBC News
AU and UN call for holistic approach to Sudan crises‎ - Sudan Tribune
Two Egyptian peacekeepers killed in Darfur ambush‎ - AFP
Press TV - Sudan Vision
all 194 news articles »

Government Delegation to Addis for Joining AUHQ Meeting on Sudan
From Sudan Vision Daily - Saturday, 08 May 2010 @ 00:10:00 BST by Staff Writer:

Government delegation chaired by the State Minister of Culture and Youth, Dr. Amin Hassan Omer headed yesterday to Addis Ababa for participating in the international two-day consultative meeting on Sudan's present and future political developments.

The meeting was scheduled to convene yesterday at the African Union Headquarters in the Ethiopian Capital, Addis Ababa.

In a press statement on Thursday, Deputy Chief of Sudan Mission to Addis Ababa, Akoi Bona Malwal, reported that the Head of the AU Panel on Darfur, Thabo Mbeki would present there a comprehensive report on Darfur peace process, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement implementation progress, as well the arrangements for the self-determination referendum.

According to Malwal, participants in the meeting would include: AU, UN, EU, UNAMID Chief, Gambari, AU-UN Joint Chief Mediator, Djibril Bassolé, Organization of Islamic Countries, and the Qatari mediator, Egypt, Libya, Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia. The five permanent members of the UN Security Council are expected to join the meeting today.

Diplomatic sources informed that the Sudan official delegation to the meeting included the Undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Mutrif Siddig and ruling party leading figure, Sayed Alkhatieb.

Analysts suggest that the high level of participation in the said meeting reflects the international community’s concern over the risks South Sudan’s secession might pose to the regional and global security.

Sudan: Unamid Receives U.S. Envoy Gration
United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (El Fasher)
From UNAMID - (hat tip AllAfrica) - Thursday, 06 May 2010:

A delegation led by US Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration today visited UNAMID's headquarters in El Fasher, North Darfur.

Mr. Gration met with Deputy Joint Special Representatives Henry Anyidoho and Mohamed Yonis, Force Commander Patrick Nyamvumba, senior UNAMID officials, and UN Deputy Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for the Sudan Toby Lanzer.

The US envoy shared his views on how to better integrate the efforts of the Government of the Sudan, UNAMID, aid agencies, and other stakeholders to secure peace and stability in the region. Among the issues discussed were programmes that promote reconciliation, recovery and development, as well as the challenges of their implementation.

Mr. Gration later met with representatives of various humanitarian organizations operating in Darfur, before departing for Solinga, a model village in North Darfur to which some Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) have voluntarily settled.

The US envoy plans to travel to Addis Ababa on 9 May and participate in African Union meetings on Sudan to discuss the Darfur peace process and the implementation of the CPA.

AU and UN call for holistic approach to Sudan crises
From Sudan Tribune - Saturday, 08 May 2010:

May 7, 2010 (ADDIS ABABA) - In a joint meeting held with United Nations in Addis Ababa, the African Union on Friday called for a holistic approach to be taken in dealing with the different crises in the Sudan

The African Union and the United Nations stressed "the necessity of reaching a political agreement before the referendum on independence (in southern Sudan) in January 2011", and for an "inclusive" political process in Darfur.

The meeting between the two organizations aimed to evaluate the strategies they should follow, "with a particular emphasis on the post-electoral context, the peace process in Darfur and the preparations for the referendum".

The former South African President, who is charged by the AU to identify the best way to bring justice in Darfur and to settle the political problems in the country, briefed the UN Security Council last December on the conclusions of a report he complied about the Sudan.

Thabo Mbeki, who sought the support of the UN, reiterated the root cause of the conflict in Darfur and Sudan being the "concentration of power and wealth in the hands of a Khartoum-centered elite and the consequent marginalization of the so-called periphery, including Darfur".

However, the UN Security Council pointed out the need to coordinate the efforts of the two organizations in a way to not obstruct the ongoing attempts or to interfere with the International Criminal Court jurisdiction. The AU wants to suspends the ICC referral and the UN Security Council supports it.

The statement also stressed "the need for greater support from the international community and close coordination among international actors". (ST)

Further reading

Sudan's delegation participates in Addis Ababa's international consultative meetings
From MirayaFM - Saturday, 08 May 2010 14:48 - Updated Saturday, 08 May 2010 15:11:

The head of Sudan's delegation to the international consultative meetings on Sudan held in Ethiopia's Addis Ababa, Dr Amin Hassen Omer, conducted on Saturday a number of meetings with key officials including US envoy to Sudan, Scott Gration, and Head of the African Union - United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNMAID), Djibril Bassole.

On Saturday, the African Union will hold deliberations on implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and current efforts at resolving the Darfur conflict, among other issues.

Participants include international envoys for Sudan as well as representatives from the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Arab League, Egypt and Qatar. The delegates aim to formulate strategies to coordinate regional efforts on issues pertaining to Sudan for the near future.

Gration: 'crucial time for Sudan'
From Politico.com - Saturday, 08 May 2010 by Emily Canal 11:57 AM EDT:

Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration said it is a crucial time for the nation in a briefing Wednesday on his just-finished two-week trip to Chad, Sudan, Qatar and Rwanda.

With the south moving toward a 2011 referendum on secession following this month's elections held amidst widespread reports of irregularities, Gration has been pushing for a peace deal between senior officials in the national capitol of Khartoum, which represents the nation's mostly Muslim north, and those in Juba, the de facto capitol of the largely Christian and animist south.

"We must not let this opportunity to promote Sudan-wide political transformation, to improve the overall security, to facilitate a lasting peace pass us by," Gration said. "We will not rest until we've done everything we can to secure a brighter future for the next generation of Sudanese. Failure in this case is not an option, and we'll strive for success."

Gration said he spent much of the trip discussing Comprehensive Peace Agreement issues with the National Congressional Party.

State Department Spokesman Phillip Crowley said Thursday in a briefing that Gration is on his way to Khartoum to continue discussions with representatives of the government of Sudan.

"Tomorrow, he will travel to Addis Ababa to participate in African Union meetings on Sudan and discuss regional strategies and international coordination in support of CPA implementation and the Darfur peace process," Crowley said.

The Enough Project released a benchmark report card for Sudan this week that found national reform and humanitarian access had worsened across the board.

The group warned that "[n]o progress has been made on substantive national reforms critical to addressing some of the root causes of conflict in Sudan."

JSR Gambari meets AUHIP
From UNAMID website - Thursday, 06 May 2010:

06 May 2010 - The African Union High Level Panel on Darfur, chaired by former President Thabo Mbeki, and a UNAMID team led by Joint Special Representative (JSR) Ibrahim Gambari met in Addis Ababa today to explore areas of mutual interest ahead of a United Nations/African Union meeting scheduled to take place soon.

Among the topics covered was the Sudan’s current political landscape following the recent elections and the possible implications for the implementation of the Mission’s mandate.

Consultative meetings on Sudan kick off in Addis Ababa without Sudanese delegation
From MirayaFM - Friday, 07 May 2010 20:13 - Last Updated ( Saturday, 08 May 2010 00:22 ):

International envoys and representatives from the African Union, and United Nations convened in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia's capital, on Friday to begin consultative meetings on Sudan, without the participation of the Sudanese government.

Sudan's Deputy Ambassador to Addis Ababa, Akoi Bona Malwal, said that the government has not received an official invitation to attend the high level meeting, but added that a delegation led by State Minister of Youth and Sports, Amin Hassan Omar, will be taking part in minor side meetings.

Malwal further said that he is aware that foreign ministers from neighbouring countries will be attending the meeting but could not disclose any other information, saying he does not know "what else is happening" even though the discussions are about Sudan.

The meeting is scheduled to discuss the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and ongoing efforts to resolve the Darfur conflict among other issues.

Special Envoys for Sudan from China, France, Russia, UK, and the US as well as representatives from the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) will attempt to coordinate regional efforts on issues pertaining to Sudan for the near future.

Meanwhile, Brussels-based International Crisis Group has said that if Southern Sudan secedes after the referendum in 2011, diplomatic support must be achieved will neighboring countries to ensure that the decision is respected in order to prevent a new civil war from ensuing.

The latest NGO report "Regional Perspectives on the Prospect of Southern Sudan Independence", calls on the African Union, and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development to harmonize efforts in support of the referendum, recognize its results and assist in the peaceful implementation of its outcome

Click and listen to Sudan's Deputy Ambassador to Addis Ababa, Akoi Bona Malwal.

05 May 2010 - UNAMID urges all parties in Darfur to remain committed to the peace process
From UNAMID website - Wednesday, 05 May 2010 - PR/ 18-2010 PRESS RELEASE:

UNAMID urges all parties in Darfur to remain committed to the peace process
El Fasher, 5 May 2010 - The Government of North Darfur has declared curfew in El Fasher town and its environs starting 23:00 hours (11:00pm) of Tuesday 4 May 2010, to 15:00 hours (3:00pm) of Wednesday 5 may 2010.

The curfew has been lifted on the scheduled time.

UNAMID reminds all parties that the Darfur crisis cannot be resolved through military means but can only come through negotiations.

The AU-UN Joint Special Representative, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, urges all parties to remain committed to their engagement in the political process and implement the provisions of the Framework Agreements signed between JEM and the Government of Sudan.
*****
Communication and Public Information Division Media Contacts
Kemal Saïki, Director; saiki@un.org, tel.: +249 (0)92 244 3529 / mobile: +249 (0)92 241 0020
Noureddine Mezni, Spokesperson; mezni@un.org, mobile: +249 (0)91 253 8420/ +249 (0)91 217 4276
Chris Cycmanick, OiC, Media Relations; cycmanick@un.org, mobile: +249 (0)91 253 843
*****

Sudan: Activists From Across the Country Support Congressman Wolf's Call for a Change of Course on Sudan
Press Release from Pax Communication (Washington, DC) - Wednesday, 05 May 2010 - [hat tip AllAfrica]:

Today Sudan activists and Sudanese expatriates from around the country commended Congressman Frank Wolf for his bold call to President Obama for a change of course in dealing with Sudan. Twenty-five regional groups representing 18 states have joined together in a show of bipartisan support for the policy recommendations outlined in Wolf's statement and his letter to President Obama.

In a press conference this morning on Capitol Hill, Wolf said it is time for Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice to re-take control of U.S. policy involving Sudan. Wolf also made a series of other recommendations, including calling on the administration to not recognize the outcome of the recent presidential elections in Sudan and to move forward with its stated aim of strengthening the capacity of the security sector in the South. In addition, he said priority must be given to ending the attacks in Darfur and completing restoration of humanitarian aid in region. (Full text of Wolf's statements and letter here.) [ http://wolf.house.gov ]

"On behalf of the many Americans who are concerned about the Obama Administration's weak implementation of its stated Sudan policy, I commend Congressman Wolf for his leadership on Sudan and his bold call today for a change of course," stated Eric Cohen, Chairperson of the Massachusetts Coalition to Save Darfur. "It is far past time for the Administration to implement the policy that was announced five months ago which stated that benchmarks would be applied to Sudan based on verifiable changes in conditions on the ground with disincentives applied for backsliding or lack of progress. We strongly agree that Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice should directly oversee the implementation of that policy."

The anti-genocide organizations and Sudanese diaspora organizations supporting Congressman Wolf's request of the President include: Americans Against the Darfur Genocide, Washington, DC; Connecticut Coalition to Save Darfur, Bloomfield, CT; The Massachusetts Coalition to Save Darfur, Boston, MA; The San Francisco Bay Area Darfur Coalition, San Francisco, CA; Idaho Darfur Coalition, Boise, ID; New York City Coalition for Darfur, New York, NY; The Essex County Coalition for Darfur, Montclair, NJ; Save Darfur Washington State, Seattle, Washington; Georgia Coalition to Prevent Genocide, Atlanta, GA; Jewish World Watch, Los Angeles, CA; i-ACT, Los Angeles, CA; Investors Against Genocide, Boston, MA; STAND, University of Maryland's chapter, College Park, MD; Damanga Coalition for Freedom and Democracy, Washington DC; Stop Genocide Now, Los Angeles, CA; Operation Broken Silence from Memphis, TN; "Change the world. It just takes cents," Denver, CO; Genocide No More--Save Darfur of Redding, CA; Use Your Voice to Stop Genocide RI, Portsmouth, RI; Darfur and Beyond, Phoenix, AZ; Miami Help Darfur Now, Miami, FL; Kentuckiana Interfaith Taskforce On Darfur, Louisville, KY; Never Again Coalition, Portland, OR; Champion Darfur, Las Vegas, NV; and the Equatoria Sudanese Community Association in the USA.

Copyright © 2010 Pax Communication. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com).

Note the following copy of an insightful comment by khalid.mustafa published at AllAfrica on Thursday, 06 May 12:18:25 2010 in reply to the above press release from Pax Communication:

"Save Darfur Coalition has not helped Darfur's people; but has spent money on activities to disrupt Sudanese -American relations. These ideological activists have already forced Dr Andrew Natsios to end his role as envoy for president Bush. They try to repeat the campaign with Gn Gration. Natsios now calls for engagement with Sudan . The call to divest from Sudan was started by Netanyahu at the AIPAC conference in 07. It has nothing to do with US interests . The attemot to forge a neo-con policy again (as if G. Bush has not lost the elections!) would poison relations with the whole Muslim world. This runs counter to president Obama's Cairo speech."

POSTSCRIPT
Recently, here at Sudan Watch, I decided to stop publishing news of bandits, pirates, kidnappers and terrorists and other evil doers who aim to destabilise Sudan. In my view, many of the civilian gunmen in and around Sudan are terrorists who belong in jail. I doubt that JEM et al will give up using propaganda and violence in their attempts to gain power and remove the Sudanese government. Terrorists thrive on spreading fear. They use the world's media and gullible activists to spread propaganda and garner support. Sudan Watch archives show that terrorists such as JEM have orchestrated attacks in and around Sudan in order to generate publicity and avoid communicating through official peace mediators, which is why I have stopped publicising their wicked words and evil deeds. This could be the last blog post at Sudan Watch featuring attacks on peacekeepers. Because of its timing and style, I fear that yesterday's attack on Egyptian peacekeepers in Darfur was premeditated in order to maximise publicity and send out messages aimed at destablising Sudan. I suspect the recent kidnapping of South African peacekeepers in Darfur was also terrorist related. From now on, no more publicity for terrorists unless there is verifiable news of them being arrested or attending peace talks.

Note, Sudan Watch report dated 27 May 2007 re Egyptian peacekeeper killed in El Fasher, North Darfur: UN NGO's Leave El Fasher - Egyptian UN soldier killed in Sudan's North Darfur - excerpt:

The circumstances surrounding the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Ehab Nazih, a Military Staff Officer from Egypt, are still under investigation, according to UNMIS, which confirmed that late Friday, three armed men, wearing civilian clothes, broke into the private house he shared with seven other UNMIS staff.

After taking money and valuables from the other occupants of the house, the armed men moved to the victim's room and demanded money from Lt. Colonel Nazih, who gave them all the money he had and was then shot.

He was rushed to the a Hospital run by the African Union Mission in Darfur (AMIS), where he was pronounced dead, UNMIS said, offering thanks to "the AMIS staff and medical personnel who did all they could to save the life of their UNMIS colleague." + + +

Note, Sudan Watch report dated 24 March 2009 re report from Sudan Watch archives March 2006: Al Qaeda terrorists are already entrenched in Sudan, U.N. Envoy Jan Pronk warns



More than 20 peacekeepers have been killed since the joint UN-African Union mission was deployed in Darfur in 2008. (Photo and caption from Press TV news report 08 May 2010)

Before checking and without re-reading Sudan Watch, I reckon the number of African Union or UN personnel attacked/killed in Darfur could be around one hundred.

+ + + God help and bless the peace workers and children of Sudan + + +

AU is independent in Sudan election - Kufuor

AU is independent in Sudan election - Kufuor
From Myjoyonline by Frank Agyekum, Khartoum, Wednesday, 7 April 2010:

Former President John Agyekum Kufuor said, Monday, that the Africa Union did not favour any of the contesting political parties in the impending general elections in Sudan.

The union’s interest was the smooth conduct of the elections to help return Africa’s largest country to peace and stability, former President Kufuor told a Press Conference at the Grand Holiday Villas in Khartoum, Sudan.

Mr Kufuor, who arrived in Khartoum on Sunday as the head of a 50-member AU Observer Mission, was briefing the media after the first stakeholders meeting of the mission.

“I should state from the onset that we are here as impartial and neutral election observers who do not owe any allegiance to any of the contending parties.

“Our job is to observe the conduct of the elections in accordance with the AU’s Declaration Principles Governing Elections in Africa.

“At the end of the elections, we are expected to determine if it was conducted in accordance with the constitution and laws of Sudan.

“We will also determine the credibility of the whole electoral process in terms of the provision of a level playing field to all parties in their access to the media, movement and freedom of choice,” he said.

The mission includes National Electoral Commissions, Members of the Pan-African Parliament, members of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council of the AU and Civil Society Organizations.

The European Union, the Arab League and the Carter Centre, are among international bodies that have sent observer missions.

Sudan goes to the polls from April 11 to April 13 for the first time in more than 25 years to elect a President and a 450-member National Assembly.

Sudan Elections 2010



Photo: Sudanese youth stands next to an electoral poster that reads in Arabic 'I am Sudan Party, Unity, Reform, development and peace' at the main market of the Darfur town of el Fasher, Sudan Thursday, April 8, 2010. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)



Photo: A Sudanese woman and a policeman walk by electoral posters at the main market of the Darfur town of el Fasher, Sudan Thursday, April 8, 2010. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)



Photo: A Sudanese man carries his son under a billboard supporting a Parliament election candidate Mohammed Al Mahdi in Khartoum, Sudan, Thursday, April 8, 2010. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)



Photo: Sudanese women walk past a campaign poster for President Omar al-Beshir in central Khartoum on April 7. (AFP/File/Ashraf Shazly)



Photo: A Sudanese youth riding a donkey passes by electoral posters for the ruling National Congress Party, NCP that reads 'Leading party for a leading country, choose the the strong and loyal' at the Darfur town of el Fasher, Sudan Thursday, April 8, 2010. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)



Photo: A Sudanese army vehicle patrols the main market by an electoral poster for the ruling National Congress Party, NCP with a picture President and presidential candidate Omar al-Bashir and reads 'Leading party for a leading country, choose the the strong and loyal' at the Darfur town of el Fasher, Sudan Thursday, April 8, 2010. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)



Photo: A Sudanese army vehicle patrols the main market by electoral posters for the ruling National Congress Party, NCP that reads 'Our strength is in our unity' at the Darfur town of el Fasher, Sudan Thursday, April 8, 2010. The elections start April 13, and will include local as well as parliamentary and presidential polls in a three-day balloting. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)



Photo: A painted image of Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir is seen on the clothing of a supporter during an election campaign in Bashir's home town of Shandi, 317 km (197 miles) outside Khartoum April 7, 2010. (Reuters/Ahmed Jadallah)



Photo: A supporter of Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir performs a traditional Sudanese dance during an election campaign event in Bashir's hometown of Shandi, 317 km (197 miles) outside Khartoum April 7, 2010. (Reuters/Ahmed Jadallah)

Sudan: Statement by EU HR Baroness Ashton - EU fully supports AU Panel for Darfur Chairman Mbeki

Sudan: Statement by EU HR Ashton following meeting
From the website of EU at the UN, published 23 March 2010:

Summary: 23 March 2010, Brussels - The EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Vice President of the Commission, Catherine Ashton met today with President Thabo Mbeki in his capacity as the Chairman of the African Union's High Level Panel on Sudan. President Boyoya was also present at the meeting. HR Ashton made the following statement after the meeting:

"The EU fully supports President Mbeki in his important efforts to facilitate and mediate in a difficult and challenging situation in Sudan.

The international community has to work closely together now, with strong African leadership, in order to see this difficult process through.

The first priority is credible and peaceful elections in April. Following the elections, all parties have to fully respect the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, addressing rapidly the remaining outstanding issues and abstaining from any unilateral actions. North and South should start coming together on key issues related to the referendum in January 2011 when the South Sudanese decide their future.

Conflict and poverty are not inevitable - working together we can help the Sudanese people to make a difference for peace, justice and reconciliation."

Ref: EU10-028EN
EU source: European Union
UN forum:
Date: 23/3/2010

Click here to view profile of British Labour peer Baroness Ashton, who has been selected as the EU's new high representative for foreign affairs. See also:

• Sudan: EU to observe the April general elections (11/3/2010)
• Sudan: EU High Representative's Declaration on 5th anniversary of Comprehensive Peace Agreement (11/1/2010)
• EU Council conclusions on Sudan (15/9/2009)

Donor conference aims to raise $2 billion for Darfur, Sudan

HERE below are several photos from the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur, co-chaired by Egypt and Turkey with backing from the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), in Cairo, Egypt, Sunday, 21 March 2010.

The conference is intended to raise $2 billion for infrastructure, health, water and other projects in the war-ravaged Sudanese region.

Let's hope that water projects will be a top priority in Darfur.



Photo: (From L to R) Assistant to Sudan's President Minni Arko Minnawi, Turkey's Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu, Egypt's Foreign Minister Ahmad Aboul Gheit and Secretary-General of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu attend the international conference for reconstruction and development in Darfur of Sudan in Cairo March 21, 2010. (Reuters/Amr Abdallah Dalsh)



Photo: Turkish Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, right seen as he co chairs the opening of the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur. At left former leader of the largest faction of the Sudanese Liberation Army, and Sudanese Senior Assistant to the President, Minni Arkou Minnawi. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)



Photo: Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit (R), Turkish counterpart Ahmet Davutoglu (C) and the Sudanese presidential aide Meni Minawi (L) attend a one-day aid conference in Cairo on March 21. (AFP/Khaled Desouki)



Photo: Former South African president and chairman of the African Union (AU) panel on Darfur Thabo Mbeki, center, greets Egyptian foreign minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit, right, as Turkish Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu looks on during the opening of the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)



Photo: Former Sudanese president Abdulrahman Siwar al-Dhab (L) and Qatari state minister Ahmed bin Abdullah al-Mahmud arrive to at the opening session of an aid conference for Darfur in Cairo on March 21. International donors were urged Sunday to dig deep into their pockets at the conference. (AFP/Khaled Desouki)



Photo: From left to right, Amr Moussa, secretary general of the Arab League, Sudanese Senior Assistant to the President, Minni Arkou Minnawi, Turkish Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, Egyptian foreign minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit, and the secretary general of the Organization of Islamic Conference, Akmal Eddine Ihsan Oglo, are seen during the opening of the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur, which co-chaired by Egypt and Turkey with backing from the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), in Cairo, Egypt, Sunday, March 21, 2010.

The conference is intended to raise $2 billion for infrastructure, health, water and other projects in the war-ravaged Sudanese region. (AP Photo/Amr Nabi/Yahoo! News 21/3/10 10:54)



Photo: Turkish Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, left, talks to his Egyptian counterpart Ahmed Aboul Gheit, during the opening of the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)



Photo: From left to right, Amr Moussa, Secretary General of the Arab League, Turkish Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, Egyptian foreign minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit, and the Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Conference, Akmal Eddine Ihsan Oglo, are seen during the opening of the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)



Photo: Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa (R) speaks with Qatar's State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ahmed al Mahmud before the international conference for reconstruction and development in Darfur of Sudan in Cairo March 21, 2010. (Reuters/Amr Abdallah Dalsh)



Photo: Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa (R) shakes hands with Assistant to Sudan's President Minni Arko Minnawi before the international conference for the reconstruction and development in Darfur of Sudan in Cairo March 21, 2010. (Reuters/Amr Abdallah Dalsh)



Photo: Amr Moussa, secretary general of the Arab League, right, listens to the Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Conference, Akmal Eddine Ihsan Oglo, before the opening of the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)



Photo: Samani al Waseelah, Minister of State for the Sudanese Foreign Ministry, looks on before the opening of the International donor conference for the development and the construction of Darfur. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)

Full story: Donors conference seeks $2 billion for Darfur by HADEEL AL-SHALCHI, The Associated Press, Sunday, March 21, 2010; 6:38 AM.

FULL TEXT Doha accord: Framework Agreement to Resolve Darfur Conflict between Sudanese gov't and JEM

Click here for full text of the Framework Agreement to Resolve the conflict in Darfur between the Government of Sudan (Gos) and the JEM.
- - -

AU Panel on Darfur recommended a comprehensive solution, and that recommendation was adopted by the AUPSC and endorsed by the UNSC

Thabo Mbeki is the only senior international who refused to dignify this NCP-JEM charade and who stayed away from the signing ceremony in Doha. He is reportedly standing by the recommendations of the AU Panel on Darfur report which called for inclusive negotiations that include all issues, including those notably absent from the Doha accords, such as justice and reconciliation.

Source: Extract from Alex de Waal's blog Making Sense of Sudan
Doha: A New Beginning or Another False Hope?
By Julie Flint
Thursday, February 25, 2010

"[...] For most Darfurians, the exclusive nature of the deal is ominous. The Addis Ababa and Tripoli groups have coalesced over recent days and chosen the former governor of Darfur, Tijani Sese Ateem, as their leader. He is a widely respected Fur politician from a leading family, but has lived abroad for twenty years. Dr. Tijani has been noticeably absent from the celebrations. Darfur’s Arabs, many of whom form the backbone of the NCP in the region, gave Ghazi Salah el Din a difficult reception when he returned from N’Djamena, seeing a repeat of the 2006 DPA that rewarded a Zaghawa leader (and an Islamist to boot, this time) with little support outside his own tribe.

Darfurians see another parallel with Abuja. After signing the DPA, Minni Minawi and the Sudanese Government both labeled their critics as enemies of peace and used the agreement as a pretext to crack down. Today government forces are attacking Jebel Marra, and JEM is silent. In Nyala, the NISS has roamed the city, closing the offices of civil society organizations and locking up several activists accusing them of possessing subversive material. This has not escalated into a full-scale clampdown, but the warning signs are there.

Thabo Mbeki is the only senior international who refused to dignify this NCP-JEM charade and who stayed away from the signing ceremony in Doha. He is reportedly standing by the recommendations of the AU Panel on Darfur report which called for inclusive negotiations that include all issues, including those notably absent from the Doha accords, such as justice and reconciliation. On that he is surely right, but what is his plan now?

Note this comment by Alex de Waal:

Alex de Waal:
February 26th, 2010 at 2:06 am
Julie asks of Pres. Mbeki, “what is his plan now?” One defining feature of Pres. Mbeki’s approach in Sudan is consistency. The Panel made an analysis of the Sudanese crisis in Darfur and recommended a comprehensive solution, and that recommendation was adopted by the AUPSC and endorsed by the UNSC. Why should that change?

African Union hails 5th anniversary of Sudan peace agreement

From Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan, Washington DC
African Union hails 5th anniversary of Sudan peace agreement

January 11, 2010 (Agencies) - The African Union hailed the fifth anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in a statement Saturday, voicing confidence that the Sudanese people "have the capacity to seize this historic opportunity to triumph over the seemingly bitter divisions among them, and avail their country new opportunities to redefine their common identity on the basis of shared values, including unity amid diversity."

"On this auspicious occasion, the Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union (AU), Jean Ping, congratulates the people of Sudan and the Government of National Unity for this historic achievement," stated a communiqué dated January 9.

"Not only does the Agreement remain as a landmark event in bringing an end to the longest running civil war in Africa, but it is also a possible model successfully to manage the diversity characteristic of virtually all African states, based on respect for the principle and practice of unity in diversity," the statement read.

The main AU involvement in Sudan is its role in peacekeeping in Darfur, which is a joint mission with the United Nations. Additionally, a high-level panel of the continental body, headed by former South African president Thabo Mbeki, last year embarked on an initiative to make formal recommendations on peace and justice in Darfur.

UPDATE Wed 13 Jan 2010:
Note that Alex de Waal has changed the name of his blog Making Sense of Darfur. It is now called Making Sense of Sudan. Click here to view entries re African Union.

AU Panel Darfur Report in Arabic

Click here to view AUPD report in Arabic.

Hat tip: Alex de Waal - 3 Nov 2009.

Reflections on the AU PSC Summit - ‘African solutions to African problems’ (Alex de Waal)

From Alex de Waal's blog Making Sense of Darfur
Reflections on the AU PSC Summit
By Alex de Waal, Tuesday, November 3rd, 2009

The slogan ‘African solutions to African problems’ has become hackneyed and discredited. One reason why it is not taken seriously is that there has been little African analysis of African problems, because African institutions have borrowed their definitions and methodologies from elsewhere. The agenda has usually been set by non-African governments, multilateral institutions and NGOs, which have appropriated for themselves the right to speak for Africans—reducing the African voice to the pronouncements of governments, which are usually disregarded for good reason.

The special meeting of the African Union Peace and Security Council, at heads of state level, in Abuja, Nigeria, on 28 October, to consider the AUPD report was a departure in several ways. It showed Africa, and the African Union, at its strongest, and gives reason for optimism about the implementation of the recommendations of the report.

In presenting the report, the Panel Chairman Thabo Mbeki, and the Chairperson of the AU Commission Jean Ping, stressed how much Africa cares for Sudan—for Sudan’s sake and for Africa’s sake. They were less interested in pointing the finger and asserting principles for their own sake, and more concerned about helping Sudan look forward rather than getting entangled in its past.

The report is tough on the Sudan government, not only for its misconduct of the war and the need to be called to account for violations, but also for the structural political inequalities it has sustained. Despite this harshness, the Sudan government was ready to listen and accept, more than one would have anticipated. Disarmed by the frank, caring and constructive approach, the Sudan government could not question the Panel’s motives. President Mbeki framed his structural critique as a challenge to the Sudan Government to take a lead in transforming Sudan. The armed movements were not present in Abuja, but they should be assessing the Panel’s work politically, and seeing how it can best be leveraged to their political advantage.

The members of the AU Panel were present in Abuja, but not the advisers such as myself. According to what I learned, two main issues were raised in the closed session of the meeting.

One concerned the Panel’s methodology. The heads of state were interested in the process utilized and wanted it explained. The Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi took a lead in asking questions about how the Panel had arrived at its conclusions. Arising from his questions, and President Mbeki’s answers, was a broader implication that the Panel had pioneered a bold new approach to analyzing African problems, allowing Africa to take the lead in addressing Sudan’s political crisis. Much of the PSC AUPD’s method started with a simple, disarming and commonsense approach—to listen to the people of Darfur from all walks of life and allow them to define the problem.

The method of participatory listening and formulating recommendations on that basis was validated by the PSC. The heads of state present in Abuja were told that listening to people at the grassroots, led the panel in the direction of comprehensive, moderate, and workable measures, that ordinary people were reasonable in articulating what constitutes a just solution to Darfur’s problem, and that listening to them gave an opportunity to capture the society’s disposition towards a solution. They heard that forty days of consultations and hearings with more than 3,000 people was a worthwhile investment. Prime Minister Meles noted, ‘there is now an African position based on a real investigation.’ He went on to say, ‘This sets a new standard that the AU will have to uphold.’

The second topic for discussion was a broader issue of how the Panel managed to define the central issues in Darfur, what they meant for Africa, and how Africa should respond. Discussing the report was invigorating for African leaders who have become accustomed to being on the receiving end of analysis and recommendations, chasing problems that have been defined by others. They had been reduced to tacticians, dealing solely with damage management. In Abuja they had the opportunity to think strategically, and they responded. Implicit in the points made was that the failure to provide an African analysis of African problems was the root cause of the failure of Africa to pursue its own solutions to those problems.

The discussion around the AUPD report shows the strengths of Africa’s leaders. It demonstrates how Africa’s comparative advantage is to think politically concerning political crises such as Darfur. Africa contributes human resources to peacekeeping operations but has great difficulties in providing any further peacekeeping infrastructure. But recent experience suggests that the burden of sustaining large peacekeeping operations may be sustained at the expense of an erosion of political thinking. Africa, unencumbered by these obligations, and not deeply engaged in humanitarian operations, is able to think in more creative political terms. If the analysis is right, African leaders may be prepared to act boldly and strategically.

Some other points from the PSC meeting deserve mention.

Chadian President Idriss Déby was present at the meeting and reportedly said that the report was positive. He found its analysis educative, and noted that it coincided with his own observations, though he criticized the assertion that arms were coming to Darfur from Chad, rather than vice versa. Other heads of state who were present and commented positively included President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso, and President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya. Compaoré noted that the Panel’s analysis was relevant to west African countries (including his own) that face conflicts between farmers and pastoralists. Kibaki’s concern was with the CPA.

There was almost no discussion of the ICC in the summit and nothing significant was said on the hybrid court. One member state raised ICC in the context of making the point that, if the Sudan government implements the recommendations, then the proposal to defer the ICC arrest warrant against President Bashir will be compelling. This issue was not pursued, although the PSC resolution reiterates the July 2008 request that the UN Security Council defer the ICC prosecution of President Bashir. The reason for this being included is that the PSC has not revisited its earlier decision. The underlying reason is that the PSC remains frustrated by the way its request was spurned by the UNSC—it is a reminder to the UN that it should not take the AU for granted.

The PSC established a High-Level Implementation Panel with a one year mandate, comprising the three former presidents. This will oversee the implementation of the Panel’s recommendations. The African leaders all spoke about the imperative of implementation. As has been repeated many times, the problem of Sudan is a problem of too many agreements not implemented. The PSC made a commitment to seriousness in implementation, which is encouraging.

The renewed Panel will also attend to the implementation of the CPA. This is a significant step. The AU has not yet taken any position on the questions that arise from the prospect of self-determination in southern Sudan, other than pro forma support for the CPA. Based on the model of the AUPD, we can expect the new Panel to undertake systematic political analysis of the future of Sudan, whether as one country or two, and consult the people on the questions that arise.

Perhaps the most significant implication of the PSC meeting is the potential for African leadership in defining and pursuing political solutions for crises in Africa. This could be a new page. If the internationals are serious about viable solutions to Sudanese crises, they should find appropriate ways to support this approach.

Click on labels here below for related reports and updates.

U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration welcomes AUPD report and applauds African Union

Copy of email just in from US Department of State dated Mon, 02 Nov 2009 08:28:17 -0600 entitled "Peace, Justice, and Reconciliation"

U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan
Abuja, Nigeria
October 29, 2009

Today marks the release of the much-anticipated report by the African Union’s (AU) High Level Panel on Darfur. The Panel, led by former President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, was convened earlier this year to examine the situation in Darfur and to come up with recommendations to address issues of accountability, combating impunity, and bringing about healing and reconciliation for the people of Darfur. I am attending a special session of AU Peace and Security Council in Abuja, Nigeria, where a number of African heads of state are reviewing the Panel’s findings.

We welcome the release of this report and applaud the efforts of the AU, President Mbeki, and his panel of experts. We will study the Panel’s results and recommendations closely. It is critical that we begin laying the groundwork for peace, justice, and reconciliation in Sudan. As articulated in the United States policy on Sudan, accountability for the genocide and atrocities in Darfur is fundamental and necessary for reconciliation and lasting peace. As such, we will continue to work with the AU, Darfuri armed movements, Darfuri civil society, the Government of Sudan, and the international community to address these critical issues and to bring peace, justice, and reconciliation to Sudan. We will also continue to be supportive of finding a way forward that is deemed credible and unbiased by the standards of international justice and that enjoys the confidence of the people of Darfur.

Thank you for your continued interest, Scott. [end of email]

Mbeki: 'The Sudanese crisis in Darfur' - Reading the AU Panel Report (Alex de Waal)

From Alex de Waal's blog Making Sense of Darfur
Reading the AU Panel Report
By Alex de Waal, Friday, October 30, 2009:

The report of African Union High Level Panel on Darfur (AUPD) has injected a new dynamic into Sudanese political life. President Thabo Mbeki has confounded those who had forgotten that he was the architect of the negotiated dismantling of Apartheid, and short-sightedly misperceived him as a member of the club of African status quo statists. In his opening presentation to the AUPD seven months ago, Mbeki mentioned just one Sudanese by name: John Garang. Recalling that, the substance of the Panel’s report should come as less of a surprise.

The AUPD report moves Sudanese politics ahead in two major respects. First, it shifts the centre of political attention away from responding to immediate human rights violations and humanitarian concerns, to addressing the underlying political malaise in Sudan, that gives rise to such violations. Second, it puts the Sudanese people back at the centre of the process. The report does not contain any blueprint for peace, and correctly so, though it does make a number of proposals for discussion by the Sudanese parties. It is essentially a call for a political process—and in fact the Panel has already set such a process in motion. The challenge is to sustain and accelerate that process.

In his introduction to the Report, President Mbeki writes of ‘the Sudanese crisis in Darfur.’ This is a careful phrasing that represents a deliberate shift in focus from considering the Darfur crisis in isolation, to seeing it as a manifestation of Sudan’s historic problem of inequity. At independence in 1956, the Sudanese nation inherited a gross disparity from its two colonial episodes. The riverain elite has dominated Sudanese political and economic life since independence, and its dominance has sparked recurrent rebellions in the peripheries—notably south Sudan and Darfur.

In specifying the Darfur crisis as a symptom of national minority rule, Mbeki has taken a step beyond all previous international inquiries. Some of these have either focused on the human rights and humanitarian dimensions of the Darfur crisis—the outcome of the political crisis, not its cause. Other international approaches have zeroed in on the need for a Darfur peace, plus solutions to the problems in the three areas and a legitimate referendum in the south. On this blog, this has been criticized as a strategy of liberating the country one Bantustan at a time.

The AU Panel attempts to go straight to the centre of gravity of Sudan’s crisis, as it is manifest in Darfur. It identifies this as a historically-rooted crisis of inequality in governance and development which needs an inclusive Global Political Agreement, in which all stakeholders come to a common commitment on peace, justice, reconciliation, and Darfur’s place in the Sudanese nation, as an integrated whole.

The three pillars of peace, justice and reconciliation make no sense when considered separately. They are meaningful only when part of an overall package, agreed to by all stakeholders, to resolve the root causes of the conflict. Also, they are only meaningful in the light of Darfur’s integration into Sudan’s national political process of democratization and the debate on unity or the separation of the south.

When Mbeki took on the Chairmanship of the AUPD in March, his critics were quick to allege that was seeking an escape route for President Omar al Bashir from the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant. The ICC was indeed the spark for the AU to set up the Panel—to be precise, it was the AU Peace and Security Council’s spurned request to the UN Security Council to consider a deferral of the prosecution that angered the AU. Some wrote off the Panel in advance on these grounds, and even refused to engage with it, arguing that they knew the outcome in advance. Most press attention focuses on how the Panel deals with the ICC, and especially its proposal for a special chamber within the Sudanese judiciary staffed by international jurists to try those alleged to have committed war crimes in Darfur.

The most important point about the ICC in the Report is not whether the Panel endorses it or not, but the position that the Court has within the overall structure of the Recommendations. The ICC issue does not take pride of place in the AUPD Report. The ICC is given its place, along with consideration of a Hybrid Court and a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, as part of a broad agenda of items to be negotiated in a round table process of hammering out a Global Political Agreement. The Panel neither supports the ICC nor seeks to block it. Rather it puts the ICC in its place as one possible part of comprehensive package—perhaps useful, possibly not, depending on the views of the Sudanese themselves.

Critics have also accused Mbeki of being conservative and statist, defending the status quo in Sudan, as he allegedly did in Zimbabwe. In fact, the approach that Mbeki has taken has far more in common with his strategic role in bringing about the negotiated end of minority rule in his own country. Those seeking to understand Mbeki’s strategy should look back twenty years, not five. The implicit, tough message for the Khartoum Government is: negotiate power sharing now, or face the likelihood that Sudan will soon be fragmented and ungovernable. The message for Africa is that the continent cannot afford an irreparably fractured country at its heart.

Across the Sudanese political scene, the report has challenged the opposition to take seriously its responsibility for seeking constructive political solutions. The days of grandstanding and appealing for outside salvation are numbered. Those who respond positively will make the political running in the years ahead, those who do not risk being sidelined.

The Panel’s report therefore shifts the international debate on Sudan from the politics of condemning atrocities (where the UN Security Council has found itself stuck) to the politics of constructing political solutions. Equally importantly, it brings the Sudanese people back as the principal actors. The task of solving Sudan’s crisis in Darfur is first and foremost a challenge for the Sudanese, next for Africa, and finally for the international community.

Any number of think tanks could have articulated such an argument—indeed there is nothing fundamentally new in making the case that there needs to be an inclusive political solution leading to democratization within an ‘all Sudan’ framework. Where the AU Panel differs is its innovative method. All previous international engagements of this kind on Sudan have operated through expert consultations in high-class hotels, with chiefly symbolic trips to the Darfur’s displaced camps to shake hands and have photographs taken. The commissioners then retire to write their report which descends from on high, full of exhortations about what the Sudanese must do to meet international obligations. The UN Security Council may make solemn pronouncements, but as Khartoum has shown, these have little meaning in their own right.

Not so Mbeki and his Panel. During the last six months, the Panel’s three former Presidents, the Nigerian Abdusalami Abubaker and the Burundian Pierre Buyoya, as well as Mbeki, spent at least three months’ worth of full-time work on the task. Overall, the Panel spent more than forty days in town-hall style meetings in Sudan, mostly in Darfur. This was a grueling exercise, unmatched by any special envoy, mediator, or investigator. These were not ad hoc lectures or informal discussions, but well-prepared consultations in which the Darfurians systematically spoke about their fears and hopes. It provided an important role for the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and Consultation. As a result, every recommendation is grounded in what the people themselves have said.

For example, in long meetings with refugees and displaced persons, tribal leaders, women, civil society activists, and nomads, all these groups insisted that they should be directly represented at future peace talks. They were not content for the armed movements to represent them—all felt that the rebel leaders had been a disappointment. The Panel reflects this unanimous demand with its round table formula for political negotiations. The rebel leaders will be unhappy, and so too some of the diplomats who have run the last rounds of failed peace talks. They have already said that it is an unwieldy and complicated process. Mbeki will have a simple response: this is the people’s demand, and it is less complicated to have an inclusive process than another failed accord.

As the initial four month mandate of the Panel came to a close, Mbeki asked for an extension. He told the AU staff, advisors, and fellow panelists that he intended to make a third mission to Sudan, to discuss the draft recommendations. This was also a new departure. Meeting once again—often for the third time—with the same representatives, the Panel had shown its seriousness, and was rewarded when the Darfurian people recognized their own demands in those recommendations. Having generating this sense of ownership, a political process is now in motion.

Implementing the recommendations for peace, justice and reconciliation is a bigger task. The AU Peace and Security Council has endorsed the Report at a special summit level meeting in Abuja, Nigeria. The recommendations already have the broad support of the Darfurian population. The Sudan Government will protest, but ultimately will be under immense pressure to go along. The armed movements are criticizing some details, but will recognize that Mbeki has articulated their own critique of the imbalance of power and wealth in Sudan. Corralling the international community and re-energizing a moribund peace process are next. President Mbeki has shown strategic vision and stamina thus far. Facilitating the negotiated transformation of Sudan will demand even greater political skill.

Comment posted at “Reading the AU Panel Report”
By Ahmed Hassan: October 30, 2009

Dear Alex,

Since I did not read the report, I have just few questions to help me understand the contents of the proposal correctly:

1) How can we read this initiative together with the CPA as far as the pending issues between the North and the South, which are central to the overall crisis of Sudan, are concerned? Can the two processes go together side by side, or does it mean that we have to postpone the CPA as a partial process until we go through and exhaust the processes that the report seems to advocates.

2) You mentioned that one of the pillars of the report is that it shifts the emphasis and puts Darfur in the Centre. My question is that: are Darfur injustices represent a cause or a result of the problem of the North and why for that reason the Beja area or the Blue Nile could not be the centre of focus?; also by putting Darfur first how is that different from “Liberating the Country, one Bantustan at a time” Isn’t Darfur first, as part of the entire Sudan problem, imply that the Nuba Mountains is second, the Blue Nile is third…etc?

3) The second pillar of the proposal which calls for putting justice, peace and reconciliation as one package to be accepted by all, isn’t that quite challenging or next to impossible? I do not see any major challenges with peace and reconciliation, I do have a major concern about the type of justice and whether it will also cover atrocities by all Sudanese political parties in the past as we discussed in the Kampala Conference of 2000? What are the mechanisms to bring consensus on that? And what incentives could the guilty parts find in this proposal?

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U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration will travel to Turkey, Nigeria & Sudan

Source: US Department of State, October 27, 2009
U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration will travel to Turkey, Nigeria & Sudan

U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration will travel to Istanbul, Turkey; Abuja, Nigeria; and Khartoum and Juba, Sudan from October 27 to November 2, 2009.

Special Envoy Gration will travel to Istanbul, Turkey, to attend a meeting of the Elders, an independent group of eminent global leaders brought together by Nelson Mandela. Special Envoy Gration will discuss the current situation in Sudan with the Elders and update them on U.S. efforts to support peace and stability in Darfur and fully implement the CPA. The Elders is comprised of Martti Ahtisaari, Kofi Annan, Ela Bhatt, Lakhdar Brahimi, Gro Brundtland, Fernando H Cardoso, Jimmy Carter, Graca Machel, Mary Robinson, Desmond Tutu, and honorary Elders Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi.

Special Envoy Gration will attend the opening session of the African Union's (AU) Peace and Security Council in Abuja, Nigeria and will be present for the release of the report of the African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur by former President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa. On the margins of the AU meeting, the Special Envoy will also hold bilateral discussions with several of the African heads of state present in Abuja for the AU Peace and Security Council meeting. Special Envoy Gration will additionally participate in a meeting of the E6, comprising the envoys to Sudan from China, the European Union, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

Special Envoy Gration will then travel to Khartoum and Juba, Sudan, where he will continue bilateral discussions with the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) on resolving the outstanding issues of Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) implementation.

Darfur rebel group JEM rejects AU panel report

Quelle surprise. Darfur rebel group rejects AU panel report

From Reuters by Opheera McDoom (Khartoum) Tue Oct 27, 2009 - excerpts:

The Justice and Equality Movement, the most powerful rebel group in Darfur, said serious crimes committed there should be tried by the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

"The report is not clear in what they are saying about the ICC," said JEM spokesman Ahmed Adam. "Concerning the serious crimes in Darfur, including genocide, the only legal mechanism ... is the ICC. "

The report by a panel of African "wise men", headed by former South African President Thabo Mbeki, recommended the establishment of a special court, including foreign judges, to try those charged with atrocities in Darfur.

The AU report did not go into the question of Bashir's arrest warrant, saying only that the ICC investigations should be discussed during peace talks on Darfur.

Khartoum is saving its reaction for discussions at an AU meeting in Nigeria on Thursday, attended by Vice-President Ali Osman Mohamed Taha.

But a government source told Reuters the initial feeling was one of "cautious welcome but with reservations on some details."

The opposition Umma Party said the panel found a good compromise between international and national justice.

"(The panel) did their best to reach a solution which should be acceptable inside and outside Sudan," Umma Party Vice President Fadlalla Burma Nasir said.

(Additional reporting by Andrew Heavens; editing by Robin Pomeroy)

Two Sudanese lawyers applaud AU Panel Darfur report

From Sudan Radio Service, 26 October 2009:
Two Sudanese Lawyers Applaud AU Initiative

(Khartoum) - The Government of National Unity has described the African Union report which aims to achieve justice and reconciliation in Darfur as “positive.”

The AU panel, led by former South African President Thabo Mbeki, has recommended the formation of a hybrid court and changes to the Sudanese criminal law to deal with the alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur.

GONU has also expressed it’s satisfaction with the contents of the AU report.

The adviser to the Minister of Information in GONU, Dr. Rabie Abdullaati, spoke to Sudan Radio Service from Khartoum on Monday.

[Rabie Abdullaati]: “The report by the AU panel led by Thabo Mbeki, was seen as having many positive sides whose details I can’t mention now, but the issue is that the report is being studied by the authorized bodies, in order to determine clear stances and clear replies towards what the report has mentioned, regarding the formation of African and international courts to try those who committed crimes in Darfur. So until then, we are saying that we highly appreciate these African efforts and Thabo Mbeki’s committee.”

Sudan Radio Service spoke to two prominent lawyers and experts from Khartoum about the AU panel report.

Salih Mohamoud, a lawyer specializing in international law, said that the report confirms that there are crimes and violations that were committed in Darfur.

[Salih Mahmoud]: “It is a comprehensive report and shows the great efforts that were made. If we speak specifically about the proposed hybrid court, I think this confirms that there were crimes and violations that had been committed in Darfur, and that requires bringing those who are implicated in committing these crimes to justice.”

Nabil Adib, a Khartoum-based lawyer, is in favor of the formation of a hybrid court to deal with crimes in Darfur.

[Nabil Adib]: “I think the report is reasonable and a satisfactory solution. I support the idea of the hybrid court. My opinion, and I have said it before, is that to refer the case to a hybrid court, like the hybrid courts which were formed in Rwanda and in a number of similar cases, is a very good idea. I think this report is reasonable and will satisfy all parties that the process will take place before an independent judiciary.”

The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against a number of Sudanese officials for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur, including the Sudanese president, Omar al-Bashir.

Click on labels here below to view AU Panel report and related reports.

Security situation in Darfur - Oct 26, 2009

Daily Media Brief from UNAMID, El Fasher (Darfur), western Sudan
October 26, 2009/APO:

Security situation in Darfur

The security situation in Darfur remains relatively calm, but unpredictable.

UNAMID military forces conducted 167 patrols including routine, short range, long range, night, and Humanitarian escort patrols, covering 101 villages and Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps during the reporting period.

UNAMID police advisors also conducted 109 patrols in villages and IDP camps.

Security Safety Committee Formed In Duma

On 25 Oct 09, UNAMID Police Team including Sector South Police Commander established a Security Safety Committee in Duma IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) camp, in South Darfur. Members of the committee included, UNAMID Police Adviser, Nomads, IDPs, Local Leaders and GoS security operatives involving both Police and Military officials. The nomads and IDPs discussed security matters including security of IDP women during farming and firewood collection. The Committee decided to meet two times every month on the first and third Sundays.

UNAMID Civil Affairs convenes its monthly meeting with Civil Society Organizations

UNAMID Sector South Civil Affairs Section (CAS) convened its monthly meeting with representatives of the Civil Society in South Darfur State.

One of the issues highlighted during the meeting was the recommendations of the African Union Panel on Darfur (AUPD) following the panel’s several visits to Darfur and its meetings with and hearings to different stakeholders to the conflict in Darfur.

The meeting is a monthly forum used by CAS to get updates from the Civil Society Organizations on their activities and issues relating to the peace process in Darfur.

Click on label 'Security Situation in Darfur' to view previous and latest reports.

TEXT: Report of the African Union Panel on Darfur (AUPD) - Sudan in 2012: Asking New Questions (Alex de Waal)

Quote of the Day
The ‘New Sudan’ agenda has been undermined, perhaps fatally, by the agenda of southern separatism. -Alex de Waal, 26 October 2009 

Source:  Alex de Waal's analysis dated 26 October 2009 (see copy here below)
- - -

African Union Panel on Darfur (AUPD) - Download Full Report
From Sudan Tribune, Monday 26 October 2009:

October 24, 2009 (WASHINGTON) – On Thursday October 29 the African Union Peace and Security Council PSC will meet in Abuja to discuss the report submitted by a panel it established earlier this year to examine the situation in Darfur.



Photo:  Members of the African Union Panel on Darfur at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa October 18, 2009 (AU website)

The report has not been made public yet pending the conclusion of the PSC summit where it is expected to endorse the findings of the comission led by former South African president Thabo Mbeki.

Upon the numerous requests recieved, Sudan Tribune is making the full report available for its readers. -(ST)

Click here to download Full Report and note page 122:

APPENDIX D

EXPERTS

Barnabas Philip Afako, Lawyer
  
Professor Salah Eddine Amer, University of Cairo, Egypt 
 
Aref Mohammed Aref, Lawyer, Bar of Djibouti 
 
Catherine Cisse, Executive Director, International  Institute  for  Historical  Justice  and  Reconciliation, The Hague, Netherlands 
 
Professor Tiyanjana Maluwa, Director, School of International Affairs, 
Pennsylvania State University, US 

Dr. Sydney Mufamadi, former South African Minister for Safety and Security and later Minister for Provincial and Local  Government. Currently, Honorary Professor at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, South Africa 

Rakiya Omaar, Human Rights Lawyer, Director, African Rights, 
and also a member of the AUPD 

Professor Jean-Emmanuel Pondi, Head of the Department of 
International Politics at the International Relations Institute of 
Cameroon (IRIC), University of Yaoundé 

Dr. Alex de Waal, Program Director, Social Science Research Council, 
New York, US 

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Making Sense of Darfur - Scenarios for 2011

From Alex de Waal's blog Making Sense of Darfur
Sudan in 2012: Asking New Questions
By Alex de Waal, 26 October 2009:

The scenario exercises by Clingendael and USIP are extremely useful, both in the possible futures that they pose, and in the questions they oblige us to ask. The comment and elaboration by John Ashworth, which portrays the CPA as no more than a truce in a war of separation that is, implicitly, generations old, concentrates the mind. Could Sudan go down the disastrous course to a new and bloodier war? Recurrent experience with Sudan’s politics gives us the answer: yes it could.

What do they tell us?

The key message from the scenarios is that avoiding a new war between north and south—with all the repercussions that entails—is the single biggest challenge in Sudan. A secondary message is that even if war is avoided, there will be serious governance challenges in both north and south. ‘Serious governance challenges’ could mean large human rights violations and a breakup of the country.

The scenarios did not focus upon Darfur, but the implications of the outcomes are that Darfur is a relatively lesser issue and solutions should be approached through this national lens, rather than the north-south issue being approached through a Darfur lens.

Another implication is that time is desperately short. There is a great deal of political business to be transacted in the few remaining months of the CPA. In fact, at the current pace of political business in Sudan, only a small amount of what is needed will be completed, a factor which could allow any party to challenge the legitimacy of the outcome. The recent call by leading Sudanese civil society figures and academics to concentrate on the key points of the CPA, makes a lot of sense.

There is a big question over whether elections are a good idea or not. The ‘mid-term’ elections were introduced into the CPA text by the international partners against initial resistance by both NCP and SPLM. The rationale against is that (a) they are a burdensome and complicating factor, and (b) the new GoNU will require a great deal of political negotiation and if the signatories to the CPA are not in a dominant position then the remaining provisions of the CPA are in question. In addition, given that the elections can no longer be considered ‘mid-term’ but are coming close to the end of the interim period, the wisdom of electing a new GoNU just a few months before that government is dissolved by the south voting for secession, is questionable. There is a resource question too: elections are expensive (though far cheaper than either war or peacekeeping).

The rationale in favour is that the government that presides over the exercise in self-determination must be a legitimate (i.e. elected) government that includes the major political stakeholders that were not part of the CPA. The major challenge to the legitimacy of the CPA negotiations at the time was the exclusion of the northern Sudanese political opposition, principally the NDA parties but also the Darfurians, and also to a lesser extent the southern parties other than the SPLM. The experience of the 1970s was that the exclusion of these parties from the Addis Ababa agreement meant that when they later joined the government, the gains of the Addis Ababa peace were reversed. The aim was therefore to achieve the democratization of Sudan and the legitimation of the CPA, through inclusivity, during the interim period itself. As Ashworth stresses, the elections are the key benefit of the CPA for northern Sudanese.

The question of whether Darfur can be included in the elections has since arisen. There are strong arguments on both sides. One particularly persuasive argument repeatedly expressed in Darfur is that if the elections are held and Darfur is not included, then this will be a strong signal to Darfurians that they are not full citizens of Sudan. In the same way that the incomplete elections of 1965, 1968 and 1986 (in which the south was underrepresented due to some constituencies being war zones) helped discredit the elected governments and the growth of separatist sentiment in the south, the selective exclusion of Darfur would be an invitation to Darfurians to demand self-determination or secession. (Especially if southern secession took place under a government without elected Darfurian representation.)

What’s missing?

A scenario exercise is only as good as the information and assumptions that are put in, and the questions that are asked. The four drivers identified in the USIP exercise are sound and useful. I suspect, however, that these drivers underplay the importance of inter- and intra-elite patronage in the working of Sudan’s political system. This is something everyone knows about, but no-one talks about in public. It is a factor that both drives and constrains southern separatist sentiment. It drives secessionism insofar as ‘Jellaba politics’ is a source of resentment: southerners see how northern elite patronage and divide-and-rule tactics keep the south in a subjugated position. It constrains separatism insofar as southerners struggle to construct their own unified political institutions, and consequently there are always opportunities for Khartoum-based patronage networks to expand their reach.

Sudanese political life can be seen an ongoing bargaining process, over both substantive political questions (such as unity or separation, Islamism or secularism, etc.) and also over the material rewards for participation in patronage systems.

Most experience and analysis suggests that there is no realistic prospect of the Sudanese political elites coming to agreement on the question of unity or secession, or on whether there is scope for agreement on the reform of the governance system in favour of a more equitable ‘New Sudan’ model. Moreover, there does not appear to be a means of getting to a consensus. The CPA ‘one country two systems’ compromise is no more than a middle point between the positions held by the main players in north and south. Whatever arguments can be marshaled in support of this position, and however much international support is given to the CPA system as a blueprint for the future, it remains a minority position within Sudan. Rather, the northern parties see the CPA as awarding too much power to the south within a united Sudan, while most southerners see it as merely the waiting room for independence.

On questions of the ‘New Sudan’ the Sudanese political elites have a wide distribution of positions and are open to greater flexibility. But there is no consensus, and nor is there likely to be one in the foreseeable future. The ‘New Sudan’ agenda has been undermined, perhaps fatally, by the agenda of southern separatism.

International influence on any outcome in Sudan is modest. Especially as the likelihood of a major political confrontation or war approaches, the Sudanese parties’ focus is on one another, and the opportunities for international leverage decline. International (especially U.S.) support for the south in a new confrontation may strengthen the south but is unlikely to deter the north, while international support for Khartoum will not swing the positions of the southern nationalists. The diversity of international interests in Sudan, and interpretations of the situation and prospects, also detracts from influence.

In Sudan, bargaining over resources, especially finance, typically produces rapid agreements, though not very durable ones. The patronage system, with its primary centre in Khartoum, has operated as a glue that keeps the country from fragmentation. Almost all of the elites are either already part of this system, to a greater or lesser degree. Within this system, ‘making unity attractive,’ does not entail improving the lot of the ordinary people of the south or making them feel valued citizens—it means paying off the elite. The basic flaw in the Khartoum governance strategy is that it has relied on patronage as the only glue, instead of using it as the basis on which to build a wider political strategy that can build deeper loyalties rather than negotiable elite financial interest.

How will this patronage system (or political marketplace) develop over time? Four drivers are important: (1) the amount of money available to the central system; (2) the ability of the Government of South Sudan to establish a cohesive centre of patronage; (3) the strategy followed by other patrons (e.g. neighbouring states, the international community); and (4) the relationship between elites and their constituencies.

The extent and speed of the unification of any patronage system depends on the amount of money in the system. With a sufficiently high oil price and large amounts of largesse to dispense, the ruling coalition in Khartoum might be able to bring most elites within a single network. Importantly, this would unify today’s rival centres of power within Khartoum, and thereby make the patronage system more efficient, freeing up resources for other uses. With a low oil price and a budget crunch, the existing situation of several different competing centres of patronage will be sustained.

Juba has emerged as a secondary patronage centre in Sudan. The viability of southern efforts to build a state that can challenge the north depend critically on the ability of the Government of South Sudan to establish a coherent patronage system of its own, centralizing its financial management. Up to now, it has not been very effective at this, both because of internal mismanagement and rivalry, and also because the Khartoum patronage networks extend into the southern elite, partly because of the SPLM presence in the national government. Many southerners hope that with independence, the northern system can be shut out and the disarray will reduce or end.

The political marketplace in Sudan, and the greater Nile Valley, has been irreversibly internationalized. We cannot expect a return to the days of a purely domestic set of patronage systems. At present, there are agreements are in place to limit Sudan’s involvement in Chad and vice versa, and to reduce Libyan involvement. Eritrea has also been reduced to a subordinate actor, and the east African governments are relatively inactive. This all makes short-term agreements more likely, for example over Darfur. However, in the event of a war of partition, we would expect many of these governments to re-enter the Sudanese affray.

Lastly, it is possible to bring elites into a compact, and then find that this has overlooked the importance of their constituents. The case of Abyei provides an interesting example: the decision of the Abyei tribunal was more-or-less satisfactory to the political elites, but the NCP had not prepared the Missiriya constituency for accepting the decision, as a result of which it faces a new political dynamic which it has so far not contained. Southern sentiment for separation is such that any of their leaders who sell them short on this, on the basis of an elite bargain in the marketplace, will face a local revolt.

This analysis suggests that the financial arrangements governing oil sector revenues during and after self-determination will be crucial. The location of the oil in the south and the pipeline through the north provides a unique opportunity to leverage an agreement, as both sides need the oil to flow. The financial arrangements could become the driver, not only of the likelihood of conflict, but also of the viability of the GoSS efforts to construct a unified patronage system that is sufficiently independent from Khartoum’s.

What makes Sudanese political life so fascinating, so turbulent, and so hard to predict is that the divisive political issues coexist with the centralizing patronage dynamics.

What could change?

Scenario exercises are highly dependent upon the starting assumptions. What happens when one of the base assumptions changes? There are a number of possibilities.

• The Darfur conflict could be resolved in time for the elections, in such a way that the electoral dynamics are shifted decisively in favour of a ‘New Sudan’ political coalition with the SPLM, especially its northern sector, playing a more prominent political role. It is almost certainly too late to alter the sentiments of the southern electorate. But might the pro-unionist bloc in the SPLM leadership be invigorated and able to explore options such as a ‘sovereign association’ between north and south that would avert the otherwise-likely political demise of the SPLM in the north?

• The financial crisis of the GoSS, with its reverberations through the patronage-governance system, has yet to play itself out. Current scenarios assume that the capacity and legitimacy of the GoSS are on an upward trend. This may not be the case.

• The fact of a southern decision in favour of secession, and the way in which that decision is made, will have far-reaching impacts and create unanticipated new scenarios, including new questions. It is possible that if some major political issues, including the financial interests of the south (and especially southern elites) in the north, are settled in advance of a decision, then that decision will pass off without significant conflict—and indeed without any major disturbances to existing relationships. On the other hand, the strategies of the two parties for managing the decision, and in particular their respective internal governance challenges in the wake of the decision, will be critical. The immediate aftermath of the referendum will be a volatile period and it will not be possible to anticipate all the issues that will arise.

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Further reading

Oct. 17, 2009 - Sudan Watch: African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur reports - Darfur: The Quest for Peace, Justice and Reconciliation - Earlier this year, on June 24, the Deputy Chairperson of the SPLM, Malik Agar Eyre participated in a discussion in Washington D.C., hosted by the US Institute of Peace. Among other things, he issued a grave warning that must be of serious concern to the AU and our [African] Continent. He said that the "reading" of the SPLM was that the process of the fragmentation of Sudan would not end with the separation of Southern Sudan, if this was the result of the 2011 Referendum.

Oct. 26, 2009 - From APO's archive:
The African Union Commission Launches the State of the African Population Report, 2008

L’Organisation de la Presse Africaine renforce son action en faveur de la diffusion de l’information relative au continent africain

Excerpt:

Developed with development planners, policy makers, parliamentarians as well as program implementers in mind, the Report presents Africa as the continent that is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, and cites declining rainfall and agricultural productivity, desertification, severe water shortages, and the spread of diseases, among other environmental challenges and adverse phenomena that will “inflict poverty and human misery on the continent if appropriate actions are not taken at the global, continental, national and community levels”.

The Report further points to a slight decline in population growth around the continent noting, however, that the total population will continue to increase as a result of the young age structure and its associated population momentum.

In 2005, the African population was estimated at 922 million and it is expected to exceed 1 billion in 2010, and approximately 2 billion some 40 years to come. The growth in size has implications for natural resource use and improvement in the quality of life.

Click on AU Panel, AUPD labels here below for related reports and updates.