Two rebel groups have till Wednesday to sign the Abuja peace agreement for Darfur. After more than three years of civil war in Western Sudan, this could bring lasting peace to this war torn region. While there's pressure on the Sudanese government to allow the UN to monitor compliance with the agreement, South Africans in the African Union's mission are quietly - but proudly - contributing to stability.
Returning to the Fata Burno refugee camp with food bought in Kutum is hazardous as many women have fallen prey to the Arab militia along the route. Few are willing to talk about the assaults and rapes that have taken place. Since the African Union has started regular escorts, incidents have decreased in Sector 6 - the sector dominated by South African forces.
Richard Lourens, a colonel and South African sector commander in Kutum, says: "We have pre-deployment training and we have mission-ready training - gives us an edge to come here and make a difference with regards to peace keeping."
South Africans the most self sufficient troops
More than 440 South African soldiers and police members have been deployed in Darfur - most serve as protection forces and military observers. Others teach about the dangers of the harsh local environment and expert shooting. Baba Kingibe, an AU special representative to Sudan, says: "The South African contingent who are based in sector 6 in Kutum, are the most self-sufficient unit we have."
These skills are sure to impress the UN once it requests countries to contribute forces to its mission. Yesterday Sudan has agreed to allow an African Union-UN assessment mission into the country ahead of a possible deployment of UN troops to war-torn Darfur. Speaking after a meeting with Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the Sudanese president, Lakhdar Brahimi, the UN troubleshooter, said the mission would start work in Khartoum and then go to Darfur. The Sudanese government and the main Darfur rebel faction signed a peace agreement on the fifth of this month.
Saturday, May 27, 2006
Rebel troops to sign Sudan peace deal by Wednesday
Compared to American news reports on Darfur in papers such as the Washington Post and New York Times, notice the difference in tone and content of the following report from SABC News in South Africa May 27, 2006 entitled Rebel troops to sign Sudan peace deal by Wednesday. It seems much less aggressive and combatative and actually manages to impart some positive constructive news without politicising the story or putting an emotive, activist type spin on the facts:
Blowing up handpumps is not a good idea - Darfur delegates protect civilians
In Darfur, two British Red Cross women have been working in the field helping to ensure respect for civilians by all those fighting in the conflict - Reuters reported April 13, 2006:
Photo: Water points, installed by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), can be seen here at the Kassab camp for displaced people. In 2004, the Red Cross repaired and installed safe water supplies that provided 200,000 people with two million litres of water a day. (British Red Cross)
Photo: An International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) food aid convoy can be seen here, returning from a distribution in the southeastern part of Northern Darfur. In just ten days, the Red Cross can distribute 600 tonnes of food aid to 20,000 people. (British Red Cross)
Caroline Birch and Kirsty MacDonald have just returned from south and west Darfur respectively, on separate assignments with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
As protection delegates Caroline and Kirsty were carrying out a vital role of the ICRC in conflict zones - to promote adherence to international humanitarian law by all parties involved.
"I was extremely well-received," Caroline said. "The ICRC is seen in a very positive light because it is impartial and neutral.
"I would speak to survivors, often people who had run to a neighbouring village, to find out exactly what had happened. Then I would meet with the leader of those accused of the attack and, by talking to them, try to prevent it happening again," she said.
Caroline also explained to those fighting that international humanitarian law prohibits attacks against infrastructures necessary for civilians' survival, such as hand water pumps.
"In Darfur, those involved in the conflict want to fight by the rules, they responded well when we pointed out that blowing up hand pumps was not a good idea," she said.
Caroline also visited detainees to ensure their conditions are humane.
Photo: Water points, installed by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), can be seen here at the Kassab camp for displaced people. In 2004, the Red Cross repaired and installed safe water supplies that provided 200,000 people with two million litres of water a day. (British Red Cross)
Photo: An International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) food aid convoy can be seen here, returning from a distribution in the southeastern part of Northern Darfur. In just ten days, the Red Cross can distribute 600 tonnes of food aid to 20,000 people. (British Red Cross)
UNICEF's Clean-water project in Sudan keeps children healthy and in school
Since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan in 2005, UNICEF, the European Community's Humanitarian Aid Department and the state water project in South Kordofan have been working together to turn the situation around by building and rehabilitating the region's water system.
In 2005, the project increased access to safe drinking water for 166,000 children and women. Some 10,000 schoolchildren are benefiting from newly installed sanitation systems. And more than 20 school hygiene clubs have been formed, empowering hundreds of children with skills and knowledge about good hygiene and sanitation practices. Full report by UNICEF 25 May 2006.
Photo: Selma (centre) and her friends chatting around one of the hand pumps installed in their village in Sudan's South Kordofan State. The pumps were installed with support from UNICEF and the European Community's Humanitarian Aid Department. (UNICEF) via POTP with thanks.
Jan 26 2006 In Darfur, handpumps are on the frontline of peacebuilding
Jan 30 2006 The war on terrorism that most Americans don't know about
Feb 5 2006 Peacekeeping waterpumps - East Africa a front in war on terrorism
Feb 23 2006 Drilling for Sudan's drinking water is more important than drilling for oil
Feb 28 2006 Water to spark future wars: UK
Mar 5 2006 The 21st century's most explosive commodity will be . . . WATER
In 2005, the project increased access to safe drinking water for 166,000 children and women. Some 10,000 schoolchildren are benefiting from newly installed sanitation systems. And more than 20 school hygiene clubs have been formed, empowering hundreds of children with skills and knowledge about good hygiene and sanitation practices. Full report by UNICEF 25 May 2006.
Photo: Selma (centre) and her friends chatting around one of the hand pumps installed in their village in Sudan's South Kordofan State. The pumps were installed with support from UNICEF and the European Community's Humanitarian Aid Department. (UNICEF) via POTP with thanks.
Jan 26 2006 In Darfur, handpumps are on the frontline of peacebuilding
Jan 30 2006 The war on terrorism that most Americans don't know about
Feb 5 2006 Peacekeeping waterpumps - East Africa a front in war on terrorism
Feb 23 2006 Drilling for Sudan's drinking water is more important than drilling for oil
Feb 28 2006 Water to spark future wars: UK
Mar 5 2006 The 21st century's most explosive commodity will be . . . WATER
Eric Reeves says only NATO military action can save Darfur
Further to an earlier entry here at Sudan Watch, note the following excerpt from concluding paragraph of Eric Reeves' latest opinion piece at The New Republic May 27, 2006:
This latest piece of his tells me what I have suspected and said here several times before: he wants the West to wage war on the Sudan - a country the size of Europe - for Western forces to invade it militarily in order to overthrow the current regime in Khartoum, giving the Sudanese rebels what they have wanted all along (including those in South Sudan).
The Sudan is really none of Eric Reeves business. He is not an elected member of the US government. I wish a professional writer would publish rebuttals to educate readers as to the dangers of Reeves' rants. He is giving the rebels confidence and feeding them with what they want to hear. He adored John Garang and was awestruck and puffed up to receive a phone call of appreciation from Garang around the time of the CPA signing (there is a blog entry here in the Sudan Watch archives noting Reeves. account of the story).
One can only conclude that Eric Reeves, like all the others who are making a living off the backs of starving Africans, is out to make a name for himself and is probably just another one looking to go down in history with a book to sell. If he does not provide more balanced analysis I shall start getting on his case. The man is a menace, misguided, naive and dangerous. Who am I to say such things? A nobody. But this is my blog, I can say whatever I want, I have nothing better else to do all day and have nothing to sell, no ads or political party to promote, no donations to attract. I take no sides except for that of the millions of defenceless women and children in the Sudan, Chad, northern Uganda, Ethiopia and DR Congo.
Note how Eric Reeves demonises the so-called Janjaweed (and everyone else it seems, except the rebels) by taking a look at the following excerpt from his latest piece and compare it with that of the news reports on North Darfur, listed here below.
Eric Reeves:
Apr 28 2006 UN threatens to suspend aid in Darfur blaming rebels and SLA attacks in North Darfur
May 3 2006 Sudan's SLA rebel attacks on aid workers in North Darfur breaks international humanitarian law
May 18 2006 After peace, Darfur's rebel forces turn on each other and fight for Tawilla, North Darfur making it one of the most insecure regions of Darfur
May 22 2006 AU concerned about janjaweed "massing" near Kutum, North Darfur
May 22 2006 Fears Janjaweed will turn on Sudanese government if they try to take their arms by force
May 23 2006 Rebels' rivalry subverts hope for Darfur peace
"Never has it been more obvious that only NATO military action can save Darfur. The people of Darfur have been waiting for help for three years. If working through the United Nations is the best the international community has to offer, they will be waiting for a long time to come."Now it is clear (to me anyway) that Eric Reeves - a penpusher sitting behind a desk in the leafy suburbs of cosy Boston - who has never done a days work in the real world (or would ever be willing to send his children or any other Bostonian to invade the Sudan) is onside with the Sudanese rebels.
This latest piece of his tells me what I have suspected and said here several times before: he wants the West to wage war on the Sudan - a country the size of Europe - for Western forces to invade it militarily in order to overthrow the current regime in Khartoum, giving the Sudanese rebels what they have wanted all along (including those in South Sudan).
The Sudan is really none of Eric Reeves business. He is not an elected member of the US government. I wish a professional writer would publish rebuttals to educate readers as to the dangers of Reeves' rants. He is giving the rebels confidence and feeding them with what they want to hear. He adored John Garang and was awestruck and puffed up to receive a phone call of appreciation from Garang around the time of the CPA signing (there is a blog entry here in the Sudan Watch archives noting Reeves. account of the story).
One can only conclude that Eric Reeves, like all the others who are making a living off the backs of starving Africans, is out to make a name for himself and is probably just another one looking to go down in history with a book to sell. If he does not provide more balanced analysis I shall start getting on his case. The man is a menace, misguided, naive and dangerous. Who am I to say such things? A nobody. But this is my blog, I can say whatever I want, I have nothing better else to do all day and have nothing to sell, no ads or political party to promote, no donations to attract. I take no sides except for that of the millions of defenceless women and children in the Sudan, Chad, northern Uganda, Ethiopia and DR Congo.
Note how Eric Reeves demonises the so-called Janjaweed (and everyone else it seems, except the rebels) by taking a look at the following excerpt from his latest piece and compare it with that of the news reports on North Darfur, listed here below.
Eric Reeves:
"This past week there have been widespread Janjaweed attacks on villages near the town of Kutum in North Darfur, where the Janjaweed are reported to be continuing a massive mobilization. The Gereida area in South Darfur continues to be threatened by the Janjaweed, and late last month Khartoum launched a large military offensive in the area. In West Darfur, international aid workers were attacked by "unidentified men in uniform," likely Janjaweed or Khartoum-allied paramilitary forces. Doctors Without Borders reports large numbers of civilians injured in recent military clashes between rebels and Khartoum's forces near Labado, also in South Darfur.'Extremely fierce fighting' eh? If you want to know what he means by that, read the following list of reports on what the rebels were up to in North Darfur. Unfortunately, I am unable to spend time right now on searching out a slew of news reports here in Sudan Watch archives that point out how the rebels taunt and provoke the so-called Janjaweeed into attacking so they can make a meal of it in the press and get people like Eric Reeves spreading the word to US politicians and his chums at USAID and all the others he fancies rubbing shoulders with. Eric Reeves, despite his claims of being independent comes across as heavily political with aims to influence US foreign policy. Most undemocratic. He's more dangerous than George Galloway. Nobody elected Eric Reeves - he's unaccountable.
The rebel groups are far from innocent in all this: In North Darfur, the two main factions of the Sudan Liberation Army--only one of which has signed the peace agreement--are locked in extremely fierce fighting."
Apr 28 2006 UN threatens to suspend aid in Darfur blaming rebels and SLA attacks in North Darfur
May 3 2006 Sudan's SLA rebel attacks on aid workers in North Darfur breaks international humanitarian law
May 18 2006 After peace, Darfur's rebel forces turn on each other and fight for Tawilla, North Darfur making it one of the most insecure regions of Darfur
May 22 2006 AU concerned about janjaweed "massing" near Kutum, North Darfur
May 22 2006 Fears Janjaweed will turn on Sudanese government if they try to take their arms by force
May 23 2006 Rebels' rivalry subverts hope for Darfur peace
What does warmongering 'humanitarian' Eric 'disingenuous' Reeves want for Darfur and Sudan, does he (or anybody else) know?
Eric Reeves certainly has a way with words (its how he makes his living, he's a professor of English) but his arguments and rationale sound cracked - and dangerous. Unless I've missed something, it seems to me the Darfur Peace Agreement is the only way to get adequately equipped peacekeepers in Darfur with a mandate to protect - and get warring parties to discuss and agree a ceasefire and disarmament, not to mention the start of building bridges of trust. So why does Eric Reeves denigrate and undermine such a historic step, and go out of his way to foment distrust?
Note this excerpt from Global Voices Online May 10, 2006:
What does warmongering "humanitarian" Eric disingenuous Reeves want, does he (or anybody else) know? To overthrow the regime in Khartoum? To split up the Sudan? Why doesn't he say? What is the aim of his propaganda? Military intervention in the Sudan would result in all aid workers being immediately dismissed from the country. How will aid be delivered and reach those most in need? Who will invade, how much will it cost, who will pay for it, how many years of occupation? He doesn't say.
What comes out of Khartoum these days seems less disingenuous than much of what comes from Eric Reeves' naive perspective. It seems to me, people outside of Darfur (including the rebel leaders with bases in Europe) who have jumped on the Darfur bandwagon all appear wanting to make a name for themselves - whether it's words to sell, careers to further, positions and power to gain or books, articles, speeches to write and photo opportunities.
If they are such "concerned peace loving humanitarians", why not focus on DR Congo and northern Uganda where far worse things are happening than in Darfur right now - instead of pushing to make war on the Sudan with the aim of overthrowing the current regime in Khartoum, and risking setting the tinder box of Africa alight. It's about time journalists started getting to grips with Eric Reeves and printing rebuttals to his rants. He's a one man propaganda machine that makes Americans appear naive and puts them (and their Government) unfairly in a bad, warmongering light.
UPDATE: May 27, 2006 - Eric Reeves now makes clear what he wants: Eric Reeves says only NATO military action can save Darfur
Note this excerpt from Global Voices Online May 10, 2006:
"SudanReeves writes a critical assessment of the recent Darfur agreement (Abuja Peace Agreement)I say, he sounds as uncompromising as the two rebel factions that are refusing to join the peace deal - which makes me wonder about his motives [click here to read what supporters of the dissident rebel faction SLM/A are demanding - they don't want much overnight eh? crazy!]... The Abuja agreement is little more than another request to trust a regime that has never abided by any agreement with any Sudanese party-not one, not ever. And it asks the survivors of genocide to accept the promises of genocidaires rather than providing the meaningful security they so desperately need."
What does warmongering "humanitarian" Eric disingenuous Reeves want, does he (or anybody else) know? To overthrow the regime in Khartoum? To split up the Sudan? Why doesn't he say? What is the aim of his propaganda? Military intervention in the Sudan would result in all aid workers being immediately dismissed from the country. How will aid be delivered and reach those most in need? Who will invade, how much will it cost, who will pay for it, how many years of occupation? He doesn't say.
What comes out of Khartoum these days seems less disingenuous than much of what comes from Eric Reeves' naive perspective. It seems to me, people outside of Darfur (including the rebel leaders with bases in Europe) who have jumped on the Darfur bandwagon all appear wanting to make a name for themselves - whether it's words to sell, careers to further, positions and power to gain or books, articles, speeches to write and photo opportunities.
If they are such "concerned peace loving humanitarians", why not focus on DR Congo and northern Uganda where far worse things are happening than in Darfur right now - instead of pushing to make war on the Sudan with the aim of overthrowing the current regime in Khartoum, and risking setting the tinder box of Africa alight. It's about time journalists started getting to grips with Eric Reeves and printing rebuttals to his rants. He's a one man propaganda machine that makes Americans appear naive and puts them (and their Government) unfairly in a bad, warmongering light.
UPDATE: May 27, 2006 - Eric Reeves now makes clear what he wants: Eric Reeves says only NATO military action can save Darfur
British PM Blair calls for major reforms to modernise UN
May 27, 2006 Ottawa Citizen report - UN 'not legitimate' now, Blair says - excerpt:
"A Security Council which has France as a permanent member, but not Germany; Britain, but not Japan; China, but not India, to say nothing of the absence of proper representation from Latin America or Africa, cannot be legitimate in the modern world," Mr Blair said.
While differences over Iraq split the Security Council, Mr Blair argued the UN needs the "capacity to intervene militarily," citing the need to stop the killing in Sudan's Darfur region as an example.
Mr Blair said the secretary general should also be given increased powers over management and spending, many of which reside with the General Assembly, where developing countries hold a majority. Mr Blair called the General Assembly's control over hiring and firing the UN's top names "absurd," and many observers say it has led to political cronyism at the world body.
Friday, May 26, 2006
British Govt statement on the Sudanese Govt's decision to agree to a UN Technical Assessment Mission for Darfur
UK Department FID Press Release May 25, 2006 via ReliefWeb:
The Government of Sudan today agreed to allow a joint African Union/United Nations Technical Assessment Mission to travel to Darfur as soon as possible. The Mission is a necessary step in preparing the way for a UN force for Darfur. Their decision came during a visit to Khartoum by Lakhdar Brahimi, Special Envoy of the UN Secretary General.
The Prime Minister, Tony Blair, said:
"I welcome the agreement reached between the UN and the Sudanese government to allow the joint African Union/United Nations Technical Assessment Mission. They will now begin preparations for the UN to take over the peacekeeping operation from the African Union. As I agreed with President Konare, this should begin as soon as possible."
Lord Triesman, FCO Minister for Africa, said:
"This is a welcome decision. Both the UN Security Council and the African Union's Peace and Security Council have called for a UN force for Darfur. It needs to deploy as quickly as possible. The Government of Sudan now needs to sustain its support of the UN as it continues its preparations to deploy."
Hilary Benn, Secretary of State for International Development, said:
"The Darfur Peace Agreement signed in Abuja on 5 May is an important step towards peace for Darfur. Stabilising security in Darfur is crucial if the agreement is to succeed. A UN force will build on the achievements already made by AMIS, who we will continue to support during this transition period."
The Government of Sudan today agreed to allow a joint African Union/United Nations Technical Assessment Mission to travel to Darfur as soon as possible. The Mission is a necessary step in preparing the way for a UN force for Darfur. Their decision came during a visit to Khartoum by Lakhdar Brahimi, Special Envoy of the UN Secretary General.
The Prime Minister, Tony Blair, said:
"I welcome the agreement reached between the UN and the Sudanese government to allow the joint African Union/United Nations Technical Assessment Mission. They will now begin preparations for the UN to take over the peacekeeping operation from the African Union. As I agreed with President Konare, this should begin as soon as possible."
Lord Triesman, FCO Minister for Africa, said:
"This is a welcome decision. Both the UN Security Council and the African Union's Peace and Security Council have called for a UN force for Darfur. It needs to deploy as quickly as possible. The Government of Sudan now needs to sustain its support of the UN as it continues its preparations to deploy."
Hilary Benn, Secretary of State for International Development, said:
"The Darfur Peace Agreement signed in Abuja on 5 May is an important step towards peace for Darfur. Stabilising security in Darfur is crucial if the agreement is to succeed. A UN force will build on the achievements already made by AMIS, who we will continue to support during this transition period."
Thursday, May 25, 2006
UN Security Council to visit Sudan on 5 June, 2006
The UN Security Council with all its members, headed by the envoy of Britain, Sir Emyr Jones Parry, is due to begin a five-day visit to Sudan on June 5th to get acquainted with the situation in the country. Full report ST May 26, 2006.
Photo: British Ambassador Sir Emyr Jones Parry is seen in this March 29, 2006 file photo. (Keith Bedford/Reuters)
Photo: British Ambassador Sir Emyr Jones Parry is seen in this March 29, 2006 file photo. (Keith Bedford/Reuters)
United Nations Security Council Report of the Secretary-General on Darfur 19 May 2006
Brief intermission to digest this report. Note, number 4 for starters.
I. Introduction
1. The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraphs 6, 13 and 16 of Security Council resolution 1556 (2004), paragraph 15 of resolution 1564 (2004), paragraph 17 of resolution 1574 (2004) and paragraph 12 of resolution 1590 (2005). It covers the months of March and April 2006.
II. Insecurity in Darfur
2. The security situation over the reporting period was marked by serious armed clashes between the warring parties, numerous acts of banditry and hijacking of vehicles, continued in-fighting between the factions of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA), and further destabilization along the Chad/Sudan border.
3. In Northern Darfur, there were hostilities between the Sudanese Armed Forces and SLA forces in Haskanita, Al Lait and Al Tawisa early in March, four major clashes and several other skirmishes being reported. Those clashes resulted in a number of casualties among both combatants and civilians. On 8 April, the Sudanese Armed Forces launched attacks against villages in the Jebel Wana area using two helicopter gunships. Three SLA soldiers were reportedly killed and at least 17 people injured. Late in March, the Sudanese Armed Forces and armed tribesmen attacked and looted the SLA-controlled village of Debbis and, early in April, militia attacked a number of villages in the region of Madu. On 7 April, a large convoy of Sudanese Armed Forces was ambushed by SLA in Jebel Wana between El Fasher and Kafod, and about 40 Government soldiers were killed. Government forces then attacked several villages in the area, allegedly using helicopter gunships.
4. Tensions between the SLA factions of Minni Minawi and Adbul Wahid remained high in Northern Darfur. On 3 April, the two factions clashed in the area of Khazan Jedid, while combatants of the SLA faction of Abdul Wahid launched an attack the same day in an attempt to retake control of Korma. They were repulsed by SLA troops within Korma, and scores of combatants were reported killed. There were further clashes between the SLA factions on 19 April. The Minni Minawi faction launched an attack on six villages in the Tawilla area. According to witnesses, as many as 400 attackers rode in trucks, on camels and on horseback. It is reported that the violence resulted in civilians killed, scores of people wounded, women raped, looting, and thousands of people displaced. The attack indicates the beginning of a new pattern of rebel troops attacking civilians on a large scale and committing human rights violations against non-combatants. Other intra-SLA clashes in mid-March and early April led to thousands of people becoming displaced and caused some to flee out of fear that their villages might be the sites of attack. In the area between Tawilla and Korma, efforts undertaken by the African Union Mission in the Sudan (AMIS) to reduce misunderstanding and promote peaceful coexistence between the Arab and Fur communities were disrupted when SLA soldiers of the Minawi faction invaded the area.
5. In the Jebel Marra area, more clashes were reported between SLA, Sudanese Armed Forces and armed tribesmen. On 17 March, there was fighting between SLA and Sudanese Armed Forces in the area of Daya and Tibon, and SLA claimed that the attackers used vehicles with AMIS and United Nations markings. This practice represents a clear affront to the neutral status of AMIS and the United Nations humanitarian operation.
6. Systematic attacks by militia on civilians also continued. Umm Shugeira village in Southern Darfur was attacked by about 200 uniformed militia on horseback and on camels, and many cattle and sheep were looted. On 13 April, at least 15 villagers were killed and 19 wounded when approximately 500 armed militia launched an attack on Kurunje village south-west of Sheiria. The attackers dragged men and women from their homes, beat them, looted their houses and stole livestock. Also in the Sheiria area, Sudanese Armed Forces supported by armed tribesmen on horseback and on camels attacked Arto and surrounding villages on 16 April. Nine villagers were reported killed and 18 wounded, while 26 people were reportedly missing. On 21 April the militia, supported by the Popular Defence Force, attacked Dito, killing 25 SLA combatants.
7. On 9 April, a group of about 160 SLA fighters attacked the market at Gueighin, south-west of Buram. In retaliation, armed militia attacked and burned the villages of Higlige, Nabakaya Halalif and Talhaya. On 16 April, Sudanese Armed Forces recaptured Donkey Dereisa, which had come under the control of SLA in December 2005. On 24 April, Sudanese Armed Forces attacked Joghana, causing further displacement of civilians. Some villages around Joghana were reportedly burned during the attack.
8. In Western Darfur, armed tribesmen on 10 April attacked the Jebel Moon area and Bir Siliba, a village close to the Chadian border. Instability in Chad has further complicated the security situation in the border region of Western Darfur, and armed groups operate on both sides of the border. On 21 March, the Chadian army reportedly attacked Chadian opposition groups in Hejaer Merfaine (Chad) and Dudei close to Masteri, south-west of Geneina. On 15 March, a group from the National Movement for Reform and Development (NMRD), supported by the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), clashed with Sudanese Armed Forces and armed tribesmen in Abu Sorouj. Up to 250 vehicles of the Chadian opposition were reportedly deployed between Masteri and Kongo Haraza.
9. As the Security Council was informed during informal consultations held on 26 April, tension along the border increased further after the Government of Chad accused the Sudan of having supported an apparent coup attempt in Chad on 13 April. The Government of the Sudan has denied any involvement in the Chad incidents. Elements of the Chadian armed opposition returned to Western Darfur following the events of 13 April but, on 19 April, it was reported that Beida in Western Darfur was shelled from a position within Chad, one of the shells landing near a non-governmental organization compound. Despite the Tripoli Agreement of 8 February 2006, tensions between Chad and the Sudan have not diminished and the two countries have continued to trade accusations of support to different armed groups. The security situation in the area remains precarious.
10. New armed groups have continued to be formed in Darfur as local populations have sought ways to defend themselves against attack. Those groups often recruit people younger than 18 years of age. Moreover, credible allegations have surfaced that boys aged 15 or under have been arrested and tortured by the Sudanese Armed Forces and aligned militias, on suspicion of belonging to rebel groups.
11. Banditry remains another serious problem, and humanitarian and commercial vehicles are subjected to frequent ambushes and attacks. For example, in Northern Darfur, a United Nations convoy was stopped and robbed by armed men between Kabkabiya and El Fasher on 25 March. On 4 April, non-governmental organizations staff conducting a polio immunization campaign in the Shangil Tobayi area reported that SLA combatants in the village of Umm Zakaria abducted 10 staff members and two vehicles. The staff members were later released. In Southern Darfur, armed banditry continued in the area north of Menawashi along the Nyala-El Fasher road and on the route between Yassin and Assalaya south-east of Nyala.
12. Attacks on humanitarian compounds and convoys continued also in Western Darfur. For example, in Geneina, armed militia attempted to break into a United Nations guesthouse on 12 April. On 18 April, three non-governmental organization vehicles carrying commodities from Nyala to Zalingei were ambushed and shot at near Fogadiko village. In a separate incident the same day, four non-governmental organization vehicles were ambushed by heavily-armed men north of Geneina.
13. As reported in my quarterly report on the Sudan dated 14 March 2006 (S/2006/160), a troubling anti-United Nations campaign has been witnessed in Khartoum and other Sudanese cities. The campaign, which has included unacceptable language and personal attacks on the leadership of the United Nations Mission in the Sudan (UNMIS), has focused largely on the envisaged transition from AMIS to a United Nations-led operation in Darfur.
III. Human rights and protection
14. Civilians in Darfur continued to suffer the consequences of persistent violence and insecurity, with new displacement of populations, high levels of sexual and gender-based violence, and consistent denial of access to humanitarian assistance. As the conflict has become increasingly erratic and fragmented, civilians have become more exposed to attacks and abuse, and the population's need for protection more acute. Displaced persons continued to arrive from villages under attack or caught in crossfire, swelling camp populations. Some camps, such as Al Sereif in Nyala, are at the very limits of their capacity, leading to rising tensions over food and services. Harassment by armed elements, criminality, and shooting incidents have recently occurred in the Kerenek (Western Darfur) and Kalma (Southern Darfur) camps and appear to be on the rise elsewhere. Authorities' attempts to assert control over the camps have contributed to an atmosphere of intimidation and volatility, and the population of the camps views the Sudanese police with increasing suspicion and even open hostility.
15. More generally, the protection provided to the civilian population in Darfur by international organizations has been eroding. United Nations and other international organizations, and non-governmental organizations, have all seen their ability to move freely and assist the populations reduced as insecurity continues to grow throughout Darfur. Protection of civilians has been further weakened by funding shortages that have caused United Nations and non-governmental organizations to cut down on their programmes. Activities that are most likely to be abandoned are those that are not of an immediate life-saving nature, such as educational or foodfor-work programmes. This is unfortunate, because these activities are particularly effective at creating a protective environment for the most vulnerable sections of the population.
16. Meanwhile, high-ranking State officials and leaders of armed groups and militia have not been held accountable for violence and crimes against civilians. Although the Special Criminal Court on the Events in Darfur has been promoted by the Government as a key tool for bringing justice to the region, only one case of a large-scale attack typical of the conflict in Darfur has come before it: the attack on Tama in October 2005. The lack of a good faith effort to investigate and hold individuals accountable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and other offences reinforces a widely shared sense of impunity.
17. The institutional frameworks developed through capacity-building, such as the establishment, in 2005, of State commissions on sexual and gender-based violence, have not yet led to tangible results on the ground. The number of reports to UNMIS of young women and girls who have been raped and otherwise brutalized has not decreased during the reporting period, and the police have rarely taken adequate action to investigate, arrest or prosecute the perpetrators. UNMIS has documented numerous cases of sexual and gender-based violence in the past months involving armed perpetrators wearing camouflage military-style uniforms that occurred on the outskirts of Masteri, near the Chad border, during firewood and grass collection. In Nertiti (Jebel Marra, Western Darfur), where the number of reported rapes had decreased earlier in 2006 following coordinated interventions by the United Nations, the number of incidents of gender-based violence around camps for internally displaced persons, and close to the military camp, increased again from late March and into April.
18. Since 2005, the Government has pledged to provide UNMIS with free and unfettered access to all detention facilities in the Sudan, including national security and military intelligence facilities. However, local Government officials continued to limit this access. In my January report (S/2006/148), I noted that my Special Representative had requested that this agreement be put in writing. This had still not been done as at the end of March. Meanwhile, in Southern Darfur, national security officials denied UNMIS access to detention facilities throughout the month of March.
19. I have previously noted that local human rights defenders and displaced persons who raise human rights concerns to the police, or who cooperate with the international community, remain at risk of arrest and detention. These concerns were similarly raised by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Sudan during her visit to the country late in February and early in March 2006. I support her call for the Government to cease treating human rights defenders as a threat to the State. On 11 March 2006, the Humanitarian Aid Commission sent a letter to a prominent national non-governmental organization engaged in protection and human rights work, ordering it to suspend its activities. The letter, a copy of which was sent to national security and military intelligence, followed a series of threats to and harassment of the staff members of the organization by security officials in Western Darfur. I was pleased to note, however, the letter of 28 March 2006 from the Ministry of Social Affairs and Information of the State of Western Darfur, stating that the organization could resume its activities. It is important that the directive in the letter is upheld and that human rights defenders are not restricted from carrying out their work in the Sudan.
IV. Humanitarian situation
20. The continuing violence rendered the delivery of humanitarian assistance difficult in large parts of Darfur throughout both March and April. The fighting in the Haskanita area in Northern Darfur has prevented the humanitarian community from effectively accessing tens of thousands of newly displaced people. In large parts of Jebel Marra, it has been impossible to resume humanitarian activities since fighting erupted there in the second half of January 2006, leaving around 200,000 people without humanitarian assistance, including as many as 40,000 recently displaced persons. Access to other areas, such as Gereida in Southern Darfur, continues to be precarious.
21. Humanitarian access has been further limited by the administrative measures taken by the Government of the Sudan, despite the extension of the moratorium on restrictions for humanitarian work in Darfur until 31 January 2007, and the signing of the status-of-forces agreement on 28 December 2005. The Humanitarian Aid Commission has further restricted the freedom of non-governmental organizations to hire national staff. Although paragraph 64 of the status-of-forces agreement provides that United Nations offices, funds and programmes, when they perform functions in relation to the UNMIS mandate, enjoy the same rights as UNMIS itself, national security officials at Nyala airport in Southern Darfur have been harassing United Nations staff without travel permits, forcing many to return to Khartoum. At the same time, Government-imposed embargoes on certain essential items, including fuel, foodstuffs and other humanitarian assistance entering SLA-held areas in Southern Darfur, have prevented the access of civilians to vital goods and constitute a violation of international humanitarian law.
22. Equally worrying is the fact that the humanitarian community has been subjected to an increasing number of targeted attacks, as described above. In Northern Darfur, the intra-SLA fighting and the practice of hijacking nongovernmental organization cars have led to serious gaps in the provision of humanitarian assistance. Four key non-governmental organizations have suspended food distribution, camp coordination, and water and sanitation operations in the Shangil Tobayi, Tabit, Gallap and Dar es Salaam areas, and other such organizations have scaled down their activities. As a result, 80,000 people have currently no access to vital services, around 1,000 children per month no longer receive routine vaccinations, and a polio immunization campaign for 20,000 children under the age of 5 had to be suspended.
V. Darfur peace process
23. During the reporting period, a concerted push was made by the African Union (AU) mediation team and participants in the inter-Sudanese peace talks in Abuja to conclude the peace negotiations. During March, the focus of the talks was on security issues. On 12 March, AU presented for the parties' consideration a draft text entitled "Enhanced Ceasefire Agreement for Darfur" and prompted the parties, for the first time, to indicate and map where their forces were deployed in the field. On 22 April, the AU mediation presented the parties with a draft text entitled "Final status security arrangements", which framed the negotiations in several important areas, including disarmament of the Janjaweed, the length of time the movements would be allowed to retain their armed forces, the numbers of former combatants to be absorbed into the Sudanese security services, and the processes for their disarmament, demobilization and societal reintegration.
24. On 25 April, the African Union mediation team presented a comprehensive draft Darfur Peace Agreement, and high-level negotiations intensified with a view to concluding the negotiations by 30 April. The 85-page document prepared by the African Union mediation covers power-sharing, wealth-sharing, security arrangements, and a Darfur-Darfur dialogue and consultation.
25. On 5 May 2006, following a period of intensive negotiations, the Government of the Sudan and the Minawi faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army signed the Darfur Peace Agreement. The comprehensive set of commitments paves the way for the long-awaited restoration of peace to the region, the return of displaced persons, and economic recovery and reconstruction.
26. Meanwhile, Government-sponsored tribal reconciliation initiatives continued to be pursued in Darfur. In Zalingei, Western Darfur, the Government's initiative to engage tribal leaders successfully ended months of fighting between the Al-Hutiya and Al-Nuwaiba communities. In Southern Darfur, however, an initiative of the State Government to help reconcile the Birgit, Zaghawa and Misseria communities in Sheiria was not successful. The Zaghawa representatives did not participate in the tribal talks, and the Birgit and Misseria delegates expressed the view that the reconciliation effort was premature. These examples underline the importance of organizing an inclusive Darfur-Darfur dialogue and consultation to give all Darfurians a sense of engagement in and commitment to the peace process, and to address the many local conflicts that cripple Darfur.
27. During the period under review, the Joint Commission did not meet. The serious deterioration in the situation and the consequent political instability in Chad continued to loom over the Darfur peace process. On 16 April, Chad decided to withdraw its delegation from the Abuja talks, in protest at alleged Sudanese involvement in the recent attack against N'Djamena.
VI. United Nations support to the African Union Mission in the Sudan
28. As at 21 April, AMIS had a total of 6,978 personnel in Darfur, comprising 701 military observers, 1,408 civilian police, 28 international civilian staff, 12 Ceasefire Commission personnel and a protection force of 4,829 troops. UNMIS continued to liaise closely with AMIS, through regular contacts with the AMIS Special Representative in Khartoum, AMIS personnel in Darfur, and periodic meetings between the United Nations assistance cell and the AU Commission in Addis Ababa. A joint United Nations-AMIS liaison mechanism has been established in El Fasher to enhance coordination and facilitate the provision of United Nations assistance to AMIS.
29. On 31 March, I met with the Chairman of the African Union Commission, Alpha Oumar Konare to discuss the future of the AU peacekeeping operation in Darfur, as well as options for a United Nations peace support operation in Darfur. At the request of the Chairman, a delegation led by the Assistant Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations travelled to Addis Ababa for further consultations with the AU Commission from 12 to 14 April. The discussions led to a renewed commitment to proceed with joint planning for a transition, which was articulated in the joint AU-United Nations communique of 12 April. Several concrete areas for United Nations assistance to AMIS were also identified.
30. The delegation then travelled to Khartoum and, on 15 April, met with the President of the Sudan, Omar Hassan Al-Bashir, to discuss the Government's concerns regarding the envisaged transition to a United Nations peace operation in Darfur. President Al-Bashir expressed the view that any discussion of, or preparations for, a transition from AMIS to a United Nations operation would be premature prior to the conclusion of an agreement in Abuja.
VII. Observations
31. I was pleased by the signing, on 5 May, of the Darfur Peace Agreement in Abuja by the Government of the Sudan and one faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army. I commend the Government and the senior leaders of the Minni Minawi faction of SLM/A for demonstrating commitment to reach a political settlement. I also wish to pay tribute to the AU Chief Mediator, Salim Ahmed Salim, for his tireless efforts throughout the many rounds of negotiations, and President Sassou Nguesso and President Obasanjo, as well as their international partners, for their decisive role in the final stages of the process.
32. While the signing of the Agreement represents a major achievement, the parties must now proceed decisively in good faith, and the people of the Sudan and the international community must urgently tackle the challenge of implementation. Darfur is still far from being at peace, and the violence and the deplorable death of an African Union interpreter at the Kalma camp on 7 May 2006 illustrates this tragic reality. I am especially concerned by the fact that there are rebel leaders who have not yet signed the Agreement, and the international community must work to convince them to choose peace over conflict, for the sake of their people.
33. In her visit to Darfur late in April, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights found a dramatic and ongoing deterioration in human rights, security and humanitarian conditions. Both the High Commissioner and the Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs have called attention to the urgent need for the Government to ease travel restrictions and create a safer environment for human rights and humanitarian activities. During his visit to Darfur early in May, the Under-Secretary-General was successful in negotiating the reinstating of the Norwegian Refugee Council as Kalma camp coordinator after its expulsion without explanation by the Government of Southern Darfur earlier in 2006. While this is a positive development, a more definitive step towards facilitating human rights and humanitarian work would be the reform of the law on non-governmental organizations, which currently places undue restrictions on the work of those organizations and on humanitarian access to vulnerable populations.
34. Even as the final rounds of discussion in Abuja were being held, all parties continued to engage in totally unacceptable levels of violence and despicable attacks against civilians, in breach of humanitarian law and earlier ceasefire commitments. I would like to emphasize, therefore, the need for all parties, and the Government of the Sudan in particular, to observe the ceasefire and desist from violence while implementation modalities for the new agreement are being developed.
35. Every effort must be made to ensure that the people of Darfur are protected and assisted, so that they can fully benefit from this historic opportunity to bring peace to Darfur. The immediate priority for the international community must therefore be to strengthen AMIS, so that it can move ahead with implementing the agreement and providing real security for civilians. Concrete requirements for support to AMIS include increasing the number of troops, and providing enhanced logistics and greater financial support. In response to the requests of the African Union, several United Nations experts are already on their way to El Fasher to help AMIS in establishing a Joint Operations Centre and provide assistance with aviation and communications. The United Nations is also ready to start exploring, without delay, the additional AMIS requirements which could then be quickly presented to a donor conference. To this end, the Secretariat is ready to participate in a special meeting with the African Union and donors' representatives in Addis Ababa.
36. A second, critical, priority is to address the continuing humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The 14,000-strong humanitarian community working in the region provides vital services to millions of people in need, despite access restrictions, a volatile security situation, sporadic targeted attacks, and administrative obstacles. A shortage of funding has caused operations to be scaled down, however, and food rations will have been halved as from the beginning of May. I therefore repeat my urgent appeal to the international community to continue supporting the humanitarian effort for Darfur in this critical phase of implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement. Not a single day can be lost in this regard and, as the UnderSecretary-General has argued, the Government of the Sudan must join forces with the international community to bridge the current food deficit and prevent a catastrophic humanitarian crisis.
37. At its meeting at the level of Foreign Ministers held on 9 May 2006, the Security Council confirmed these two priorities and stated, also, the importance of finalizing detailed planning proposals for a United Nations operation in Darfur.
38. A first-hand assessment of the situation on the ground is urgently required. During the technical assessment, the United Nations and the African Union will consult with the Government of National Unity of the Sudan on the way forward, the new requirements for AMIS arising from the Abuja Agreement, and the possible transition to a United Nations operation. These consultations are essential, as no peacekeeping mission can succeed without the support and cooperation of the parties concerned.
39. Finally, the attacks which occurred in Chad in April have further aggravated tensions and fuelled the instability and insecurity along the common border, as well as in Darfur and Chad as a whole. It is therefore essential that every effort be made by the two Governments to defuse tensions and to implement the Tripoli Agreement of 8 February 2006.
Source: S/2006/306 [via Coalition for Darfur, with thanks]
I. Introduction
1. The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraphs 6, 13 and 16 of Security Council resolution 1556 (2004), paragraph 15 of resolution 1564 (2004), paragraph 17 of resolution 1574 (2004) and paragraph 12 of resolution 1590 (2005). It covers the months of March and April 2006.
II. Insecurity in Darfur
2. The security situation over the reporting period was marked by serious armed clashes between the warring parties, numerous acts of banditry and hijacking of vehicles, continued in-fighting between the factions of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA), and further destabilization along the Chad/Sudan border.
3. In Northern Darfur, there were hostilities between the Sudanese Armed Forces and SLA forces in Haskanita, Al Lait and Al Tawisa early in March, four major clashes and several other skirmishes being reported. Those clashes resulted in a number of casualties among both combatants and civilians. On 8 April, the Sudanese Armed Forces launched attacks against villages in the Jebel Wana area using two helicopter gunships. Three SLA soldiers were reportedly killed and at least 17 people injured. Late in March, the Sudanese Armed Forces and armed tribesmen attacked and looted the SLA-controlled village of Debbis and, early in April, militia attacked a number of villages in the region of Madu. On 7 April, a large convoy of Sudanese Armed Forces was ambushed by SLA in Jebel Wana between El Fasher and Kafod, and about 40 Government soldiers were killed. Government forces then attacked several villages in the area, allegedly using helicopter gunships.
4. Tensions between the SLA factions of Minni Minawi and Adbul Wahid remained high in Northern Darfur. On 3 April, the two factions clashed in the area of Khazan Jedid, while combatants of the SLA faction of Abdul Wahid launched an attack the same day in an attempt to retake control of Korma. They were repulsed by SLA troops within Korma, and scores of combatants were reported killed. There were further clashes between the SLA factions on 19 April. The Minni Minawi faction launched an attack on six villages in the Tawilla area. According to witnesses, as many as 400 attackers rode in trucks, on camels and on horseback. It is reported that the violence resulted in civilians killed, scores of people wounded, women raped, looting, and thousands of people displaced. The attack indicates the beginning of a new pattern of rebel troops attacking civilians on a large scale and committing human rights violations against non-combatants. Other intra-SLA clashes in mid-March and early April led to thousands of people becoming displaced and caused some to flee out of fear that their villages might be the sites of attack. In the area between Tawilla and Korma, efforts undertaken by the African Union Mission in the Sudan (AMIS) to reduce misunderstanding and promote peaceful coexistence between the Arab and Fur communities were disrupted when SLA soldiers of the Minawi faction invaded the area.
5. In the Jebel Marra area, more clashes were reported between SLA, Sudanese Armed Forces and armed tribesmen. On 17 March, there was fighting between SLA and Sudanese Armed Forces in the area of Daya and Tibon, and SLA claimed that the attackers used vehicles with AMIS and United Nations markings. This practice represents a clear affront to the neutral status of AMIS and the United Nations humanitarian operation.
6. Systematic attacks by militia on civilians also continued. Umm Shugeira village in Southern Darfur was attacked by about 200 uniformed militia on horseback and on camels, and many cattle and sheep were looted. On 13 April, at least 15 villagers were killed and 19 wounded when approximately 500 armed militia launched an attack on Kurunje village south-west of Sheiria. The attackers dragged men and women from their homes, beat them, looted their houses and stole livestock. Also in the Sheiria area, Sudanese Armed Forces supported by armed tribesmen on horseback and on camels attacked Arto and surrounding villages on 16 April. Nine villagers were reported killed and 18 wounded, while 26 people were reportedly missing. On 21 April the militia, supported by the Popular Defence Force, attacked Dito, killing 25 SLA combatants.
7. On 9 April, a group of about 160 SLA fighters attacked the market at Gueighin, south-west of Buram. In retaliation, armed militia attacked and burned the villages of Higlige, Nabakaya Halalif and Talhaya. On 16 April, Sudanese Armed Forces recaptured Donkey Dereisa, which had come under the control of SLA in December 2005. On 24 April, Sudanese Armed Forces attacked Joghana, causing further displacement of civilians. Some villages around Joghana were reportedly burned during the attack.
8. In Western Darfur, armed tribesmen on 10 April attacked the Jebel Moon area and Bir Siliba, a village close to the Chadian border. Instability in Chad has further complicated the security situation in the border region of Western Darfur, and armed groups operate on both sides of the border. On 21 March, the Chadian army reportedly attacked Chadian opposition groups in Hejaer Merfaine (Chad) and Dudei close to Masteri, south-west of Geneina. On 15 March, a group from the National Movement for Reform and Development (NMRD), supported by the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), clashed with Sudanese Armed Forces and armed tribesmen in Abu Sorouj. Up to 250 vehicles of the Chadian opposition were reportedly deployed between Masteri and Kongo Haraza.
9. As the Security Council was informed during informal consultations held on 26 April, tension along the border increased further after the Government of Chad accused the Sudan of having supported an apparent coup attempt in Chad on 13 April. The Government of the Sudan has denied any involvement in the Chad incidents. Elements of the Chadian armed opposition returned to Western Darfur following the events of 13 April but, on 19 April, it was reported that Beida in Western Darfur was shelled from a position within Chad, one of the shells landing near a non-governmental organization compound. Despite the Tripoli Agreement of 8 February 2006, tensions between Chad and the Sudan have not diminished and the two countries have continued to trade accusations of support to different armed groups. The security situation in the area remains precarious.
10. New armed groups have continued to be formed in Darfur as local populations have sought ways to defend themselves against attack. Those groups often recruit people younger than 18 years of age. Moreover, credible allegations have surfaced that boys aged 15 or under have been arrested and tortured by the Sudanese Armed Forces and aligned militias, on suspicion of belonging to rebel groups.
11. Banditry remains another serious problem, and humanitarian and commercial vehicles are subjected to frequent ambushes and attacks. For example, in Northern Darfur, a United Nations convoy was stopped and robbed by armed men between Kabkabiya and El Fasher on 25 March. On 4 April, non-governmental organizations staff conducting a polio immunization campaign in the Shangil Tobayi area reported that SLA combatants in the village of Umm Zakaria abducted 10 staff members and two vehicles. The staff members were later released. In Southern Darfur, armed banditry continued in the area north of Menawashi along the Nyala-El Fasher road and on the route between Yassin and Assalaya south-east of Nyala.
12. Attacks on humanitarian compounds and convoys continued also in Western Darfur. For example, in Geneina, armed militia attempted to break into a United Nations guesthouse on 12 April. On 18 April, three non-governmental organization vehicles carrying commodities from Nyala to Zalingei were ambushed and shot at near Fogadiko village. In a separate incident the same day, four non-governmental organization vehicles were ambushed by heavily-armed men north of Geneina.
13. As reported in my quarterly report on the Sudan dated 14 March 2006 (S/2006/160), a troubling anti-United Nations campaign has been witnessed in Khartoum and other Sudanese cities. The campaign, which has included unacceptable language and personal attacks on the leadership of the United Nations Mission in the Sudan (UNMIS), has focused largely on the envisaged transition from AMIS to a United Nations-led operation in Darfur.
III. Human rights and protection
14. Civilians in Darfur continued to suffer the consequences of persistent violence and insecurity, with new displacement of populations, high levels of sexual and gender-based violence, and consistent denial of access to humanitarian assistance. As the conflict has become increasingly erratic and fragmented, civilians have become more exposed to attacks and abuse, and the population's need for protection more acute. Displaced persons continued to arrive from villages under attack or caught in crossfire, swelling camp populations. Some camps, such as Al Sereif in Nyala, are at the very limits of their capacity, leading to rising tensions over food and services. Harassment by armed elements, criminality, and shooting incidents have recently occurred in the Kerenek (Western Darfur) and Kalma (Southern Darfur) camps and appear to be on the rise elsewhere. Authorities' attempts to assert control over the camps have contributed to an atmosphere of intimidation and volatility, and the population of the camps views the Sudanese police with increasing suspicion and even open hostility.
15. More generally, the protection provided to the civilian population in Darfur by international organizations has been eroding. United Nations and other international organizations, and non-governmental organizations, have all seen their ability to move freely and assist the populations reduced as insecurity continues to grow throughout Darfur. Protection of civilians has been further weakened by funding shortages that have caused United Nations and non-governmental organizations to cut down on their programmes. Activities that are most likely to be abandoned are those that are not of an immediate life-saving nature, such as educational or foodfor-work programmes. This is unfortunate, because these activities are particularly effective at creating a protective environment for the most vulnerable sections of the population.
16. Meanwhile, high-ranking State officials and leaders of armed groups and militia have not been held accountable for violence and crimes against civilians. Although the Special Criminal Court on the Events in Darfur has been promoted by the Government as a key tool for bringing justice to the region, only one case of a large-scale attack typical of the conflict in Darfur has come before it: the attack on Tama in October 2005. The lack of a good faith effort to investigate and hold individuals accountable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and other offences reinforces a widely shared sense of impunity.
17. The institutional frameworks developed through capacity-building, such as the establishment, in 2005, of State commissions on sexual and gender-based violence, have not yet led to tangible results on the ground. The number of reports to UNMIS of young women and girls who have been raped and otherwise brutalized has not decreased during the reporting period, and the police have rarely taken adequate action to investigate, arrest or prosecute the perpetrators. UNMIS has documented numerous cases of sexual and gender-based violence in the past months involving armed perpetrators wearing camouflage military-style uniforms that occurred on the outskirts of Masteri, near the Chad border, during firewood and grass collection. In Nertiti (Jebel Marra, Western Darfur), where the number of reported rapes had decreased earlier in 2006 following coordinated interventions by the United Nations, the number of incidents of gender-based violence around camps for internally displaced persons, and close to the military camp, increased again from late March and into April.
18. Since 2005, the Government has pledged to provide UNMIS with free and unfettered access to all detention facilities in the Sudan, including national security and military intelligence facilities. However, local Government officials continued to limit this access. In my January report (S/2006/148), I noted that my Special Representative had requested that this agreement be put in writing. This had still not been done as at the end of March. Meanwhile, in Southern Darfur, national security officials denied UNMIS access to detention facilities throughout the month of March.
19. I have previously noted that local human rights defenders and displaced persons who raise human rights concerns to the police, or who cooperate with the international community, remain at risk of arrest and detention. These concerns were similarly raised by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Sudan during her visit to the country late in February and early in March 2006. I support her call for the Government to cease treating human rights defenders as a threat to the State. On 11 March 2006, the Humanitarian Aid Commission sent a letter to a prominent national non-governmental organization engaged in protection and human rights work, ordering it to suspend its activities. The letter, a copy of which was sent to national security and military intelligence, followed a series of threats to and harassment of the staff members of the organization by security officials in Western Darfur. I was pleased to note, however, the letter of 28 March 2006 from the Ministry of Social Affairs and Information of the State of Western Darfur, stating that the organization could resume its activities. It is important that the directive in the letter is upheld and that human rights defenders are not restricted from carrying out their work in the Sudan.
IV. Humanitarian situation
20. The continuing violence rendered the delivery of humanitarian assistance difficult in large parts of Darfur throughout both March and April. The fighting in the Haskanita area in Northern Darfur has prevented the humanitarian community from effectively accessing tens of thousands of newly displaced people. In large parts of Jebel Marra, it has been impossible to resume humanitarian activities since fighting erupted there in the second half of January 2006, leaving around 200,000 people without humanitarian assistance, including as many as 40,000 recently displaced persons. Access to other areas, such as Gereida in Southern Darfur, continues to be precarious.
21. Humanitarian access has been further limited by the administrative measures taken by the Government of the Sudan, despite the extension of the moratorium on restrictions for humanitarian work in Darfur until 31 January 2007, and the signing of the status-of-forces agreement on 28 December 2005. The Humanitarian Aid Commission has further restricted the freedom of non-governmental organizations to hire national staff. Although paragraph 64 of the status-of-forces agreement provides that United Nations offices, funds and programmes, when they perform functions in relation to the UNMIS mandate, enjoy the same rights as UNMIS itself, national security officials at Nyala airport in Southern Darfur have been harassing United Nations staff without travel permits, forcing many to return to Khartoum. At the same time, Government-imposed embargoes on certain essential items, including fuel, foodstuffs and other humanitarian assistance entering SLA-held areas in Southern Darfur, have prevented the access of civilians to vital goods and constitute a violation of international humanitarian law.
22. Equally worrying is the fact that the humanitarian community has been subjected to an increasing number of targeted attacks, as described above. In Northern Darfur, the intra-SLA fighting and the practice of hijacking nongovernmental organization cars have led to serious gaps in the provision of humanitarian assistance. Four key non-governmental organizations have suspended food distribution, camp coordination, and water and sanitation operations in the Shangil Tobayi, Tabit, Gallap and Dar es Salaam areas, and other such organizations have scaled down their activities. As a result, 80,000 people have currently no access to vital services, around 1,000 children per month no longer receive routine vaccinations, and a polio immunization campaign for 20,000 children under the age of 5 had to be suspended.
V. Darfur peace process
23. During the reporting period, a concerted push was made by the African Union (AU) mediation team and participants in the inter-Sudanese peace talks in Abuja to conclude the peace negotiations. During March, the focus of the talks was on security issues. On 12 March, AU presented for the parties' consideration a draft text entitled "Enhanced Ceasefire Agreement for Darfur" and prompted the parties, for the first time, to indicate and map where their forces were deployed in the field. On 22 April, the AU mediation presented the parties with a draft text entitled "Final status security arrangements", which framed the negotiations in several important areas, including disarmament of the Janjaweed, the length of time the movements would be allowed to retain their armed forces, the numbers of former combatants to be absorbed into the Sudanese security services, and the processes for their disarmament, demobilization and societal reintegration.
24. On 25 April, the African Union mediation team presented a comprehensive draft Darfur Peace Agreement, and high-level negotiations intensified with a view to concluding the negotiations by 30 April. The 85-page document prepared by the African Union mediation covers power-sharing, wealth-sharing, security arrangements, and a Darfur-Darfur dialogue and consultation.
25. On 5 May 2006, following a period of intensive negotiations, the Government of the Sudan and the Minawi faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army signed the Darfur Peace Agreement. The comprehensive set of commitments paves the way for the long-awaited restoration of peace to the region, the return of displaced persons, and economic recovery and reconstruction.
26. Meanwhile, Government-sponsored tribal reconciliation initiatives continued to be pursued in Darfur. In Zalingei, Western Darfur, the Government's initiative to engage tribal leaders successfully ended months of fighting between the Al-Hutiya and Al-Nuwaiba communities. In Southern Darfur, however, an initiative of the State Government to help reconcile the Birgit, Zaghawa and Misseria communities in Sheiria was not successful. The Zaghawa representatives did not participate in the tribal talks, and the Birgit and Misseria delegates expressed the view that the reconciliation effort was premature. These examples underline the importance of organizing an inclusive Darfur-Darfur dialogue and consultation to give all Darfurians a sense of engagement in and commitment to the peace process, and to address the many local conflicts that cripple Darfur.
27. During the period under review, the Joint Commission did not meet. The serious deterioration in the situation and the consequent political instability in Chad continued to loom over the Darfur peace process. On 16 April, Chad decided to withdraw its delegation from the Abuja talks, in protest at alleged Sudanese involvement in the recent attack against N'Djamena.
VI. United Nations support to the African Union Mission in the Sudan
28. As at 21 April, AMIS had a total of 6,978 personnel in Darfur, comprising 701 military observers, 1,408 civilian police, 28 international civilian staff, 12 Ceasefire Commission personnel and a protection force of 4,829 troops. UNMIS continued to liaise closely with AMIS, through regular contacts with the AMIS Special Representative in Khartoum, AMIS personnel in Darfur, and periodic meetings between the United Nations assistance cell and the AU Commission in Addis Ababa. A joint United Nations-AMIS liaison mechanism has been established in El Fasher to enhance coordination and facilitate the provision of United Nations assistance to AMIS.
29. On 31 March, I met with the Chairman of the African Union Commission, Alpha Oumar Konare to discuss the future of the AU peacekeeping operation in Darfur, as well as options for a United Nations peace support operation in Darfur. At the request of the Chairman, a delegation led by the Assistant Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations travelled to Addis Ababa for further consultations with the AU Commission from 12 to 14 April. The discussions led to a renewed commitment to proceed with joint planning for a transition, which was articulated in the joint AU-United Nations communique of 12 April. Several concrete areas for United Nations assistance to AMIS were also identified.
30. The delegation then travelled to Khartoum and, on 15 April, met with the President of the Sudan, Omar Hassan Al-Bashir, to discuss the Government's concerns regarding the envisaged transition to a United Nations peace operation in Darfur. President Al-Bashir expressed the view that any discussion of, or preparations for, a transition from AMIS to a United Nations operation would be premature prior to the conclusion of an agreement in Abuja.
VII. Observations
31. I was pleased by the signing, on 5 May, of the Darfur Peace Agreement in Abuja by the Government of the Sudan and one faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army. I commend the Government and the senior leaders of the Minni Minawi faction of SLM/A for demonstrating commitment to reach a political settlement. I also wish to pay tribute to the AU Chief Mediator, Salim Ahmed Salim, for his tireless efforts throughout the many rounds of negotiations, and President Sassou Nguesso and President Obasanjo, as well as their international partners, for their decisive role in the final stages of the process.
32. While the signing of the Agreement represents a major achievement, the parties must now proceed decisively in good faith, and the people of the Sudan and the international community must urgently tackle the challenge of implementation. Darfur is still far from being at peace, and the violence and the deplorable death of an African Union interpreter at the Kalma camp on 7 May 2006 illustrates this tragic reality. I am especially concerned by the fact that there are rebel leaders who have not yet signed the Agreement, and the international community must work to convince them to choose peace over conflict, for the sake of their people.
33. In her visit to Darfur late in April, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights found a dramatic and ongoing deterioration in human rights, security and humanitarian conditions. Both the High Commissioner and the Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs have called attention to the urgent need for the Government to ease travel restrictions and create a safer environment for human rights and humanitarian activities. During his visit to Darfur early in May, the Under-Secretary-General was successful in negotiating the reinstating of the Norwegian Refugee Council as Kalma camp coordinator after its expulsion without explanation by the Government of Southern Darfur earlier in 2006. While this is a positive development, a more definitive step towards facilitating human rights and humanitarian work would be the reform of the law on non-governmental organizations, which currently places undue restrictions on the work of those organizations and on humanitarian access to vulnerable populations.
34. Even as the final rounds of discussion in Abuja were being held, all parties continued to engage in totally unacceptable levels of violence and despicable attacks against civilians, in breach of humanitarian law and earlier ceasefire commitments. I would like to emphasize, therefore, the need for all parties, and the Government of the Sudan in particular, to observe the ceasefire and desist from violence while implementation modalities for the new agreement are being developed.
35. Every effort must be made to ensure that the people of Darfur are protected and assisted, so that they can fully benefit from this historic opportunity to bring peace to Darfur. The immediate priority for the international community must therefore be to strengthen AMIS, so that it can move ahead with implementing the agreement and providing real security for civilians. Concrete requirements for support to AMIS include increasing the number of troops, and providing enhanced logistics and greater financial support. In response to the requests of the African Union, several United Nations experts are already on their way to El Fasher to help AMIS in establishing a Joint Operations Centre and provide assistance with aviation and communications. The United Nations is also ready to start exploring, without delay, the additional AMIS requirements which could then be quickly presented to a donor conference. To this end, the Secretariat is ready to participate in a special meeting with the African Union and donors' representatives in Addis Ababa.
36. A second, critical, priority is to address the continuing humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The 14,000-strong humanitarian community working in the region provides vital services to millions of people in need, despite access restrictions, a volatile security situation, sporadic targeted attacks, and administrative obstacles. A shortage of funding has caused operations to be scaled down, however, and food rations will have been halved as from the beginning of May. I therefore repeat my urgent appeal to the international community to continue supporting the humanitarian effort for Darfur in this critical phase of implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement. Not a single day can be lost in this regard and, as the UnderSecretary-General has argued, the Government of the Sudan must join forces with the international community to bridge the current food deficit and prevent a catastrophic humanitarian crisis.
37. At its meeting at the level of Foreign Ministers held on 9 May 2006, the Security Council confirmed these two priorities and stated, also, the importance of finalizing detailed planning proposals for a United Nations operation in Darfur.
38. A first-hand assessment of the situation on the ground is urgently required. During the technical assessment, the United Nations and the African Union will consult with the Government of National Unity of the Sudan on the way forward, the new requirements for AMIS arising from the Abuja Agreement, and the possible transition to a United Nations operation. These consultations are essential, as no peacekeeping mission can succeed without the support and cooperation of the parties concerned.
39. Finally, the attacks which occurred in Chad in April have further aggravated tensions and fuelled the instability and insecurity along the common border, as well as in Darfur and Chad as a whole. It is therefore essential that every effort be made by the two Governments to defuse tensions and to implement the Tripoli Agreement of 8 February 2006.
Source: S/2006/306 [via Coalition for Darfur, with thanks]
Joint UN-AU assessment team to visit Darfur within days, UN envoy says
Further to reports today by Reuters, Bloomberg, Associated Press, BBC and UPI noted here earlier, a report by UN News Centre, just in, confirms:
Joint UN-AU assessment team to visit Darfur within days, UN envoy says:
Joint UN-AU assessment team to visit Darfur within days, UN envoy says:
The mission would undertake an assessment of all the requirements for a possible transition to the UN from the 7,000-strong peacekeeping AU Mission in Sudan (AMIS). AMIS itself would have to be strengthened immediately, he [Brahimi] said, since it would bear the initial responsibility of helping to implement the Darfur Peace Agreement signed earlier this month.
The proposed assessment team would return to Khartoum for one more round of consultations, he said, before reporting to Mr. Annan and AU Commission chairperson Alpha Oumar Konare.
In talks that were useful to the UN and may also have been useful to Sudan, he said: "I reassured my interlocutors that the intention of the United Nations was to help them and the people of Darfur successfully implement the agreement signed in Abuja (Nigeria) on 5 May, by using all the resources at its disposal."
This would mean adding, as an extension of the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) in South Sudan, a multi-dimensional presence in Darfur, including humanitarian assistance, human rights observers and support for voluntary returns and longer-term recovery, as well as security, he said.
He pointed out that that was exactly what was happening in South Sudan where military, police and civilian personnel have been directly involved in implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in January of last year.
Sudan agrees on UN/AU Darfur assessment mission
Reuters report Opheera McDoom, just in - excerpt:
Sudan has agreed to allow an African Union-UN assessment mission into the country ahead of a possible deployment of UN troops to enforce a peace deal in war-torn Darfur, a UN diplomat said on Thursday.
Speaking after a meeting with Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the UN's Lakhdar Brahimi said: "We agreed that in the coming days the United Nations and the African Union will send a joint assessment mission to Sudan."
Brahimi said the mission, including military experts, would start work in Khartoum and then go to Darfur where he said it would assess the immediate needs of the AU force.
It "would also undertake an assessment of all the requirements for a possible transition from the AU to the UN", he told reporters in Khartoum.
In New York, UN chief spokesman Stephane Dujarric said no date had yet been set for the assessment mission's departure.
"Brahimi added that the assessment mission's activities would be undertaken without prejudging future decisions of the Government of National Unity in Sudan, the African Union and the UN may take on Darfur," Dujarric said.
(Additional reporting by Evelyn Leopold at the United Nations)
May 25 2006 Bloomberg report: Sudan Agrees to Let UN Go to Darfur to Plan for Peacekeeping (Update 2) - Brahimi described the agreement as a "positive first step." Today's accord to send the assessment mission was "without prejudice" to any future decision by the government on whether to allow deployment of the peacekeepers, he said. "The Sudanese government has the right at any moment to reject the work of the UN in Darfur," Brahimi said in remarks in Arabic that were translated by a UN interpreter. UN forces would not attempt to "bring back colonialism to Darfur," he said, nor would they be an invasion force comparable to the US occupation of Iraq. Deployment would depend on the "consent and acceptance" of the Sudanese authorities, he said.
May 25 2006 AP report (Mohamed Osman) via Guardian UN Envoy in Sudan for Peacekeeping Talks - "This joint mission of the United Nations and the African Union will start with detailed and wide-ranging consultations in Khartoum,'' said Lakhdar Brahimi. Shortly before Brahimi spoke at a news conference, Sudanese FM Lam Akol said Sudan wants a potential UN force to play a far smaller role in Darfur than some members of the Security Council have envisioned. "Any forces if that is agreed upon would be a force for supervision and not a force for peace implementation," he said. Separately Thursday, the UN mission to Sudan said that government forces were increasingly tackling groups that hijack NGO vehicles in North Darfur, and have detained militiamen.
May 25 2006 BBC (Jonah Fisher in Khartoum) report: Sudan 'closer' to UN Darfur plan - Mr Brahimi said a joint UN and AU team would arrive in the next few days. Sudan still does not accept that a UN force in Darfur is inevitable. At a press briefing in Khartoum, FM Lam Akol said that further political discussion was needed, and that only after those meetings could technical preparations be made.
May 25 2006 UPI report: UN envoy: Sudan agrees to assess team - Brahimi said the joint mission will start with consultations in Khartoum and go to Darfur to assess needs of the African Mission in Sudan since it will have the initial responsibility of facilitating implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement reached May 5 in Abuja, Nigeria.
The envoy said he had to overcome fears voiced by Khartoum's leadership that the team's presence could prejudice future decisions by signatories to the Darfur accord on whether there was an actual peacekeeping deployment, and concerns Darfur was about to be invaded by foreign forces.
The veteran envoy assured the leaders "the United Nations is not in the business of imposing its presence on anyone" and that a UN operation in Darfur would be an extension of the world organisation's present 10,000 member mission for south Sudan.
May 25 2006 Statement by the White House - President Bush will welcome President Paul Kagame of Rwanda to the White House May 31, 2006 and will recognise Rwanda's contributions to peacekeeping contributions in Sudan.
Sudan has agreed to allow an African Union-UN assessment mission into the country ahead of a possible deployment of UN troops to enforce a peace deal in war-torn Darfur, a UN diplomat said on Thursday.
Speaking after a meeting with Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the UN's Lakhdar Brahimi said: "We agreed that in the coming days the United Nations and the African Union will send a joint assessment mission to Sudan."
Brahimi said the mission, including military experts, would start work in Khartoum and then go to Darfur where he said it would assess the immediate needs of the AU force.
It "would also undertake an assessment of all the requirements for a possible transition from the AU to the UN", he told reporters in Khartoum.
In New York, UN chief spokesman Stephane Dujarric said no date had yet been set for the assessment mission's departure.
"Brahimi added that the assessment mission's activities would be undertaken without prejudging future decisions of the Government of National Unity in Sudan, the African Union and the UN may take on Darfur," Dujarric said.
(Additional reporting by Evelyn Leopold at the United Nations)
May 25 2006 Bloomberg report: Sudan Agrees to Let UN Go to Darfur to Plan for Peacekeeping (Update 2) - Brahimi described the agreement as a "positive first step." Today's accord to send the assessment mission was "without prejudice" to any future decision by the government on whether to allow deployment of the peacekeepers, he said. "The Sudanese government has the right at any moment to reject the work of the UN in Darfur," Brahimi said in remarks in Arabic that were translated by a UN interpreter. UN forces would not attempt to "bring back colonialism to Darfur," he said, nor would they be an invasion force comparable to the US occupation of Iraq. Deployment would depend on the "consent and acceptance" of the Sudanese authorities, he said.
May 25 2006 AP report (Mohamed Osman) via Guardian UN Envoy in Sudan for Peacekeeping Talks - "This joint mission of the United Nations and the African Union will start with detailed and wide-ranging consultations in Khartoum,'' said Lakhdar Brahimi. Shortly before Brahimi spoke at a news conference, Sudanese FM Lam Akol said Sudan wants a potential UN force to play a far smaller role in Darfur than some members of the Security Council have envisioned. "Any forces if that is agreed upon would be a force for supervision and not a force for peace implementation," he said. Separately Thursday, the UN mission to Sudan said that government forces were increasingly tackling groups that hijack NGO vehicles in North Darfur, and have detained militiamen.
May 25 2006 BBC (Jonah Fisher in Khartoum) report: Sudan 'closer' to UN Darfur plan - Mr Brahimi said a joint UN and AU team would arrive in the next few days. Sudan still does not accept that a UN force in Darfur is inevitable. At a press briefing in Khartoum, FM Lam Akol said that further political discussion was needed, and that only after those meetings could technical preparations be made.
May 25 2006 UPI report: UN envoy: Sudan agrees to assess team - Brahimi said the joint mission will start with consultations in Khartoum and go to Darfur to assess needs of the African Mission in Sudan since it will have the initial responsibility of facilitating implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement reached May 5 in Abuja, Nigeria.
The envoy said he had to overcome fears voiced by Khartoum's leadership that the team's presence could prejudice future decisions by signatories to the Darfur accord on whether there was an actual peacekeeping deployment, and concerns Darfur was about to be invaded by foreign forces.
The veteran envoy assured the leaders "the United Nations is not in the business of imposing its presence on anyone" and that a UN operation in Darfur would be an extension of the world organisation's present 10,000 member mission for south Sudan.
May 25 2006 Statement by the White House - President Bush will welcome President Paul Kagame of Rwanda to the White House May 31, 2006 and will recognise Rwanda's contributions to peacekeeping contributions in Sudan.
UN's Brahimi says his talks in Khartoum going well: UN and Sudanese govt had reached a "joint vision"
Reuters report (Opheera McDoom) May 25, 2006 - Sudan's parliament divided over Darfur UN troops - excerpt:
Brahimi, after two days of talks, is expected to meet with President Omar Hassan al-Bashir on Thursday evening before leaving on Friday morning.
"That meeting will be the decider -- then we will know what the government will do," said one governmental source.
Brahimi said on Wednesday talks had gone well and the government and the world body had reached a "joint vision". He declined to elaborate.
Sudan suggests watchdog role for the UN force in Darfur
According to an unsourced article at the Sudan Tribune, Sudanese government yesterday said it would not permit the deployment of International force in Darfur under Chapter seven; instead Sudan proposes that UN force to have a watchdog role of the Darfur accord implementation. Excerpt:
Photo: UN Lakhdar Brahimi meets Sudanese presidential advisor on Darfur Abdallah Ali Masar in Khartoum, Sudan May 24, 2006 (Reuters)
Sudanese president advisor Gazi Salah Eddine Atabani said Sudan rejects the deployment of UN force under Chapter Seven and if "we decided to receive UN's Annan envoy Lakhdar Brahimi, it is just we want to determine with him the role of this force".
Attabani further added that Sudan want the UN force to have a "monitoring role" for the implementation of peace accord in Darfur to reinforce it.
Al-Khalifa suggested the planning mission for a force of around double the current 7,000-strong AU mission was unnecessary as an earlier AU technical mission "studied the situation in Darfur and there is sufficient information on what is now going on there."
Photo: UN Lakhdar Brahimi meets Sudanese presidential advisor on Darfur Abdallah Ali Masar in Khartoum, Sudan May 24, 2006 (Reuters)
Chinese peacekeepers in Wau, South Sudan - near Darfur
Somehwere in the archives of Sudan Watch are several news reports that quote the late John Garang as saying he would never allow Chinese peacekeepers into Southern Sudan as they were onside with Khartoum.
On May 22, 2006 a news report at CCTV International tells us the first Chinese peacekeeping force to Sudan has settled in the southern city of Wau, less than 100 miles from the conflict zone of Darfur. Excerpt:
Apr 5 2006 Advance team of Chinese peacekeepers arrive in Sudan on UN mission
Apr 20 2006 Russian peacekeepers join UN mission in south Sudan
May 2 2006 Russian peacekeepers to fly out to Sudan May 3
On May 22, 2006 a news report at CCTV International tells us the first Chinese peacekeeping force to Sudan has settled in the southern city of Wau, less than 100 miles from the conflict zone of Darfur. Excerpt:
The 135 engineers and medics will carry out infrastructure construction and maintenance tasks during their eight month mission in Africa.Apr 3 2006 Chinese peacekeepers leave for South Sudan mission
Three scorpions threw the camp into confusion, but it didn't ruin the ladies' appetites. It's the first time the nurses had noodles after landing in the red desert of Wau. And that's enough for them to forget, at least for a while, about the lack of water.
Song Shaoyan, Chinese Peacekeeper said: "I haven't taken a bath for three days and I stink. So stay away from me."
A big surprise came after breakfast, when each was permitted to talk to her family for one minute via the international maritime satellite phone.
Song said: "We're talking for another minute. Other members were given just one minute, but I'm using a second minute."
Four of the seven nurses have children, their greatest concern.
The daytime temperature is above 50 degrees Celsius in the red desert of Wau. But the women peacekeepers have to join their male colleagues in infrastructure construction tasks when there are no emergency patients.
Yin Qingjiang, Director of Engineers Team said: "The UN assigned us lots of camp-building work. And at the same time, we need to set up camps to accommodate ourselves. There is a conflict of timing."
The peacekeepers have been working for ten hours a day since their arrival. Shortage of materials has hindered the job further. Because the Wau airfield is made of sand, materials can only trickle in here via small planes.
Living conditions are hard. No fresh vegetables are available, and regular disinfection is necessary to keep cholera and malaria at bay.
Shan Jianhua, Chinese Peacekeepers in Sudan said: "Though new problems will crop up, the soldiers are ready to fight a hard war. We're determined to present people a satisfactory scoresheet."
The soldiers are also undergoing targeted mine clearance training and have increased their self-protection awareness. They will be joined by 270 fellow soliders from China next week, the last group of UN peacekeeping forces in Sudan. Editor:Ge Ting
Apr 5 2006 Advance team of Chinese peacekeepers arrive in Sudan on UN mission
Apr 20 2006 Russian peacekeepers join UN mission in south Sudan
May 2 2006 Russian peacekeepers to fly out to Sudan May 3
Kenya to train 160 Sudanese soldiers on demining
The Kenyan Government will in the next eight weeks train 160 Sudanese soldiers on how to tackle land mines menace, Kenya Times reported May 23, 2006:
The soldiers will be in two batches of 80 soldiers each, representing the Northern and Southern Sudan power matrixes. From the North are soldiers allied to the Sudanese Armed Forces with the other being drawn from the Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA).
The training, which will entail equipping the soldiers with knowledge on demining, is being undertaken through joint efforts between the Kenyan and British governments.
Union of NGOs in Arab states urged
Excerpt from Gulf Times May 25, 2006:
Photo: Othman al-Zubayr from Sudan and representatives of Qatar, Rashed Khalifa al-Khalifa and Dr Nuzad Abdul Rahman al-Hiti, at the closing session of the forum at the Sheraton yesterday (Gulf Times)
Releasing a communique at the end of a three-day seminar on 'The role of NGOs in sustainable development' in Doha yesterday, Sudan-based Al-Zubayr Charity president Othman al-Zubayr said it was essential to enhance the performance of Arab NGOs.
The participants stressed the need to form a federation of all NGOs operating in the Arab countries. "The participants are invited to form an entity including all the Arab NGOs and to form a committee to set the objectives, powers and the host country of such a union," they said.
A network connecting all the Arab NGOs was also proposed. "Information technology experts can lend a helping hand in this regard."
The Arab Organisation for Administrative Development should sponsor and provide the technical platform for this forum, the delegates said while calling upon all Arab NGOs to fund this forum.
Underlining the need for drawing up comprehensive guidelines for organising the NGOs, the participants said this could be taken as a reference while passing legislation regulating the work and powers of the NGOs.
They called for convening a meeting of the Arab NGOs in Khartoum to help ease the humanitarian crisis in Darfur and counterbalance the heavy presence of foreign relief organisations in the area.
"Emergency assistance is the most effective way to promote peace and security and end the conflict in Darfur."
The communique urged Arab NGOs to have a unified standard to evaluate the performance of voluntary organisations in Arab and Muslim countries.
Over 200 participants representing 90 organisations from around the Arab world attended the sessions.
Photo: Othman al-Zubayr from Sudan and representatives of Qatar, Rashed Khalifa al-Khalifa and Dr Nuzad Abdul Rahman al-Hiti, at the closing session of the forum at the Sheraton yesterday (Gulf Times)
South Sudan: Violence in Jonglei, Upper Nile forces Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) withdrawal
Thanks to a Sudan Watch reader from MSF in Europe (aka Doctors Without Borders) for emailing me the following news report by IRIN May 23, 2006:
May 18 2006 IRIN report: Dinkas fleeing war to face starvation - Beliel Camp, South Darfur - New IDP camp at Nyamlell in Aweil, Northern Bahr el Ghazal.
May 25 2006 AP (Edith Lederer) report: UN Threatens to Pull Sudan Auditors - The UN's internal watchdog agency has threatened to withdraw its auditors from Sudan to protest restrictions placed on it by UN envoy Jan Pronk. Jan Pronk was asked to return to New York and would discuss the issue with senior UN officials. Pronk's main reason for coming back to New York is to discuss "the future direction of the mission given the imminent massive increase in the mission's workload as a result of the added planning for a UN mission in Darfur," UN spokesperson said.
Escalating violence in the states of Upper Nile and Jonglei in southern Sudan has forced the international humanitarian organisation Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) to temporarily withdraw its international staff from a number of clinics, the charity said.Further reading
Clashes between armed groups and direct attacks on villages have occurred in the region north and south of the River Sobat since the beginning of April, the medical charity said in a statement on Tuesday. On 10 April, armed militia attacked the village of Ulang, forcing most of the patients and villagers, along with MSF's staff, to flee. Thirty-one people were reported killed and dozens injured.
Interethnic fighting is not uncommon at this time of year, when local water sources dry up and various Sudanese ethnic groups, including the Nuer-Lou and the Nuer-Jikany, drive their cattle towards the Sobat River. The seasonal concentration of cattle and armed groups in a small area often results in increased tensions and interethnic clashes.
According to a regional observer, it seemed that the Lou - possibly with the support of the South Sudan Defense Force militia - attacked the Jikany in Ulang. A week later, armed Jikany men descended upon the small Lou village of Dini at the confluence of the Sobat and the White Nile rivers, in apparent retaliation for the previous attack, killing approximately 15 people and stealing 400 heads of cattle.
The attacks, however, are taking place within the context of a controversial disarmament programme by the southern Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) in the volatile southeastern state of Jonglei. "The SPLA is trying to disarm all the groups of armed civilians in Jonglei," the regional observer said.
Initially, the observer added, the armed civilians - the so-called White Army - had no problem with the disarmament exercise, which started in January. Since giving up some of their weapons, however, they have been attacked by armed civilians of other ethnic groups and livestock has been looted. Various groups of the White Army now accuse the SPLA of carrying out the disarmament programme without providing subsequent protection against cattle raiding. Scores of people were killed and wounded in the village of Poktap when fighting between SPLA forces and armed civilians of the Lou community escalated on 2 May.
According to United Nations sources, interethnic clashes have continued for the last seven days in Jonglei State, also drawing in members of the Dinka and Muerle communities. A large number of civilians have reportedly been killed.
The escalating fighting between White Army groups and threats of further violence forced MSF to evacuate its international staff from Nasir and from clinics in Lankien and Pieri in mid-May. In Pieri, most of the patients in the MSF clinic, among them 120 patients being treated for tuberculosis, were forced to flee. Medical equipment, drugs and food for the patients were looted, leaving the clinic effectively destroyed. "Our Pieri compound has been completely looted. Everything is gone," said Kate Done, assistant head of mission for MSF Holland in southern Sudan, on Tuesday.
"The patients were scattered in mid-treatment," Done said. "They have runaway packages of medicines for one month. The issue is to locate them so that they can complete their [TB] programme in a supervised manner."
"We are concerned about the growing number of violent incidents," said MSF coordinator Cristoph Hippchen. "This means humanitarian assistance to the people of Upper Nile and Jonglei, already far below what is needed, will be even less now."
May 18 2006 IRIN report: Dinkas fleeing war to face starvation - Beliel Camp, South Darfur - New IDP camp at Nyamlell in Aweil, Northern Bahr el Ghazal.
May 25 2006 AP (Edith Lederer) report: UN Threatens to Pull Sudan Auditors - The UN's internal watchdog agency has threatened to withdraw its auditors from Sudan to protest restrictions placed on it by UN envoy Jan Pronk. Jan Pronk was asked to return to New York and would discuss the issue with senior UN officials. Pronk's main reason for coming back to New York is to discuss "the future direction of the mission given the imminent massive increase in the mission's workload as a result of the added planning for a UN mission in Darfur," UN spokesperson said.
Dinkas fleeing war to face starvation - Beliel Camp, South Darfur - New IDP camp at Nyamlell in Aweil, Northern Bahr el Ghazal
The Dinka ethnic community in the southern Sudanese state of Northern Bahr el Ghazal, comprises the counties of Aweil North, East, South and West.
Aid agencies fear that the thousands of deprived Dinkas who have recently started to arrive in the area from Darfur and Khartoum will increase the pressure on the region's limited resources, IRIN reported May 18, 2006 - excerpt:
Photo: The new IDP camp at Nyamlell in Aweil, Northern Bahr el Ghazal (IRIN)
Note, May 25 2006 IRIN report: South Sudan: Violence in Jonglei, Upper Nile forces Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) withdrawal
Aid agencies fear that the thousands of deprived Dinkas who have recently started to arrive in the area from Darfur and Khartoum will increase the pressure on the region's limited resources, IRIN reported May 18, 2006 - excerpt:
Louis Hoffmann, head of the South Sudan office of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), estimates that there are between 80,000 and 90,000 displaced Dinka from Bahr el Ghazal in Darfur, "the vast majority" originating from Aweil North and East. The Sudanese government put the number as high as 300,000, but no international organisation has been able to confirm this.
No large-scale return movements from Darfur to South Sudan took place immediately after the signing of the peace agreement. According to aid workers, the first groups of displaced Dinka who tested the waters in Northern Bahr el Ghazal in 2005 were "a little shocked about the local conditions" and came back to Darfur. Their opinion changed, however, following a general deterioration of security in Darfur and a series of targeted attacks on Dinka settlements from January 2006.
Former residents of Beliel camp for the internally displaced near Nyala, the capital of South Darfur, reported that Janjawid - government-aligned Arab militia - had attacked the camp. According to Margaret Yamaha, field coordinator for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) for Aweil West and North, Dinka returnees from El Ferdose, Abu Matariq and El Da'ein - east of Nyala - all mentioned an increase in intimidation, attacks, killing and rape.
Peter Ngong Yel, a 34-year-old Dinka man who was abducted by Arab cattle herders of the Rizzeigat community in 1984 and eventually made his way to Beliel camp, said that armed men would come at night and loot animals and other belongings of the camp residents, shooting anybody who resisted. "A Janjawid killed my niece when they tried to steal her goat," he said. "Although he was caught, he didn't even get arrested."
In mid-March, according to Hoffmann, the IOM grew concerned about the rapid buildup of returning Dinka on the bank of the Kiir River, near the border between South Darfur and Northern Bahr el Ghazal. "Besides the 3,000 people IOM helped to return [from Darfur] in April, we have assisted about 4,500 spontaneous returns to get off the river," Hoffmann said. In addition, approximately 13,000 people from Khartoum had returned to the area in 2006, he estimated.
Almost daily, an overloaded bus from Khartoum arrives at the banks of the Nyamlell river, with beds, chairs, bicycles and other belongings of returnees piled high on top of its roof.
Large numbers of Dinka in Darfur are returning empty-handed to one of the most food-insecure areas of southern Sudan, just before the beginning of the hunger season.
"You came with nothing, so you'll leave with nothing," one Dinka returnee quoted armed Darfurian men as saying when they prevented the returnees from taking home their animals and other belongings.
Mathilde Berthelot, field coordinator for Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) France, in Aquem town in Aweil East said the lack of access to clean water and the absence of primary healthcare were the main reasons for the high malnutrition rates. "Fifty percent of the children in our clinic are sick because of the bad quality of the water and have diarrhoea," Berthelot said. "As it takes their parents two or three days to reach our clinic, the children are dehydrated when they get here and quickly become malnourished."
A survey carried out by Concern in February showed that 58 percent of the households were using shallow wells or water from riverbanks, while only 42 percent used protected wells. More than 95 percent did not have access to a pit latrine.
"Latrines are rarely used here and women still laugh when men use a latrine," said Henk Meyer, Nyamlell programme coordinator for the NGO Cordaid.
Photo: The new IDP camp at Nyamlell in Aweil, Northern Bahr el Ghazal (IRIN)
Note, May 25 2006 IRIN report: South Sudan: Violence in Jonglei, Upper Nile forces Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) withdrawal
Pictures of the $100 laptop: 1st working model of One Laptop Per Child (OLPC)
From May 23, 2006 blog entry by Pablo Halkyard at PSD blog - The World Bank Group:
Click here to learn about One Laptop per Child and view pictures of original green prototype with hand crank.
Photo: 1st working model (OLPC) - taken at 11:45 AM on May 23, 2006; cameraphone upload by ShoZu - Uploaded to flickr by Pete Barr-Watson
Ethan links to the Mail & Guardian's article on why OLPC might not be the best path for SA. Ethan say he's not sure he agrees with the analysis as OLPC will have an open OS. My guess is, they'll sell like hotcakes - everyone will want one! Who would say no to such a gift?
Pictures from the unveiling of the first working prototype of the $100 Laptop at the Seven Countries Task Force today. Green became orange, and the hand-crank is gone. Compare with Intel's sub-$400 entry and AMD's $185 version.Note, at the entry a techie commented: "Awesome. I want one. What is there to stop gringos from buying them all to have their recipes on the kitchen or to use as poolside or beach laptop?"
Click here to learn about One Laptop per Child and view pictures of original green prototype with hand crank.
Photo: 1st working model (OLPC) - taken at 11:45 AM on May 23, 2006; cameraphone upload by ShoZu - Uploaded to flickr by Pete Barr-Watson
Ethan links to the Mail & Guardian's article on why OLPC might not be the best path for SA. Ethan say he's not sure he agrees with the analysis as OLPC will have an open OS. My guess is, they'll sell like hotcakes - everyone will want one! Who would say no to such a gift?
Wednesday, May 24, 2006
NATO says AU asks for more Darfur help
"The AU has asked NATO to extend its support. NATO has already taken a decision to be willing to do it, so that will now go forward," NATO spokesman James Appathurai said.
He added that the AU had requested more help in airlift of troops and training until end-September, noting that by then it should have handed over leadership of the peace mission to the United Nations.
"It means a limited number of NATO personnel there. From what has been agreed now between NATO and the AU it would not require a significant expansion of the numbers we have now," he said, adding NATO has had at most 15 trainers on the ground.
Full report by Reuters May 24, 2006.
He added that the AU had requested more help in airlift of troops and training until end-September, noting that by then it should have handed over leadership of the peace mission to the United Nations.
"It means a limited number of NATO personnel there. From what has been agreed now between NATO and the AU it would not require a significant expansion of the numbers we have now," he said, adding NATO has had at most 15 trainers on the ground.
Full report by Reuters May 24, 2006.
Khartoum talks fail to meet UN Security Council deadline: Sudan is now in violation of international law
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's veteran troubleshooter Lakhdar Brahimi and UN peacekeeping chief Hedi Annabi began talks in Khartoum on Tuesday to break the deadlock but, as the UN Security Council deadline expired on Wednesday, no agreement was reached, Reuters reported today:
Photo: Janjaweed leader Sheikh Musa Hilal, a Sudanese chief who heads Darfur's largest Arab tribe, is seen inside a small shop in Mistariha, Sudan, May 23, 2006. (Reuters/STR)
May 24 2006 IRIN report: Gov't under pressure to accept UN peacekeepers
"The assessment mission is still not decided upon by the government of Sudan," said presidential advisor Majzoub al-Khalifa after his meeting with Brahimi and Annabi. The UN resolution was passed under chapter seven meaning Sudan was now in violation of international law.
Khalifa said the political dialogue with the UN had to deal with the mandate of any UN troops before allowing the assessment mission to enter.
After two days of meeting government officials, Brahimi said the talks had been "very good" and a "joint vision" had been agreed. He declined to immediately elaborate.
UN spokesman Bahaa Elkoussy said talks were ongoing and that Brahimi was "optimistic".
Brahimi will meet President al-Bashir on Thursday evening but has not been given a meeting time as yet with key player Vice President Ali Taha who instead left the country on Wednesday for talks in Eritrea.
Khalifa, head of the government talks team, said he expected the outcome of the discussions with Brahimi to be "very positive," but declined to elaborate.
Brahimi is due to leave Sudan on Friday morning.
Photo: Janjaweed leader Sheikh Musa Hilal, a Sudanese chief who heads Darfur's largest Arab tribe, is seen inside a small shop in Mistariha, Sudan, May 23, 2006. (Reuters/STR)
May 24 2006 IRIN report: Gov't under pressure to accept UN peacekeepers
Tuesday, May 23, 2006
UN chief talks with Sudan's president on UN peacekeeping operation - Troops, by themselves, cannot be the full answer
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has spoken with the Sudanese President seeking support for the deployment of a UN team assessing conditions for a possible peacekeeping operation in Darfur, UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said Tuesday.
Dujarric told reporters at the UN HQ in New York that Annan told President Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir that he hoped to see the UN assessment mission to be dispatched as soon as possible and sought the cooperation and support of the Sudanese Government to that end. - Xinhua May 23, 2006.
Photo: Displaced Sudanese women queue at a water point 21 May 2006 in Abu Shouk camp, close to Al-Fasher, the capital of the war-torn Sudanese northern Darfur region. (AFP/File/Ramzi Haidar)
May 23 2006 UN News Service: Asked whether States were prepared to contribute personnel to a UN mission in Darfur, the peacekeeping chief said a number "have expressed a measure of interest" but noted that none would make a commitment in the absence of a Security Council mandate and clear information about the situation on the ground. "No country is going to start spending money preparing its troops for a possible deployment until it knows that this deployment is going to happen for real," he said.
Mr Guehenno also underscored the importance of a comprehensive approach to addressing the Darfur conflict. "The troops, by themselves, cannot be the full answer. There has to be a political process that the troops support," he said.
Photo: Rebels from the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) pose 21 May 2006 in a deserted house in Tina, a small village abandoned by its residents after being attacked in March, southwest of Al-Fasher, the capital of the war-torn Sudanese northern Darfur region. Apart from a few tarred roads and a handful of settlements connected to mains electricity, North Darfur state is a collection of miserable villages in which people survive on the bare minimum. (AFP/File/Ramzi Haidar)
See May 23, 2006 NYT/CT report from Tina, Sudan by Lydia Polgreen: Rebels' rivalry subverts hope for Darfur peace
Dujarric told reporters at the UN HQ in New York that Annan told President Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir that he hoped to see the UN assessment mission to be dispatched as soon as possible and sought the cooperation and support of the Sudanese Government to that end. - Xinhua May 23, 2006.
Photo: Displaced Sudanese women queue at a water point 21 May 2006 in Abu Shouk camp, close to Al-Fasher, the capital of the war-torn Sudanese northern Darfur region. (AFP/File/Ramzi Haidar)
May 23 2006 UN News Service: Asked whether States were prepared to contribute personnel to a UN mission in Darfur, the peacekeeping chief said a number "have expressed a measure of interest" but noted that none would make a commitment in the absence of a Security Council mandate and clear information about the situation on the ground. "No country is going to start spending money preparing its troops for a possible deployment until it knows that this deployment is going to happen for real," he said.
Mr Guehenno also underscored the importance of a comprehensive approach to addressing the Darfur conflict. "The troops, by themselves, cannot be the full answer. There has to be a political process that the troops support," he said.
Photo: Rebels from the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) pose 21 May 2006 in a deserted house in Tina, a small village abandoned by its residents after being attacked in March, southwest of Al-Fasher, the capital of the war-torn Sudanese northern Darfur region. Apart from a few tarred roads and a handful of settlements connected to mains electricity, North Darfur state is a collection of miserable villages in which people survive on the bare minimum. (AFP/File/Ramzi Haidar)
See May 23, 2006 NYT/CT report from Tina, Sudan by Lydia Polgreen: Rebels' rivalry subverts hope for Darfur peace
Advisory group of new UN disaster relief fund CERF holds inaugural session
UN News Centre May 23, 2006 reports that Deputy Secretary-General Mark Malloch Brown welcomed the Group members into their new positions and Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Jan Egeland briefed them on how the CERF had been used since its 8 March launch.
Note, to date, allocations have been or are being considered for 15 emergencies, nearly all in Africa.
Note, to date, allocations have been or are being considered for 15 emergencies, nearly all in Africa.
Blair meets with Konare at Number 10 to talk about Darfur: Joint statement issued re formal request from AU to NATO
Tony Blair met with European Commission President Barroso in Downing Street today, before holding talks with the chair of the African Union, Alpha Konare.
The PM invited Mr Konare to Number 10 to talk about the vital Darfur peace agreement, before speaking to journalists.
In a joint statement, the two leaders said the peace agreement signed earlier this month was a "triumph" for the African Union.
"It is good for the people of Darfur and brings the real prospect of peace. President Konare and I strongly urge other rebels to sign (it) before the AU's deadline of 31 May."
See transcript of their joint doorstep - Joint press conference with Alpha Konare 24 May
Copy of Joint Statement
The UK has been working to support the African Union's successful work in Darfur over the last two years. The African Union Monitoring Mission in Darfur has improved security within a very difficult environment indeed. The Darfur Peace Agreement signed earlier this month was a triumph for the African Union. It is good for the people of Darfur and brings the real prospect of peace.
President Konare and I strongly urge other rebels to sign the Agreement before the AU's deadline of 31 May. If they do not do so, and they impede the implementation of the Agreement, then the AU and the UN have agreed that sanctions should be applied to them.
We call on the Government of Sudan to respect the recent decisions of the AU and the UN Security Council and agree to allow a UN technical assessment mission to enter Darfur in order to plan for a transition from the current AU force in Darfur into a UN peacekeeping mission.
President Konare and I have been discussing today how the UK can further assist the AU in implementation of the Peace Agreement, bilaterally and as a member of NATO and the EU.
The AU has said that is wants to strengthen its force in Darfur in order to implement the Peace Agreement. African nations are considering what additional troops they can provide.
The UK has committed a further GBP 20 million to the mission, bringing our total contribution to over GBP 52 million.
The EU and NATO, through airlift co-ordination and training, have made a valuable support contribution to the AU mission. We stand ready to do more.
NATO has offered to provide substantial support to the AU to help strengthen its effectiveness throughout Darfur. President Konare and I have discussed this and I hope that a formal request will be coming from the AU to NATO shortly, to enable this assistance to be provided as soon as possible.
- - -
Darfur needs UN peacekeeping force within two months, official says
British officials said a small NATO delegation could be sent to Darfur to provide leadership, support and airlift capability for African Union troops before the arrival of a UN force, Pravda reported May 23, 2006.
The PM invited Mr Konare to Number 10 to talk about the vital Darfur peace agreement, before speaking to journalists.
In a joint statement, the two leaders said the peace agreement signed earlier this month was a "triumph" for the African Union.
"It is good for the people of Darfur and brings the real prospect of peace. President Konare and I strongly urge other rebels to sign (it) before the AU's deadline of 31 May."
See transcript of their joint doorstep - Joint press conference with Alpha Konare 24 May
Copy of Joint Statement
The UK has been working to support the African Union's successful work in Darfur over the last two years. The African Union Monitoring Mission in Darfur has improved security within a very difficult environment indeed. The Darfur Peace Agreement signed earlier this month was a triumph for the African Union. It is good for the people of Darfur and brings the real prospect of peace.
President Konare and I strongly urge other rebels to sign the Agreement before the AU's deadline of 31 May. If they do not do so, and they impede the implementation of the Agreement, then the AU and the UN have agreed that sanctions should be applied to them.
We call on the Government of Sudan to respect the recent decisions of the AU and the UN Security Council and agree to allow a UN technical assessment mission to enter Darfur in order to plan for a transition from the current AU force in Darfur into a UN peacekeeping mission.
President Konare and I have been discussing today how the UK can further assist the AU in implementation of the Peace Agreement, bilaterally and as a member of NATO and the EU.
The AU has said that is wants to strengthen its force in Darfur in order to implement the Peace Agreement. African nations are considering what additional troops they can provide.
The UK has committed a further GBP 20 million to the mission, bringing our total contribution to over GBP 52 million.
The EU and NATO, through airlift co-ordination and training, have made a valuable support contribution to the AU mission. We stand ready to do more.
NATO has offered to provide substantial support to the AU to help strengthen its effectiveness throughout Darfur. President Konare and I have discussed this and I hope that a formal request will be coming from the AU to NATO shortly, to enable this assistance to be provided as soon as possible.
- - -
Darfur needs UN peacekeeping force within two months, official says
British officials said a small NATO delegation could be sent to Darfur to provide leadership, support and airlift capability for African Union troops before the arrival of a UN force, Pravda reported May 23, 2006.
Blair and Bush to hold US talks - Darfur on agenda
British Prime Minister Tony Blair is to fly to Washington for talks on Thursday with US President George W Bush.
On the agenda would be "supporting the new Iraqi government, preventing Iran from acquiring the means to build nuclear weapons, bringing peace to the Middle East, ending the violence in Darfur, and promoting free trade", said Mr Bush's spokesman Tony Snow. - BBC
On the agenda would be "supporting the new Iraqi government, preventing Iran from acquiring the means to build nuclear weapons, bringing peace to the Middle East, ending the violence in Darfur, and promoting free trade", said Mr Bush's spokesman Tony Snow. - BBC
Sudan falling 'far short' on many of its human rights commitments - UN report
Sudanese authorities are failing to uphold many of the human rights commitments made last year, especially in the Darfur conflict, where the Government is unable and unwilling to hold perpetrators of international crimes accountable, and the killing of civilians, raping of women and girls, and pillaging of entire villages continues, according to a United Nations report released today.
Full story UN News Centre May 23, 2006.
Full story UN News Centre May 23, 2006.
Canada raises Darfur aid by C$40m on top of C$170m pledged
Canada is increasing aid to Darfur by $40m, Toronto Star reported May 23:
May 23 2006 Reuters report: Canada promises aid but no more troops for Darfur
Peace is still possible in Darfur, Prime Minister Stephen Harper predicted as he announced the aid on Tuesday.- - -
Half of the new aid money will be spent on food aid, water and sanitation, basic health care, and protecting refugees in Sudan and in neighbouring African countries.
Canada has been providing military and technical assistance to the African Union Mission in Sudan, including sending Mounties to train civilian police forces.
Other Canadian military and civilian experts have assisted with strategic planning, logistics and air operations, training, information support, and communications.
Prior to Tuesday's announcement, Canada had allocated $170 million since 2004 to support the African Union mission, making it one of the top three international donors.
May 23 2006 Reuters report: Canada promises aid but no more troops for Darfur
Zoellick ready to quit White House
Financial Times today says a friend of Mr Zoellick said he told the White House in February of his intention to leave but that his departure was delayed because of his involvement in the Darfur peace negotiations.
Rebels' rivalry subverts hope for Darfur peace
TINA, Sudan -- A grisly new battle between rebel factions is raging here in Darfur, casting doubts on the future of a peace agreement to end the war, writes Lydia Polgreen for New York Times News Service May 21, 2006. Full report via Chicago Tribune - copy:
The tactics of the rebels have grown so similar to those of their enemies that an attack on this dusty village on April 19 bore all the marks of the brutal assault that first forced its people to flee their homes three years ago. Soldiers in uniform, backed by men toting guns on camels, stormed the village, burning huts, shooting, looting and raping.
Only this time, the soldiers were not government troops, as they had been before. Nor were the men on camels and horseback the fearsome janjaweed, who often destroy villages alongside government forces in a campaign of murder and rape that the Bush administration has called genocide.
Instead, last month's attack came from a faction of the Sudan Liberation Army, the same rebel movement that says it wants to liberate the non-Arab people of Darfur from the yoke of Arab domination. Alongside the rebels were armed nomadic herdsmen from the Zaghawa, a non-Arab tribe that is supposedly fighting for the people of Darfur against the government.
"It was the Zaghawa who did this," said Ismail Rahman Ibrahim, one of Tina's sheiks. "We used to fear the Arab janjaweed. Now we have another janjaweed."
Carnage's origins complex
The carnage in Darfur has often been described as a fight between Arabs and Africans or a battle between herders and farmers. But neither captures the complexity of the ethnic and economic tensions in the region that have fueled the new hostilities between the rebels.
The leader of the largest rebel faction, Minni Minnawi, signed a peace agreement with Sudan's government on May 5 to end the conflict in Darfur, in the face of mounting pressure from international diplomats.
But the leader of a second faction, Abdulwahid Al Nur, refused, saying the agreement did not meet basic requirements on issues like power-sharing and disarmament of the janjaweed militias. He has remained unwilling to sign, but the African Union is so keen on bringing him on board it has extended the deadline for him to sign until the end of the month.
The split between the leaders was initially dismissed as irrelevant by diplomats negotiating the peace agreement to end the Darfur war. But the depth of that rift now threatens to undermine the shaky new accord, which the Bush administration has hailed as a hard-won diplomatic victory.
In an interview, Al Nur said he had no regrets about not signing, because, he said, the accord failed to address the root causes of the conflict.
"I refused to sign the agreement because it forgot that the crisis in Darfur was first a political crisis, before it developed into a military crisis and now humanitarian crisis," he said. "So, if you really want to address the crisis and put a real end to the crisis, you have to go back to the root, which is political."
Al Nur, who founded the SLA, and Minnawi, his rival, both come from non-Arab tribes. But Al Nur is from the Fur, farmers who make up the largest ethnic group in Darfur, while Minnawi comes from the Zaghawa, a much smaller group of non-Arab nomadic herdsmen who also live in Chad and Libya.
Marriage of opportunity
Initially they fought side by side with the same aim -- forcing the government in Khartoum to grant greater autonomy and a larger share of the nation's wealth to the impoverished region of Darfur. It was a partnership that made sense. The Fur are the largest ethnic group in Darfur, but they lacked tactical expertise. The Zaghawa had plenty of military experience and access to money and weapons from the military in neighboring Chad, which is led by Zaghawas.
But tensions soon emerged between the groups. The Fur grew suspicious of the Zaghawa, believing that they wanted to form a Zaghawa nation in Darfur and dominate the other tribes living here, a suspicion some analysts believe was fomented by the government in Khartoum in an effort to force a split between the rebels.
In the area around Tina, Fur villagers were forced from their homes by the thousands as the rebels and the government battled for control over every inch of territory in pitched battles. But the rebels took firm control last year, so much so that farmers who had fled to camps around Tawila returned to their fields to plant their crops.
The brief tranquillity came to an abrupt end with an assault by Minnawi's fighters on several towns held by Al Nur's faction.
Tiger Muhammad, a commander in Al Nur's faction, said the attack on Tina and other towns his faction controlled was unprovoked.
"It seemed to be the only objective was to displace the civilians," Muhammad said.
In nearby Susuwa, where the Minnawi faction has its base, commanders denied attacking civilians. Sounding very much like the government in Khartoum, which has blamed tribal conflicts for the violence in Darfur and has denied playing a role in arming militias, the Susuwa commanders said the conflict between the Fur and the Zaghawa here was simply a matter of stolen property.
"The conflict is due to the stealing of animals," said Muhammad Daoud, a commander of the force, arguing that Fur villagers steal animals, so Zaghawa herders go looking for them in their villages.
That explanation does not sit well with the thousands of villagers huddled in a makeshift camp with scant water, food or health services that has sprung up next to the African Union base in Tawila. Most of the people living in grass huts here arrived as a result of the recent violence between the rebel factions.
"First it was the janjaweed and the government, now it is the rebel factions," said Abubakar Moussa, who fled Tina after the April 19 attack. "Separation is the nature of humanity. We don't care much whether it is Abdulwahid or Minni. We need one nation under peace in Darfur."
The tactics of the rebels have grown so similar to those of their enemies that an attack on this dusty village on April 19 bore all the marks of the brutal assault that first forced its people to flee their homes three years ago. Soldiers in uniform, backed by men toting guns on camels, stormed the village, burning huts, shooting, looting and raping.
Only this time, the soldiers were not government troops, as they had been before. Nor were the men on camels and horseback the fearsome janjaweed, who often destroy villages alongside government forces in a campaign of murder and rape that the Bush administration has called genocide.
Instead, last month's attack came from a faction of the Sudan Liberation Army, the same rebel movement that says it wants to liberate the non-Arab people of Darfur from the yoke of Arab domination. Alongside the rebels were armed nomadic herdsmen from the Zaghawa, a non-Arab tribe that is supposedly fighting for the people of Darfur against the government.
"It was the Zaghawa who did this," said Ismail Rahman Ibrahim, one of Tina's sheiks. "We used to fear the Arab janjaweed. Now we have another janjaweed."
Carnage's origins complex
The carnage in Darfur has often been described as a fight between Arabs and Africans or a battle between herders and farmers. But neither captures the complexity of the ethnic and economic tensions in the region that have fueled the new hostilities between the rebels.
The leader of the largest rebel faction, Minni Minnawi, signed a peace agreement with Sudan's government on May 5 to end the conflict in Darfur, in the face of mounting pressure from international diplomats.
But the leader of a second faction, Abdulwahid Al Nur, refused, saying the agreement did not meet basic requirements on issues like power-sharing and disarmament of the janjaweed militias. He has remained unwilling to sign, but the African Union is so keen on bringing him on board it has extended the deadline for him to sign until the end of the month.
The split between the leaders was initially dismissed as irrelevant by diplomats negotiating the peace agreement to end the Darfur war. But the depth of that rift now threatens to undermine the shaky new accord, which the Bush administration has hailed as a hard-won diplomatic victory.
In an interview, Al Nur said he had no regrets about not signing, because, he said, the accord failed to address the root causes of the conflict.
"I refused to sign the agreement because it forgot that the crisis in Darfur was first a political crisis, before it developed into a military crisis and now humanitarian crisis," he said. "So, if you really want to address the crisis and put a real end to the crisis, you have to go back to the root, which is political."
Al Nur, who founded the SLA, and Minnawi, his rival, both come from non-Arab tribes. But Al Nur is from the Fur, farmers who make up the largest ethnic group in Darfur, while Minnawi comes from the Zaghawa, a much smaller group of non-Arab nomadic herdsmen who also live in Chad and Libya.
Marriage of opportunity
Initially they fought side by side with the same aim -- forcing the government in Khartoum to grant greater autonomy and a larger share of the nation's wealth to the impoverished region of Darfur. It was a partnership that made sense. The Fur are the largest ethnic group in Darfur, but they lacked tactical expertise. The Zaghawa had plenty of military experience and access to money and weapons from the military in neighboring Chad, which is led by Zaghawas.
But tensions soon emerged between the groups. The Fur grew suspicious of the Zaghawa, believing that they wanted to form a Zaghawa nation in Darfur and dominate the other tribes living here, a suspicion some analysts believe was fomented by the government in Khartoum in an effort to force a split between the rebels.
In the area around Tina, Fur villagers were forced from their homes by the thousands as the rebels and the government battled for control over every inch of territory in pitched battles. But the rebels took firm control last year, so much so that farmers who had fled to camps around Tawila returned to their fields to plant their crops.
The brief tranquillity came to an abrupt end with an assault by Minnawi's fighters on several towns held by Al Nur's faction.
Tiger Muhammad, a commander in Al Nur's faction, said the attack on Tina and other towns his faction controlled was unprovoked.
"It seemed to be the only objective was to displace the civilians," Muhammad said.
In nearby Susuwa, where the Minnawi faction has its base, commanders denied attacking civilians. Sounding very much like the government in Khartoum, which has blamed tribal conflicts for the violence in Darfur and has denied playing a role in arming militias, the Susuwa commanders said the conflict between the Fur and the Zaghawa here was simply a matter of stolen property.
"The conflict is due to the stealing of animals," said Muhammad Daoud, a commander of the force, arguing that Fur villagers steal animals, so Zaghawa herders go looking for them in their villages.
That explanation does not sit well with the thousands of villagers huddled in a makeshift camp with scant water, food or health services that has sprung up next to the African Union base in Tawila. Most of the people living in grass huts here arrived as a result of the recent violence between the rebel factions.
"First it was the janjaweed and the government, now it is the rebel factions," said Abubakar Moussa, who fled Tina after the April 19 attack. "Separation is the nature of humanity. We don't care much whether it is Abdulwahid or Minni. We need one nation under peace in Darfur."
AU, rebels delegation to Khartoum to discuss peace implementation
Sudan Tribune report May 22, 2006 says Chief negotiator of the Sudanese government delegation at Darfur peace talks Majzoub al-Khalifa told reporters that a delegation of the AU, headed by Ambassador Sam Ebok, and other delegations of the rebel groups are expected to arrive in Khartoum on Wednesday to begin the practical implementation of the peace agreement.
Sudan govt violates humanitarian law: Annan
EUN Secretary-General Kofi Annan warned the Sudan government that its restrictions on vital supplies and relief workers distributing them in Darfur constituted a violation of international humanitarian law, Reuters's Evelyn Leopold reported May 23, 2006 - excerpt:
In a report sent to the UN Security Council on Monday, Annan also said atrocities, including rape, pillaging and driving people from their homes, were swelling the population in squalid camps, now about 2.5 million.
Humanitarian access has been limited by the Khartoum government's refusal to allow foreign aid groups to hire national staff. Officials have also harassed U.N. staff about travel documents, especially in areas held by the rebel Sudanese Liberation Army in south Darfur.
"At the same time, government-imposed embargoes on certain essential items, including fuel, foodstuffs and other humanitarian assistance entering SLA-held areas in South Darfur, have prevented the access of civilians to vital goods and constitute a violation of international humanitarian law," Annan wrote in the 10-page report.
While he put much of the blame on the government and Arab militia supporting it, the rebels, who have broken into splinter groups, have hijacked relief trucks and forced four assistance groups to suspend food distribution.
Monday, May 22, 2006
AU concerned about janjaweed "massing" near Kutum, North Darfur
"The AU patrol saw a massing of about 1,000 Arab militia for about two days now," Moussa Hamani, spokesman for the African Union Mission in Sudan told Deutsche Presse-Agentur from Khartoum today.
Rebels say the government attacked their positions in northern Darfur while the government says it is undertaking a campaign to flush out "bandits."
Rebels say the government attacked their positions in northern Darfur while the government says it is undertaking a campaign to flush out "bandits."
Darfur's new UN force could be same troops in different hats
"We are against a UN presence," said Abdallah Jouzou, mayor of Kouma in pro-government territory 80 kilometres (50 miles) from Al-Facher.
"The African Union has helped to settle the conflict in Darfur and it remains the only solution," he said.
But when an AU officer explained to him that the new UN force would be mainly African, Jouzou looked relieved.
"In that case, it's fine," he agreed.
Full report AFP via ReliefWeb 22 May 2006.
"The African Union has helped to settle the conflict in Darfur and it remains the only solution," he said.
But when an AU officer explained to him that the new UN force would be mainly African, Jouzou looked relieved.
"In that case, it's fine," he agreed.
Full report AFP via ReliefWeb 22 May 2006.
Sudan denies breaking peace deal
The Sudanese authorities have denied rebel accusations that they have broken this month's peace deal by attacking and looting a village in Darfur, BBC reported today:
May 21 2006 Shearia, South Darfur: 60 killed in clashes
The region's largest rebel group, which signed the deal with the government, said the army and Arab militias had launched the raid in North Darfur.May 21 2006 Jan Pronk's Weblog: "What about the Janjaweed? Will the peace agreement stop them?" - Militias kill dozens despite Darfur peace-rebels - Darfur rebels who signed a peace deal said on Sunday the government has already breached the agreement by attacking their areas in North Darfur.
North Darfur governor Osman Mohamed Kibir told the BBC that the accusations of army involvement were groundless.
But our correspondent says that aid agencies working in the region have backed up the rebel claims.
The African Union, which brokered the peace deal, also says there has been a spate of deadly attacks in the past week.
"The problem seems to be that everyone wants to maximise their territory before the truce and disarmament actually come into effect," AU spokesman Moussa Hamani told the AP news agency.
May 21 2006 Shearia, South Darfur: 60 killed in clashes
Sunday, May 21, 2006
Fears Janjaweed will turn on Sudanese government if they try to take their arms by force
May 21, 2006 Observer report by Xan Rice in Um Jalbakh, Darfur - excerpt:
The Janjaweed is not an army,' said Eltayeb Hag Ateya, director of the Peace Research Institute at Khartoum University. 'It's more dangerous than that. It's a concept, a blanket. Some are pro-government, some are bandits, and some are mercenaries.[via CFD via POTP with thanks]
'The peace agreement says the government should disarm them all, but that's impossible. Not all are under its control - some are even against it.'
'They [the Janjaweed] have major psychological problems with this disarmament issue and perhaps they are right,' said an African Union commander at a briefing last week, as a government representative listened uncomfortably. 'They were given arms by the government and killed on its behalf. If they put down their weapons now while the rebels are still armed, then what will happen to them?"
There is a very real fear that the Janjaweed, whose tribes were equally marginalised by Khartoum in the past, will turn on the government if they try to take their arms by force.
Shearia, South Darfur: 60+ killed in clashes
A new surge of inter-ethnic and militia violence has killed at least 60 people in separate attacks in Darfur in the past few days, said the AU and the UN on Sunday, News 24.com reported May 21, 2006 - excerpt:
May 21 2006 Jan Pronk's Weblog: "What about the Janjaweed? Will the peace agreement stop them?": In the last two weeks in Khor Abeche, Labado and around Kutum many people have been killed. These attacks took place after the agreement. In West Darfur, even in the city El Geneina itself, bandits related with the Janjaweed have become blatantly aggressive, not only towards civilians but also towards the police and the military, governmental as well as African Union military.
May 21 2006 Gulf Times - Many slain in Shearia, South Darfur, say rebels.
Most of the recent attacks were launched by the so-called Janjaweed.- - -
The UN said on Sunday it had received unconfirmed reports that the Sudanese army had fought a Janjaweed group in southern Darfur on May 18, killing six and arresting two. Sudanese authorities were not available to comment on the incident.
The UN said the Sudanese army and police had stated they would disarm armed bandits in the zone. Nazir Tigani, a local militia leader, warned he would resist such a move, said the UN.
Anticipating a possible increase in violence, the UN's security assessment office in Sudan advised UN workers and international non-governmental organisations to limit their movement in the area and to update possible evacuation plans.
Darfur rebel groups affiliated to leaders who refused the May 5 peace agreement have also executed some of the latest deadly raids, said the UN and the AU.
"We've been witnessing a stiff rise of attacks in the last week," said Moussa Hamani, the chief information officer for the 7 300-strong AU mission to Darfur.
"The problem seems to be that everyone wants to maximise their territory before the truce and disarmament actually come into effect," he said from Khartoum.
May 21 2006 Jan Pronk's Weblog: "What about the Janjaweed? Will the peace agreement stop them?": In the last two weeks in Khor Abeche, Labado and around Kutum many people have been killed. These attacks took place after the agreement. In West Darfur, even in the city El Geneina itself, bandits related with the Janjaweed have become blatantly aggressive, not only towards civilians but also towards the police and the military, governmental as well as African Union military.
May 21 2006 Gulf Times - Many slain in Shearia, South Darfur, say rebels.
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