Darfur has been the focus of much of Dallaire's public statements recently, and last week brought him the opportunity to make some progress as part of a UN committee on genocide prevention, which met for the first time to discuss its mandate.Note, the Canadian government (Conservative) pledged $20 million to the African union mission in Sudan last month. Canada has contributed $190 million to the mission since 2004, including money, equipment and military and civilian experts.
The committee will focus on gathering intelligence and giving advice to the UN secretary general and the Security Council, the body at the UN that decides when to begin military action. Dallaire said the committee hopes to prevent future genocides like the 1994 massacre in Rwanda.
Besides watching out for genocide specifically, the committee wants to look at human rights abuses that don't qualify as genocide, like Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge or the ongoing violence in Sudan. "Cambodia killed a couple of million (people) but it wasn't a genocide because it was politically motivated, (involving people of) the same ethnicity," he said. Likewise, Darfur "is not a genocide but it is a (case of) massive crimes against humanity."
Monday, July 03, 2006
Romeo Dallaire says Darfur "is not a genocide but it is a (case of) massive crimes against humanity"
Romeo Dallaire, the Canadian senator (Liberal) who once commanded the UN mission in Rwanda, says AMIS needs "a second wave of reinforcements" to be able to wait out the arrival of UN troops, which won't be until sometime next year, Ottawa Citizen Laura Payton reported July 3, 2006. Excerpt:
Bashir tells AU summit Chadian officers and soldiers fighting alongside rebels in Darfur and calls for protection of Sudanese refugees in Chad camps
July 3, 2006 Sudan Tribune report - Sudan expresses readiness to normalize bilateral ties with Chad - excerpt:
Addressing the African Summit on Sunday, President Omar al-Bashir stressed that Sudan has no interest to undermine the security of Chad, especially that its was working to boost the security in Darfur, which is related to the conditions in Chad.
He said that the implementation of the recently signed Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) would be difficult, unless comprehensive stability in Chad is achieved. He indicated that Sudan has made several attempts for normalization of its relations with neighbour Chad, despite the Chadian interventions in Darfur.
Al-Bashir denied in his speech Chadian accusations, adding that it was not true to claim that all the incidents in Chad were the creation of Sudan. He said that Chadian officers and soldiers are fighting alongside the rebels in Darfur.
He called for protection of the camps of the Sudanese refugees in Chad and halting the recruitment of children by elements who aim to abort DPA.
Al-Bashir pointed out that Sudan has did its best to implement the Tripoli declaration, which it has signed with Chad, through the concerned mechanisms and committees, but the Chadian government did not dispatch its envoys in accordance with the declaration.
The February 8 agreement signed by Chadian and Sudanese leaders in Tripoli came after N’Djamena declared itself in a state of war with Khartoum in December amid growing violence on the border.
Meanwhile, he stressed the importance of establishing relations between Sudan and Chad, which are to be based on good neighbourliness and cooperation to realize stability at the area and to maintain security at the joint border.
Darfur holdout rebels to meet Libyan leader
Darfur holdout rebels are to meet Libyan leader in the coming days in a bid to explain their position and persuade him to plead their cause with GoS. - ST (unsourced article Khartoum) July 2 2006.
Bashir and Deby meeting at AU summit brokered by Gaddafi
Local Arab-language media reported a meeting between Presidents Bashir and Deby at the AU summit, in Banjul, Gambia on 1 June. The meeting was reportedly brokered by President Gaddafi of Libya. - UN Sudan Situation Report 02 July 2006.
Also, see July 3 2006 UPI report Gadhafi sponsors Chad-Sudan reconciliation:
Also, see July 3 2006 UPI report Gadhafi sponsors Chad-Sudan reconciliation:
Moammar Gadhafi has sponsored a reconciliation agreement between Sudan and Chad as part of the Libyan leader's efforts to iron out conflicts in Africa.
Libyan news agency JANA said Gadhafi sponsored a tripartite meeting with Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir and Chad's Idriss Debby in the Gambian capital, Banjul, during which the reconciliation was sealed early Monday.
It said the reasons for the conflicts between Sudan and neighboring Chad were reviewed and debated, and at the end Bashir and Debby agreed to set up a joint committee to prepare arrangements for normalizing relations between their two countries.
The two presidents reaffirmed their commitment to the "Tripoli Declaration," which they signed in February in a summit meeting hosted by Gadhafi during which they agreed to normalize diplomatic relations and ban the presence of rebels using their territories to launch attacks against each others' countries.
JANA reported that "Gadhafi expressed to the Sudanese and Chadian presidents his appreciation of their responsible attitude and positive response to his reconciliation initiative and their keenness to preserve peace, security and stability in the black continent."
The conflict between Sudan and Chad broke out last December, when Chad declared that it was in a state of war with Khartoum following an attack by Sudanese rebels against a Chadian village on the shared eastern border.
Gadhafi announced an initiative to settle the conflict in January, including shifting 3,000 African Union troops deployed in Darfur to the border between Chad and Sudan to monitor possible violations.
United Nations Sudan Situation Report 02 July 2006
Here is a summary of political events since 28 June 2006, the date when SRSG Jan Pronk published his blog entry on how to breathe life into the Darfur Peace Agreement. Excerpt from UN Sudan Situation Report 02 July 2006 by UN Country Team in Sudan:
On 28 June, SRSG Pronk published comments about the DPA on his weblog. He emphasized the need to implement the Agreement, to broaden its 'circle of support', and to support the transition to a UN peacekeeping operation.
Local Arab-language press gave extensive coverage to the SRSG's comments. The reports emphasized the SRSG's comments that the opposition rebel issues should be addressed in the DPA, that further dialogue was required and that more compensation was required for affected persons.
On 30 June, the SRSG, accompanied by PDSRSG Zerihoun, went to Juba to launch the UN Radio "Miraya" together with the First Vice President Salva Kiir. Speaking at the ceremony, FVP Salva Kiir stated that he had no objection to a transition to the UN force in Darfur. After the ceremony, the SRSG and the PDSRSG held discussion with VP Kiir on Eastern Front, LRA and implementation of the CPA issues. On 30 June, in Juba, FVP Salva Kiir stated that he had no objection to a transition to the UN force in Darfur.
Local Arab-language media reported a meeting between Presidents Bashir and Déby at the AU summit, in Banjul, Gambia on 1 June. The meeting was reportedly brokered by President Gaddafi of Libya.
Meanwhile, local Arab-language press reported that the AU withdrew 30 Chadian AMIS monitors from Darfur at the request of Sudan's Foreign Ministry. The Peace and Security Council (PSC) heard Sudan's request at their meeting in Banjul on 27 June.
On 30 June, SLA-Minawi faction's External Relations Secretary Ibrahim Ahmed Ibrahim issued a statement supporting the suspension of the DPA. Meanwhile, a delegation of SLA-Minawi remains in Khartoum for talks with the Government of Sudan on DPA implementation.
On 30 June, in Asmara, Darfur rebel leaders founded the National Redemption Front (NDF). The NRF's Founding Declaration flagged a forthcoming statement on its position regarding the DPA. The signatories include Dr Khalil Ibrahim, the leader of JEM, Mr Ahmed Ibrahim Diraige (Chairman) and Dr Sharif Harir of the Sudan Federal Democratic Alliance and Khamis Abdalla Abakar, formerly SLA-Abdul Wahid Deputy Chairman. Abdul Wahid, the leader of the SLA-Abdul Wahid faction, did not sign the declaration.
On 1 July, the National Legislature ratified the DPA. According to the official Sudanese news agency, the Legislature called on the international community to provide support and assistance for Darfur's reconstruction and urged parties that did not sign the agreement to join the peace process.
On 1 July, the Ceasefire Political Commission (CPC) met in Khartoum, with the SRSG [Jan Pronk], DSRSG and Force Commander in attendance. The meeting was briefed on the status of formation of Joint Integrated Units (JIUs) by the Co-Chairs and Technical Committee of the Joint Defense Board, JIU Commander (SAF) and Deputy Commander (SPLA).
THINK PIECE: Anti-UN sentiment in Darfur lighting rod for African nationalism (William Church)
An opinion piece in today's Sudan Tribune 'Anti-UN sentiment in Darfur lighting rod for African nationalism' by William Church is so good, it is difficult to choose excerpts, so I am copying the piece here in full. Mr Church is Director of the London based Great Lakes Centre for Strategic Studies and can be reached at wchurch@glcss.org
The battle over United Nations troops replacing African Union troops in Darfur has scratched the long festering wound of outside influences controlling the destiny of Africa. Darfur is a lighting rod of anti-United Nations sentiment because it contains the seeds of African hope, frustration, lack and desires.
Anyone who thinks the solution to Darfur's humanitarian crisis is as simple as UN troops replacing African Union (AU) peacekeepers has failed to understand that the battle is not about peacekeeping in Darfur-or even Africa. Darfur is about Africans finding an African solution and the end of outside, political interference in Africa.
There maybe a good reason why the government of Sudan does not trust the United Nations, despite the AU official position on the transfer of peacekeepers to the UN. The story of Darfur is similar to the story of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. A permanent member of the UN Security Council aided a situation that developed into genocide in one case and in the second example it may be complicit although not directly involved. In essence, Sudan is asking the question if the Security Council can be an honest peace broker if one of its members is political involved in the situation. This question also holds true with the situation in Somalia, where there are allegations of United States involvement in the current struggle.
The following examples are not meant to indict or criticize any one member of the Security Council. Instead, they are meant to demonstrate that the government of Sudan may have valid concerns about United Nations involvement.
It is a matter of public record that French paratroopers trained and supported the military of the genocidal government of Rwanda's President Habyarimana. Later that same Rwandan military executed, along with the Interahamwe, the devastating 1994 Rwandan genocide. In addition, French-paratroopers, in the eyes of the current Rwandan government, played a dubious role at the end of the 1994 genocide when they blocked the pursuit of the genocidal forces. This event and others have long colored the relationship between Rwanda and the United Nations and is a lesson, well-remembered in Africa.
French involvement in Chad also raises similar concerns. International Crisis Group (ICG) and other organizations have reported that Chad's French-backed army allegedly exploited the social and political instability in Darfur when it supported factions of the Sudan Liberation Army in their rebellion against the Khartoum government. The suspected or real Chadian involvement adds to the level of distrust and this week culminated in Khartoum expelling Chadian peacekeepers with the AU force in Darfur.
Sudan also understands there are questions about the lack of due process in examining the evidence reported by the UN Panel of Experts. These Expert Panels are used to shape Security Council policy and develop the basis for sanctions against governments and individuals, and rightly, the government of Sudan is concerned about the Security Council's abuse of these Expert Panels.
In 2005, a consultant to a UN Expert Panel called for a public review of the evidence in a DRC arms embargo report. He charged that the Experts did not conduct a complete investigation, violated their own standards of evidence, and intentionally misrepresented their evidence in their official report to the Security Council.
The ex-UN Expert Panel consultant was joined by the governments of South Africa, Rwanda, and Uganda, which also disputed the methodology of the Experts and their evidence. These governments, like the ex-consultant, called for a public review of the evidence. The Security Council responded by conducting a vicious slander campaign against the ex-consultant, and then refused calls for a public review and conducted a closed door, non-transparent review of the evidence. In the end, they issued a press release stating they fully supported the Experts, ignoring calls from African states for a public hearing. This case, like the others, adds to Sudan's concern if the Security Council can be an honest broker of peace and if sanctions will be used against it as a form of regime change.
However, there is a much larger principle at stake. Darfur is a lighting rod for African Nationalism because it hits to the heart of two key African issues: capacity building and sustainability.
Sudan is suspicious of the Security Council's motives since the UN has never articulated the reason why properly equipped and mandated AU peacekeepers are less effective that properly equipped and mandated UN peacekeepers. Sudan's doubt increases especially when it knows that there are 26,000 well-equipped African UN peacekeepers already serving in Africa that could just as easily serve the AU if properly supported and mandated. In addition, there are over 7,000 AU peacekeepers in Darfur that are more than capable if properly supported and mandated.
There is a lingering suspicion that the overarching UN view is that Africans can not manage their own affairs unless there is a foreign overseer. This is supported by the everyday experience of African leaders and Africans.
International donors talk about capacity building and sustainability and then push contrary policies. African leaders ask themselves why they can not decide themselves how wide their roads must be or whether it is tarmac or another surface. Instead those decisions are made thousands of miles away at international donor headquarters.
Africans are asking about the gap between rhetoric of sustainability and capacity building and the reality of international donor policy. African leaders are asking if the goal is African capacity building and sustainability then why is it that the international donors require contracts for their funds to be dispense to companies owned by foreign nationals, which represent the international donor community, and not Africans.
For some members of the international community, aid to Africa is either a jobs program for their own citizens or disguised subsidies for their national industries. African leaders in Rwanda and Uganda have been widely criticized for exercising their sovereign right to control the international National Government Organizations (NGOs) in their countries.
African leaders are asking why international donors place more weight on foreign think-tank reports about corruption or human rights than reports from African human rights organizations which may directly contradict an organization like US-based Freedom House, which admits that it has never visited some of the countries it evaluates. The same questions are being asked about the NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa's Development) Peer Review process. African leaders are asking why foreign governments and organizations give more weight to assessments by international organizations and not the NEPAD findings.
It is important to note that this question echoes the current situation assessment in Darfur. The government of Sudan maintains a view that the problems are being resolved with the current force and with the current peace agreement. The United Nations disagrees with that assessment. Once again, it raises the question of who is better able to assess and develop a solution to an African problem. What is implied in the automatic assumption that the United Nations' view is correct?
The answer to this question demonstrates a general African suspicion about the international community and a growing rebellion against foreign intervention. Uganda's President Museveni has been quoted recently as saying that he will no longer allow foreigners to tell him how to run his government. Rwanda President Kagame has consistently fought for Rwanda's right to manage and define itself, and in a telling manner, this has been greeted with hostile response by some members of the international community.
Sudan's President al-Bashir is echoing those same African concerns when he stresses his belief that this is an African problem and it must have an African solution. If the international community truly wants to have a new partnership with Africa then it should listen to these concerns. This does not mean that the world should ignore the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. It means the quickest solution to the humanitarian crisis is to work with the government of Sudan to find an African solution that builds long-term capacity and allows Africans to demonstrate their leadership skills.
[Pity the piece did not address the fears re UN/ICC list of 51 Darfur war crime suspects. I've yet to find any report addressing Khartoum's fears of UN troops arresting suspects]
The battle over United Nations troops replacing African Union troops in Darfur has scratched the long festering wound of outside influences controlling the destiny of Africa. Darfur is a lighting rod of anti-United Nations sentiment because it contains the seeds of African hope, frustration, lack and desires.
Anyone who thinks the solution to Darfur's humanitarian crisis is as simple as UN troops replacing African Union (AU) peacekeepers has failed to understand that the battle is not about peacekeeping in Darfur-or even Africa. Darfur is about Africans finding an African solution and the end of outside, political interference in Africa.
There maybe a good reason why the government of Sudan does not trust the United Nations, despite the AU official position on the transfer of peacekeepers to the UN. The story of Darfur is similar to the story of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. A permanent member of the UN Security Council aided a situation that developed into genocide in one case and in the second example it may be complicit although not directly involved. In essence, Sudan is asking the question if the Security Council can be an honest peace broker if one of its members is political involved in the situation. This question also holds true with the situation in Somalia, where there are allegations of United States involvement in the current struggle.
The following examples are not meant to indict or criticize any one member of the Security Council. Instead, they are meant to demonstrate that the government of Sudan may have valid concerns about United Nations involvement.
It is a matter of public record that French paratroopers trained and supported the military of the genocidal government of Rwanda's President Habyarimana. Later that same Rwandan military executed, along with the Interahamwe, the devastating 1994 Rwandan genocide. In addition, French-paratroopers, in the eyes of the current Rwandan government, played a dubious role at the end of the 1994 genocide when they blocked the pursuit of the genocidal forces. This event and others have long colored the relationship between Rwanda and the United Nations and is a lesson, well-remembered in Africa.
French involvement in Chad also raises similar concerns. International Crisis Group (ICG) and other organizations have reported that Chad's French-backed army allegedly exploited the social and political instability in Darfur when it supported factions of the Sudan Liberation Army in their rebellion against the Khartoum government. The suspected or real Chadian involvement adds to the level of distrust and this week culminated in Khartoum expelling Chadian peacekeepers with the AU force in Darfur.
Sudan also understands there are questions about the lack of due process in examining the evidence reported by the UN Panel of Experts. These Expert Panels are used to shape Security Council policy and develop the basis for sanctions against governments and individuals, and rightly, the government of Sudan is concerned about the Security Council's abuse of these Expert Panels.
In 2005, a consultant to a UN Expert Panel called for a public review of the evidence in a DRC arms embargo report. He charged that the Experts did not conduct a complete investigation, violated their own standards of evidence, and intentionally misrepresented their evidence in their official report to the Security Council.
The ex-UN Expert Panel consultant was joined by the governments of South Africa, Rwanda, and Uganda, which also disputed the methodology of the Experts and their evidence. These governments, like the ex-consultant, called for a public review of the evidence. The Security Council responded by conducting a vicious slander campaign against the ex-consultant, and then refused calls for a public review and conducted a closed door, non-transparent review of the evidence. In the end, they issued a press release stating they fully supported the Experts, ignoring calls from African states for a public hearing. This case, like the others, adds to Sudan's concern if the Security Council can be an honest broker of peace and if sanctions will be used against it as a form of regime change.
However, there is a much larger principle at stake. Darfur is a lighting rod for African Nationalism because it hits to the heart of two key African issues: capacity building and sustainability.
Sudan is suspicious of the Security Council's motives since the UN has never articulated the reason why properly equipped and mandated AU peacekeepers are less effective that properly equipped and mandated UN peacekeepers. Sudan's doubt increases especially when it knows that there are 26,000 well-equipped African UN peacekeepers already serving in Africa that could just as easily serve the AU if properly supported and mandated. In addition, there are over 7,000 AU peacekeepers in Darfur that are more than capable if properly supported and mandated.
There is a lingering suspicion that the overarching UN view is that Africans can not manage their own affairs unless there is a foreign overseer. This is supported by the everyday experience of African leaders and Africans.
International donors talk about capacity building and sustainability and then push contrary policies. African leaders ask themselves why they can not decide themselves how wide their roads must be or whether it is tarmac or another surface. Instead those decisions are made thousands of miles away at international donor headquarters.
Africans are asking about the gap between rhetoric of sustainability and capacity building and the reality of international donor policy. African leaders are asking if the goal is African capacity building and sustainability then why is it that the international donors require contracts for their funds to be dispense to companies owned by foreign nationals, which represent the international donor community, and not Africans.
For some members of the international community, aid to Africa is either a jobs program for their own citizens or disguised subsidies for their national industries. African leaders in Rwanda and Uganda have been widely criticized for exercising their sovereign right to control the international National Government Organizations (NGOs) in their countries.
African leaders are asking why international donors place more weight on foreign think-tank reports about corruption or human rights than reports from African human rights organizations which may directly contradict an organization like US-based Freedom House, which admits that it has never visited some of the countries it evaluates. The same questions are being asked about the NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa's Development) Peer Review process. African leaders are asking why foreign governments and organizations give more weight to assessments by international organizations and not the NEPAD findings.
It is important to note that this question echoes the current situation assessment in Darfur. The government of Sudan maintains a view that the problems are being resolved with the current force and with the current peace agreement. The United Nations disagrees with that assessment. Once again, it raises the question of who is better able to assess and develop a solution to an African problem. What is implied in the automatic assumption that the United Nations' view is correct?
The answer to this question demonstrates a general African suspicion about the international community and a growing rebellion against foreign intervention. Uganda's President Museveni has been quoted recently as saying that he will no longer allow foreigners to tell him how to run his government. Rwanda President Kagame has consistently fought for Rwanda's right to manage and define itself, and in a telling manner, this has been greeted with hostile response by some members of the international community.
Sudan's President al-Bashir is echoing those same African concerns when he stresses his belief that this is an African problem and it must have an African solution. If the international community truly wants to have a new partnership with Africa then it should listen to these concerns. This does not mean that the world should ignore the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. It means the quickest solution to the humanitarian crisis is to work with the government of Sudan to find an African solution that builds long-term capacity and allows Africans to demonstrate their leadership skills.
[Pity the piece did not address the fears re UN/ICC list of 51 Darfur war crime suspects. I've yet to find any report addressing Khartoum's fears of UN troops arresting suspects]
SLA-Minnawi welcomes UN Pronk call to amend Darfur deal
SLA rebel leader Minni Minawi praised a blog entry authored by the UN envoy to Sudan Jan Pronk in which he outlined how to put life into the Darfur Peace Agreement - Minnawi spokesperson, Esam Edin al-Haj, renewed the demand - of the wing opposed to the DPA within the movement - to suspend Abuja deal signed on 5 May. Full report Sudan Tribune July 3, 2006.
Sunday, July 02, 2006
AU Mission in Darfur mandate extended until end of 2006
The African Union has agreed to a UN request to extend the mandate of its military mission in Darfur by three months until the end of 2006, its chairman Denis Sassou Nguesso said, Reuters [via The Age] reported July 3, 2006:
Photo: Kofi Annan, Secretary General of U.N, seated centre, speaks to journalists at the venue of the African Union Summit AU in Banjul, Gambia Sunday, July 2, 2006. Annan held talks with Sudan's president Sunday and said he was hopeful U.N. peacekeepers would eventually be deployed to Darfur. (AP Photo/George Osodi/Yahoo)
"On the request of the secretary general, the African Union will continue to fulfil its mission until the end of the year," said Congo Republic president Sassou Nguesso, who holds the revolving AU presidency.
Photo: Kofi Annan, Secretary General of U.N, seated centre, speaks to journalists at the venue of the African Union Summit AU in Banjul, Gambia Sunday, July 2, 2006. Annan held talks with Sudan's president Sunday and said he was hopeful U.N. peacekeepers would eventually be deployed to Darfur. (AP Photo/George Osodi/Yahoo)
Eastern Sudan rebels (Beja Congress) call for UN humanitarian intervention in their region
Beja Congress Europe press release calls for "UN humanitarian intervention" in Eastern Sudan. It is signed, on behalf of the Beja doctors and intellectuals, by Dr Abu Amna, Beja paediatrician, Schoeffenstrasse 26, 65933 Frankfurt, Germany, 2 July 2006.
Note, June 9 2006 Abu Amna, press release Beja Congress calls for UN participation in Eastern Sudan talks
Note, June 9 2006 Abu Amna, press release Beja Congress calls for UN participation in Eastern Sudan talks
Annan and Bashir agree on need to strengthen AU mission in Darfur and to consolidate the Darfur Peace Agreement
At the AU summit today, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan failed to persuade Sudanese leader Omar Hassan al-Bashir to allow a UN force into Darfur Reuters reported 2 July 2006.
Mr Annan expressed confidence that UN troops will one day deploy in Darfur and said he is meantime working on extending the presence of the AU force in Darfur until the end of the year, Daily Telegraph reported July 3, 2006:
Photo: UN Secretary General Kofi Annan (C) is applauded July 01 at the opening session of an African Union summit of more than 50 African heads of state. (AFP/File/Issouf Sanogo)
Mr Annan expressed confidence that UN troops will one day deploy in Darfur and said he is meantime working on extending the presence of the AU force in Darfur until the end of the year, Daily Telegraph reported July 3, 2006:
Mr Annan said continuing discussions with Khartoum on the deployment of international peacekeepers could yield positive results.
"We are dealing with a leader who might have genuine difficulties and genuine reasons for the position he is taking ... but I think we had constructive conversation this morning," he said.
"I, of course, continue to press for the eventual deployment of UN forces in Darfur ... (and) we agree (with al-Beshir) the dialogue has to continue," Mr Annan said.
He said the planning for deployment "is very well advanced ... we do hope still to deploy the troops."
He said Mr al-Beshir had promised to submit to him before the end of July his "plan for the next six months" on easing the crisis in Darfur.
Meantime Mr Annan asked the African leaders at the AU summit in Gambia to maintain "flexibility" over their original plan to pull their forces out of Darfur by September 30.
In talks with Mr al-Beshir, Mr Annan said they "agreed on the immediate need to strengthen the African Union mission in Darfur and also to consolidate the Darfur peace agreement."
Photo: UN Secretary General Kofi Annan (C) is applauded July 01 at the opening session of an African Union summit of more than 50 African heads of state. (AFP/File/Issouf Sanogo)
AU to withdraw troops from Darfur? Gaddafi leaves hall before AU summit opens
Libyan leader, Col Gaddafi was absent from the hall at the opening session of AU summit, AngolaPress reported today:
Although the Libyan leader entered the hall before most of his counterparts, he left the premises just before the opening ceremony began, leaving the rest of the Libyan delegation there.SABC says earlier today, UN SG Annan met with Sudan's president, to discuss Darfur. Mr Annan and President Thabo Mbeki were supposed to meet earlier today but the meeting was postponed until later today.
No official reason was given for the hurried departure, and neither the Gambians nor officials of the African Union Commission could offer an explanation.
However, some Libyan sources hinted that the Libyan leader's departure had been to protest a possible decision by African Union to withdraw its troops from Sudan next September.
Washington Post continues to publish propaganda on Darfur
The Washington Post continues to have no qualms about publishing propaganda on Darfur. "Sudan's dictator gets nastier," the Washington Post tells its readers today in an editorial (author not cited) entitled Backtracking in Darfur. I wonder who wrote it and why their name was not revealed. On reading the editorial closely, I saw no fact based news but a piece of activism calling for UN troops in Darfur and the isolation of Khartoum regime. Clearly it states, quote:
More activism being passed off as hard news
See June 22 2006 Sudan Watch - Human Rights Watch incorrectly says Khartoum is backtracking - excerpt:
In an interview June 22, 2006, Human Rights Watch (HRW) Deputy Director for Africa, Georgette Gagnon tells Voice of America English to Africa reporter Howard Lesser: "There seems to be some disconnect. Obviously, we must remember that when the Darfur peace agreement was being negotiated, the Khartoum government said that it would accept UN troops to come in and monitor a peace agreement. Now, it's backtracking." This is not true.
"This year, Sudan's government declared that it would allow United Nations peacekeepers into the western region of Darfur."I challenge the Washington Post to please explain exactly when and where GoS agreed to allow UN peacekeepers into Darfur. From what I have gathered here at Sudan Watch, Khartoum never once agreed to such a force. Please correct me if I have missed something. The peace deal in southern Sudan is quite different from that in Darfur, western Sudan. South Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement had a UN peackeeping force built into it before it was signed, the Darfur Peace Agreement had no such force written into it. Apart from talk about the "extermination of Muslims", the last line of the piece I find most revealing, quote:
But if Mr. Bashir's shameless outpourings are not enough to solidify diplomatic efforts to isolate his regime, it's hard to know what would be.Diplomatic efforts to isolate the regime eh? Sounds like Darfur rebel talk.
More activism being passed off as hard news
See June 22 2006 Sudan Watch - Human Rights Watch incorrectly says Khartoum is backtracking - excerpt:
In an interview June 22, 2006, Human Rights Watch (HRW) Deputy Director for Africa, Georgette Gagnon tells Voice of America English to Africa reporter Howard Lesser: "There seems to be some disconnect. Obviously, we must remember that when the Darfur peace agreement was being negotiated, the Khartoum government said that it would accept UN troops to come in and monitor a peace agreement. Now, it's backtracking." This is not true.
Saturday, July 01, 2006
Jan Pronk's blog entry picked up by the press: UN envoy calls for changes to Darfur peace plan (Reuters); UN envoy attacks Darfur agreement (BBC)
Mainstream media has taken three days to pick up on Jan Pronk's blog entry published here at Sudan Watch June 29.
It's the first time I've seen the press pay attention to any of Jan Pronk's blog entries. Not even when there were threats on his life. I wonder what's taken them so long. I guess it goes to prove a lot of journalists aren't on the ball, even when it comes to a superb source by an outstanding author with excellent photos.
Several months ago, I noticed a typo on the date of a post at the blog and emailed a short note to the contact address. A few days later I was surprised to receive a charming email from Mr Pronk himself, one that I shall treasure. I'm a fan of his and think he does a great job for the UN and works very hard to help broker peace in the Sudan. Excerpts from Reuters and the BBC:
July 1 2006 (Reuters Opheera McDoom) UN envoy calls for changes to Darfur peace plan:
It's the first time I've seen the press pay attention to any of Jan Pronk's blog entries. Not even when there were threats on his life. I wonder what's taken them so long. I guess it goes to prove a lot of journalists aren't on the ball, even when it comes to a superb source by an outstanding author with excellent photos.
Several months ago, I noticed a typo on the date of a post at the blog and emailed a short note to the contact address. A few days later I was surprised to receive a charming email from Mr Pronk himself, one that I shall treasure. I'm a fan of his and think he does a great job for the UN and works very hard to help broker peace in the Sudan. Excerpts from Reuters and the BBC:
July 1 2006 (Reuters Opheera McDoom) UN envoy calls for changes to Darfur peace plan:
Sudan's top U.N. official has said the Darfur peace deal should be amended to meet key rebel demands to save the foundering agreement, in an apparent shift from his previous statements.July 1 2006 (BBC) UN envoy attacks Darfur agreement:
Jan Pronk, on his Internet blog, said international guarantees of security, a more visible disarmament of the Arab militia and more compensation for war victims needed to be added to the pact. All these have been demanded by two rebel factions who refused to sign the May 5 deal. Angry protests have erupted in some Darfur refugee camps against the agreement.
"None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation," Pronk said in his blog, seen by Reuters on Saturday and dated June 28. Pronk has been mostly silent in the weeks since the deal, which two U.N. sources said was because he feared angering the AU, the lead player in Darfur. Pronk signed the May 5 deal as a witness and expressed his support for the text immediately after the signing ceremony. AU and U.N. officials declined to immediately comment on the blog. Pronk's comments are likely to cause friction between the pan-African body and the New York-based United Nations.
The head of the United Nations mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, has said the Darfur peace agreement is in danger of collapse and needs re-writing. Writing his weblog, Mr Pronk called for security guarantees, more disarmament, and more compensation for victims. He said the pact does not resonate with the people of Darfur, describing it as "severely paralysed".July 2 2006 (AP Lauren Frayer) via Washington Post UN: Darfur Peace Deal on Brink of Collapse:
CAIRO, Egypt -- The head of the United Nations mission in Sudan said on his personal blog that the Darfur peace agreement "does not resonate with the people" and is in danger of collapse. But Jan Pronk also wrote last week that the pact was still salvageable if revisions were made, calling it "a good text, an honest compromise." And he urged its quick implementation, saying, "it meets more and more resistance" as time passes.July 2 2006 (inthenews.co.uk) Annan: Darfur out of control:
The AU's mandate in Darfur ends in the autumn, but the situation was today confused by the head of the UN's mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, who has criticised the Darfur peace agreement (DPA) signed earlier this year, despite originally being one of its main proponents. 'It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier ceasefire agreements, and is not meant to be kept,' he said on his personal website.
AU Summit news reports - AU chair calls for co-operation between AU, UN
Alpha Omar Konare, the African Union (AU) commission chairperson, has called for co-operation between the AU and the UN to ensure peace in conflict areas such as Somalia, Chad and Sudan. He was addressing the opening ceremony of the AU Heads of State Summit under way in the Gambian capital Banjul, SABC reported July 1, 2006.
Snippets from some other news reports on the summit (more to be added here later, as and when I find them):
From AP's Heidi Vogt:
Photo: Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, left and his wife arrive at the African Union summit in Banjul, Gambia Saturday, July 1 2006. (AP) Full report UN Annan, Africa leaders tackle Sudan, poverty via Sudan Tribune July 2, 2006.
Photo: Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf (R) walks down a corridor after a meeting during the African Union summit in Gambia's capital Banjul July 1, 2006. (Reuters/Finbarr O'Reilly/Yahoo News)
Snippets from some other news reports on the summit (more to be added here later, as and when I find them):
From AP's Heidi Vogt:
Even if resolutions are passed, African Union members aren't beholden to them and the body has little funding to pursue independent action.From SABC/Reuters:
"We think the African Union could be supported," rather than replaced, said Taj Elsir Mahjoub, a Sudanese delegate in Banjul.
Konare said the Darfur situation was strongly influenced by tensions between Chad and Sudan, which have accused each other of supporting rebels on their territories. Chad said it was expelling all the Chadian members of an AU-peacekeeping force in Darfur.From AP/NDTV:
Obstacles facing the AU
Konare said the AU should give "large-scale support" to Somalia's weak interim government, and encourage dialogue with Islamists now controlling Mogadishu and a large swathe of the country after defeating secular, US-backed warlords.
Despite the strong desire of African leaders to deal with Somalia and Darfur, it was clear after the preparatory meeting of foreign ministers earlier this week that there are big obstacles to a breakthrough on either issue.
In Darfur, the AU wants to hand over peacekeeping duties from its own under-resourced force of 7 000 troops to UN soldiers by September 30. But on Thursday, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, the Sudanese president, who is attending the summit, issued the latest in a series of uncompromising rejections of a UN deployment.
No leverage to pressure Bashir
Meanwhile, Western and African diplomats have said that despite widespread revulsion over massacres, rape and pillage in Darfur, the international community had hardly any leverage to pressure Bashir, whose consent is needed for a UN force.
African Union Commission Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare directed delegates' attention to the desperate situation in Darfur in Sudan, and Somalia, where a hard-line Islamist regime is increasingly holding sway. He blamed rampant poverty for Africa's crises. [Sudan Watch ed: Is poverty really the reason or is it more to do with poor management and no legal/land rights among the poor? See Exclusive interview with Peruvian economist, Hernando de Soto: The poor are not the problem but the solution -- and What's Missing in the Darfur Sudan Debate: Addressing Property Rights Could Help Bring Peace]From Garowe /Somali news wires:
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who is from the West African nation of Ghana, told the leaders assembled in Gambia that the Darfur crisis is 'one of the worst nightmares in recent history.'
The President of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, which the world recognizes as northwest Somalia, will not be attending the African Union heads of state summit currently being hosted by Gambia.
Photo: Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, left and his wife arrive at the African Union summit in Banjul, Gambia Saturday, July 1 2006. (AP) Full report UN Annan, Africa leaders tackle Sudan, poverty via Sudan Tribune July 2, 2006.
Photo: Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf (R) walks down a corridor after a meeting during the African Union summit in Gambia's capital Banjul July 1, 2006. (Reuters/Finbarr O'Reilly/Yahoo News)
AU want former Chad pres Hissene Habre to stand trial
The African Union heads of state that have gathered in Gambia for a summit have called for former Chadian President Hissene Habre - accused of massive human rights violations - to stand trial for the allegations against him. - African News Dimension 1 July 2006.
Photo: Hissene Habre (VOA file)
Chad rights victims expect justice from African Leaders
VOA News Joe Bavier, Banjul, 1 July 2006 - excerpt:
The AU established a panel of judicial experts to review the facts. But the identities of panel members were not released. And their report on how, where, and, even, if Habre should be tried has not been made public. However, outside the [AU] summit venue Friday, a lawyer for Habre, El Hadj Diouf, spoke to journalists holding a photocopy of what he said was the panel's report.
He said the report rejects the option of extradition to Belgium. It opted first for a trial in Senegal, but if that fails Habre could be brought to back to Chad, something seen as an impossibility for both the former president's supporters and opponents. Finally, if the other solutions fail, a special ad hoc court, similar to that established in Sierra Leone, could try him.
UPDATE: 2 July 2006 Lydia Polgreen NYT/IHT - Ex-Chad dictator to be tried in Senegal: A court in Senegal must try the former dictator of Chad for human rights violations that he is accused of committing during his eight year rule, an African Union panel said Sunday. President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal said at an African Union summit meeting here Sunday that he would comply with the request.
Photo: Hissene Habre (VOA file)
Chad rights victims expect justice from African Leaders
VOA News Joe Bavier, Banjul, 1 July 2006 - excerpt:
The AU established a panel of judicial experts to review the facts. But the identities of panel members were not released. And their report on how, where, and, even, if Habre should be tried has not been made public. However, outside the [AU] summit venue Friday, a lawyer for Habre, El Hadj Diouf, spoke to journalists holding a photocopy of what he said was the panel's report.
He said the report rejects the option of extradition to Belgium. It opted first for a trial in Senegal, but if that fails Habre could be brought to back to Chad, something seen as an impossibility for both the former president's supporters and opponents. Finally, if the other solutions fail, a special ad hoc court, similar to that established in Sierra Leone, could try him.
UPDATE: 2 July 2006 Lydia Polgreen NYT/IHT - Ex-Chad dictator to be tried in Senegal: A court in Senegal must try the former dictator of Chad for human rights violations that he is accused of committing during his eight year rule, an African Union panel said Sunday. President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal said at an African Union summit meeting here Sunday that he would comply with the request.
Tension mounts within Darfur SLM-Minawi streams - Better the devil you know, than the one you don't
Pinpointing the truth of what's behind the slippery marauding gangs of guerillas in the Sudan is like trying to nail down mercury. No doubt there will be more news of gun toting poseurs in the Sudan jockeying for media limelight this weekend as the AU summit begins. I am sick of reading about people who love making war and killing. They stink! Lock them up!
An old saying springs to mind here: "Better the devil you know, than the devil you don't know." Khartoum regime appears to work hard at holding Sudan together. It can't be easy. Sudan is the size of Europe. For sure, Messrs Bashir and Taha have nerves of steel and work extremely hard in their jobs. It's astonishing to read how much they deal with. The experience they've gained in government over the years cannot be surpassed. Surely it is in the best interests of Sudan and its neighbouring countries for the current regime to remain in power and make the most of the opportunities it now has to get the country out of debt. Sudan has so much going for it and could have a great future ahead. I'd like to see it make more of its history, culture, climate and weather and, given enough flowing water, create mass employment by expanding its agricultural base and not be so reliant on oil.
Excerpt from unsourced article at Sudan Tribune (Paris) June 30, 2006 Tension mounts within Darfur SLM-Minawi streams:Would you vote any of these gun runners into government in order for them to work intelligently, efficiently, fairly on your behalf and spend your taxes honestly and wisely in your best interests? Me neither.The SLM political advisor and external relations Secretary Ibrahim Ahmed Ibrahim, supported Friday the suspension of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) announced by the SLM spokesperson Esam Edin al-haj earlier this week.
Ibrahim said this suspension does not imply dissidence within the SLM except if the supporters of signed deal - within the movement - decide not to respect the point of view of Darfur people, SLA forces and members of the movement.
Some SLM delegation members in Khartoum disapproved al-Haj statement issued on 27 June. The SLM spokesperson announced the suspension of the DPA implementation saying SLM institutions not concerned by decision taken by those who are favourable to the peace deal.
Ibrahim Ahmed Ibrahim, was the head of the SLA's conference organising committee held at the end of October last year. He played a key role at Haskanita conference in the enthronization of Minni Minaw as SLM chairperson.
Slowly but surely cleavage is taking shape within the SLM-Minawi group, the anti-peace deal group says representing the main stream within the movement. Nonetheless, they insist on the necessity to maintain the unity of the rebel group.
Ibrahim underlines that since the day of the signing of DPA in Abuja it was agreed to hold an extraordinary conference to discuss the signed deal and determine a common position but the meeting is never held and advance delegations went to Khartoum to implement the DPA.
The SLM political advisor warned that the day where people will start to implement the security arrangements in the DPA they will verify who is really control the ground.
This development came in the same day where three Darfur rebel groups inked in Asmara the founding declaration of a new rebel National Redemption Front (NRF). Sudan Tribune has learned that the new group discusses with the SLM-Minawi mainstream how they can join the newly created platform.
The SLM led by Abdelwahid al-Nur refused to ink the NRF declaration because the secular al-Nur group rejects any alliance with the Islamist Khalil Ibrahim.
An old saying springs to mind here: "Better the devil you know, than the devil you don't know." Khartoum regime appears to work hard at holding Sudan together. It can't be easy. Sudan is the size of Europe. For sure, Messrs Bashir and Taha have nerves of steel and work extremely hard in their jobs. It's astonishing to read how much they deal with. The experience they've gained in government over the years cannot be surpassed. Surely it is in the best interests of Sudan and its neighbouring countries for the current regime to remain in power and make the most of the opportunities it now has to get the country out of debt. Sudan has so much going for it and could have a great future ahead. I'd like to see it make more of its history, culture, climate and weather and, given enough flowing water, create mass employment by expanding its agricultural base and not be so reliant on oil.
Sudanese parliament ratifies Darfur Peace Agreement
Sudanese parliament ratifies Darfur peace deal - July 1, 2006 Sudan Tribune:
The Sudanese federal parliament today ratified the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) signed between Sudanese government and one rebel faction last may with crushing majority.
The National Assembly in a session headed by the speaker, Ahmed Ibrahim Tahir, ratified the African Union brokered DPA with all members saying yes to the exception of one who voted nay, the state-run SUNA reported.
The National Assembly reaffirmed its support and backing for the agreement and called on the international community and the world organizations to fulfill their pledges of providing material support and assistance for the reconstruction of the region.
The Legislature has urged the parties that did not sign the agreement to join the Darfur-Darfur peace process, urging Sudanese people to come up with their assistance for the rehabilitation of the areas affected by the war.
The May 5 peace deal for Sudan’s western region was signed by only one of three rebel negotiating factions in the Nigerian capital Abuja.
The MPs have stressed during their deliberation their unequivocal support for the DPA.
Majzoub Khalifa, the Assistant to the President of the Republic and head of the government delegation to the peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, has stressed that the DPA has now entered the full implementation phase with the security arrangements committee and the committee for the release of the detainees having begun their activities.
Yasser Arman the head of the parliamentarian group of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement has stressed that the movement backs the agreement, calling for opening the door of dialogue and reconciliation with all parties.
On 26 June in addressing a pro-ruling National Congress demonstration, the Speaker of the Assembly, al-Tahir, renewing Sudan’s rejection to any foreign troops.
He referred to the unanimous decision issued by the National Assembly in last February, which affirmed that it incarnated the unity of Sudan, saying that the independence of Sudan was declared from the Parliament "Once more, the parliament records a historic stance in rejecting any foreign troops in Darfur," al-Tahir told the crowds.
Sudan expels Chadian military from Darfur AU force
Reuters report says Sudan has ordered Chadian military personnel working with African Union truce monitors in Darfur to leave, the AU said today:
"Today all the Chadian representatives are gathered in el-Fasher and will leave," AU spokesman Noureddine Mezni said. "We regret this decision ... and urge all sides to use dialogue to resolve their differences peacefully," he added.See June 30 2006 (Paris) unsourced article at Sudan Tribune July 1 - Chad is ready for dialogue with Sudan - FM - Chad and Sudan trade accusation of transgressing Tripoli agreement. Chad says Sudan continues to support Chadian rebel groups while Khartoum says N'djamena refused to deploy military observers though long the border as it is agreed.
Chad mediated a ceasefire signed by the rebels and the government in April 2004 but the truce has been widely ignored by all sides. Under that deal a Chadian representative, as well as one from each of the two main rebel groups and a government official must accompany investigations of ceasefire violations.
Around 30 Chadians were to leave Darfur, Mezni said.
Sudan's SPLM distances itself from Darfur UN rejection
July 1 2006 Sudan Tribune report (unsourced) Khartoum - Sudan's SPLM distances its self from Darfur UN rejection - Persistent rumours in Khartoum say that the Second Vice President Ali Osman Taha who is since two weeks in “holidays” in Turkey is angry on the handling of Darfur file by al-Bashir.
July 1 2006 Aljazeera report (Agencies) - Sudan squabbles over UN troops - SPLM has sharply criticised the National Congress Party, its partner in the national unity government, for rejecting UN peacekeepers in the country. Yasser Arman, SPLM spokesman, said his movement had not been consulted over the government stance rejecting the deployment of UN troops in Darfur region. He pointed out that the SPLM have no objections to the deployment of UN troops in Darfur.
July 1 2006 Aljazeera report (Agencies) - Sudan squabbles over UN troops - SPLM has sharply criticised the National Congress Party, its partner in the national unity government, for rejecting UN peacekeepers in the country. Yasser Arman, SPLM spokesman, said his movement had not been consulted over the government stance rejecting the deployment of UN troops in Darfur region. He pointed out that the SPLM have no objections to the deployment of UN troops in Darfur.
Sudan suspicious of U.S. desire for international forces in Darfur
Unsourced article at Sudan Tribune July 1, 2006 - Sudan says opposed to UN force as it fears Darfur internationalisation - excerpt:
In an interview with the French magazine Etudes Geopolitiques, the Sudanese leader was quoted as saying he objected to a UN peacekeeping force because he was "suspicious of the desire of the United States to internationalise the Darfur conflict."See June 25 2006 Sudan Watch - "The right question should be: Why should international forces come into Darfur; what are the reasons for such an intervention?" - Bashir - copy:
"We do not see the interest in an internationalisation, which could only complicate matters," he was quoted as saying.
"We have become seriously engaged in negotiations under the aegis of the African Union and we have reached an agreement," said al-Bechir.
"Having done all this and shown our goodwill we do not see why the matter should be referred to the UN Security Council applying Chapter Seven of the UN Charter."
Note these two quotes from June 23 Sapa report via Africast - US presses for international force in Darfur:
"The right question should be: Why should international forces come into Darfur; what are the reasons for such an intervention?" Beshir told reporters.
"You either get the approval of the government, as the government did for the African Union force and the Nato support, or you invade, and that's a very big, serious challenge," [US government] Zoellick said.
Friday, June 30, 2006
"The Human Potential for Peace" (Hugh Curran)
Hugh Curran On Bonobos, chimpanzees and potential for peace 30 June 2006, Bangornews. Excerpt:
Photo source: The Future of Bonobos: An Animal Akin to Ourselves
Ninety-nine percent of history has been free of war." "War causes aggression, aggression does not cause war."
These two statements are a centerpiece of Douglas Fry's recent book, "The Human Potential for Peace," issued this year by Oxford Press. Most people assume that human history has always been subject to war and this is certainly true of the 20th century. Now that we are in the 21st century the world continues to experience wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Congo region, Darfur and Sri Lanka.
"The Human Potential for Peace" looks at the long history of both humans and primates and questions whether there is an inherent drive toward violence and war. Some anthropologists and archaeologists believe that humans are naturally aggressive and war-like, but the author states that there is no evidence of war among primates such as the Bonobos nor is there evidence of war among our remote ancestors, nor for that matter is there any evidence of war in most of human history.
Obviously there has been aggression and conflict but studies, that the author cites, indicate that our ancestors, as well as many indigenous peoples up to the present, learned methods of defusing violent confrontation before they could result in war.
In terms of primates, Bonobos are as closely related to humans as chimpanzees. Interestingly, in many studies of aggressive behavior among primates, Bonobos are often ignored even though studies show that they avoid aggressive behavior, preferring to stay away from conflict.
Photo source: The Future of Bonobos: An Animal Akin to Ourselves
AU turns down democracy charter
African leaders have refused to adopt a democracy charter that would have made it more difficult for unpopular presidents to stay in office. - BBC
JEM-Ibrahim expands by forming alliance with SFDA & Darfur rebel holdouts to deal with all the issues of Sudan: National Redemption Front (NRF)
SudanTribune (unsourced article from Asmara) June 30, 2006 - copy in full:
IRIN Report Special on Whos Who: Sudan Federal Democratic Alliance - Opposition organisation based in Darfur - its chairman is Ahmad Ibrahim Dirayj.
- - -
Feb 4 2004 IRIN report "Sudan: Dialogue On Humanitarian Access in Darfur" - reprinted at SPLM Today (site currently under construction)
Feb 10, 2004 Eric Reeves op-ed: Khartoum Refuses to Attend Talks on Humanitarian Access for Darfur, February 10, 2004 - The Sudan Federal Alliance party, whose chairman Ahmad Ibrahim Dirayj is from Darfur, had also agreed to participate and help bring about a cease-fire, or at least a pause in fighting for humanitarian purposes.
Jun 30 2006 Sudan Tribune: Founding Declaration of Darfur's National Redemption Front
Three Darfur rebel groups that have refused to sign up to an African Union-mediated peace deal for the troubled western Sudanese region formed a new alliance to fight Khartoum on Friday.- - -
Officials from the groups created the National Redemption Front (NRF) after talks in the Eritrean capital and reaffirmed their opposition to the Abuja peace agreement, signed by only one rebel army and Khartoum in May.
The front is made up of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), a holdout faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Sudan Federal Democratic Alliance (SFDA), according to a "founding declaration" released in Asmara.
"We, leaders of political and military organisations abstaining from signing the Abuja document ... reaffirm our rejection of that faulty process," they said in a statement.
"Realising the virtues of combining efforts and resources to end the suffering of our people, we hereby join hands in establishing the National Redemption Front (NRF), as an instrument for coordinating political, military, diplomatic and media initiatives," they said.
The declaration was signed by JEM leader Khalil Ibrahim, Khamis Abdalla Abakar of the dissident SLM faction and Sharif Harir and Ahmed Ibrahim Diraige from the SFDA, all of whom said the peace deal did not go far enough.
Ibrahim said after the creation of the new group that it would accept as members any other movement that opposed the Abuja agreement and the policies of the Sudanese government in general.
"This front is open to all other movements who do not accept the Abuja document," he said. "This front will not only deal with the Darfur issue but all the issues in Sudan."
There has been strong pressure on holdout groups to accept the AU-mediated Darfur peace agreement that aims to end three years of war in Darfur that have killed an estimated 300,000 people and displaced 2.4 million others.
The pan-African body has threatened sanctions on groups that do not sign the accord which was inked by Khartoum and the largest SLM faction in the Nigerian capital on May 5.
Friday's declaration of the new front came on the eve of a summit of AU leaders in Gambia who are expected to renew calls for Sudan to accept the transfer of the bloc's Darfur peacekeeping mission to the United Nations.
Decades of tribal fighting in Darfur erupted into all-out violence in 2003, when ethnic minority rebels took up arms, accusing the Arab government in Khartoum of neglect and calling for autonomy.
IRIN Report Special on Whos Who: Sudan Federal Democratic Alliance - Opposition organisation based in Darfur - its chairman is Ahmad Ibrahim Dirayj.
- - -
Feb 4 2004 IRIN report "Sudan: Dialogue On Humanitarian Access in Darfur" - reprinted at SPLM Today (site currently under construction)
Meanwhile, Chadian President Idriss Deby, who mediated in peace talks between the government and the SLA until they broke down in December, said on 2 February that he would renew his mediation efforts.- - -
Both the SLA and the JEM, who have called for international mediators, have said publicly that they consider Deby too close to Khartoum to trust. The chairman of the SFDA, Ahmad Ibrahim Dirayj, told IRIN from London that he had met Taha in Kenya on 23 January and was now engaging in talks with the two rebel groups to try to bring about a ceasefire agreement.
He said the SFDA was pushing for unrestricted humanitarian access in Darfur, a protocol on the protection of civilians, and the disarming and disbanding of militias by the government.
Feb 10, 2004 Eric Reeves op-ed: Khartoum Refuses to Attend Talks on Humanitarian Access for Darfur, February 10, 2004 - The Sudan Federal Alliance party, whose chairman Ahmad Ibrahim Dirayj is from Darfur, had also agreed to participate and help bring about a cease-fire, or at least a pause in fighting for humanitarian purposes.
Jun 30 2006 Sudan Tribune: Founding Declaration of Darfur's National Redemption Front
Amnesty International publishes testimonies from E Chad
Remember the nonsensical sounding messages from Bin Laden? A few years ago, when I first started reading news reports on Darfur, I noticed that statements by Sudanese people like President Bashir sounded alien, from another planet. To my English born ears, the flow of African and Arabic speech when translated into English, sounded very strange. I found it to be expressive, passionate, flowery, poetic and quaint - from another world. The mindset was quite difficult to understand.
Nowadays, when I read certain reports or verbatim statements by Sudanese and Chadian people (especially uneducated rebels) I notice how their choice of words sound weirdly Western. At times I wonder to what extent Sudanese locals interviewed by Westerners are primed by the rebels. Translators probably convey stories to be understood by Westeners but overall it's the thrust and content that appears to have changed. Placards held by protesting IDPs calling for international troops I guess are geared towards a Western audience. It stands to reason that most of the women in the refugee camps could be related to rebel fighters. A mother, daughter, sister, aunt, niece, cousin, wife, girlfriend, in-law, friend of a friend.
These days I don't believe much of what I read in any one article and am wary of sources. Even religious and aid groups appear to have an agenda when it comes to fundraising for their work. I guess my point is, most news reports actually contain some form of propaganda. Sadly, I now take the following testimonies with a pinch of salt and can't be the only one doing so. People's real voices might not be heard.
Here's another thing. Sudanese rebels have access all sorts of equipment and know-how when it comes to communications technology, you'd think more video or digital camera reports of attacks by GoS forces, Janjaweed and such like would have appeared on our screens by now. Some reports say more than 400,000 Darfuris have perished in Darfur's war. That sure is a lot of bodies and funerals. Where and when are all the bodies buried? I've seen film evidence of two burials, one of a child in Darfur and the other of a man in Chad.
Click here to read some statements by Chadian internally displaced persons, published by Amnesty International 29 June 2006 [via ReliefWeb]. The accounts represent a selection of the testimonies gathered by Amnesty in Eastern Chad in June 2006.
Nowadays, when I read certain reports or verbatim statements by Sudanese and Chadian people (especially uneducated rebels) I notice how their choice of words sound weirdly Western. At times I wonder to what extent Sudanese locals interviewed by Westerners are primed by the rebels. Translators probably convey stories to be understood by Westeners but overall it's the thrust and content that appears to have changed. Placards held by protesting IDPs calling for international troops I guess are geared towards a Western audience. It stands to reason that most of the women in the refugee camps could be related to rebel fighters. A mother, daughter, sister, aunt, niece, cousin, wife, girlfriend, in-law, friend of a friend.
These days I don't believe much of what I read in any one article and am wary of sources. Even religious and aid groups appear to have an agenda when it comes to fundraising for their work. I guess my point is, most news reports actually contain some form of propaganda. Sadly, I now take the following testimonies with a pinch of salt and can't be the only one doing so. People's real voices might not be heard.
Here's another thing. Sudanese rebels have access all sorts of equipment and know-how when it comes to communications technology, you'd think more video or digital camera reports of attacks by GoS forces, Janjaweed and such like would have appeared on our screens by now. Some reports say more than 400,000 Darfuris have perished in Darfur's war. That sure is a lot of bodies and funerals. Where and when are all the bodies buried? I've seen film evidence of two burials, one of a child in Darfur and the other of a man in Chad.
Click here to read some statements by Chadian internally displaced persons, published by Amnesty International 29 June 2006 [via ReliefWeb]. The accounts represent a selection of the testimonies gathered by Amnesty in Eastern Chad in June 2006.
African leaders face tough issues
African leaders are gathering in The Gambia to discuss some of the continent's most contentious issues. Topping the African Union agenda will be an attempt to persuade Sudan to allow the UN to take over the stretched AU peace mission in Darfur. - BBC
Al-Qaeda: New 'Bin Laden message' mentions Sudan
New 'Bin Laden message' released, BBC reported 30 June 2006:
Bin Laden says al-Qaeda will go on with operations against the US and its allies.
"We will continue, God willing, to fight you and your allies everywhere," he said, "in Iraq and Afghanistan and in Somalia and Sudan until we waste all your money and kill your men."
Gaddafi drives across Sahara for AU summit
Libyan leader Col Gaddafi was reported to be driving across the Sahara in a convoy on Thursday to arrive in Gambia for the African Union (AU) summit which will start in the capital, Banjul, on Saturday, IOL reported June 30 2006:
Four years ago Gaddafi arrived at the first AU summit in Durban after driving almost the entire length of the continent.
He has apparently been inspired to do another roadshow by the fact that the summit will be discussing a tighter integration of the sub-regional organisations of the continent to form something like the "United States of Africa", which he has always demanded. - Independent Foreign Service & Sapa
UK's David Triesman attends this weekend's AU Summit
Lord David Triesman, Minister for Africa at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in London, will arrive in Banjul today to attend the African Union Summit, Daily Observer reported 30 June 2006:
Lord Triesman will join delegates at the AU summit as part of the Commonwealth. He will during the visit, be focussing on a number of issues currently affecting Africa. These will include the conflict in Sudan and the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA), as well as discussing the African Commission of Human and Peoples' Right (ACHPR) report on situations in certain countries. Lord David will also listen to President Obasanjo's preparation on the development of the AU and also discussions on UN Security Council reform and the UN itself. Lord Triesman will also have bilateral discussions with various Heads of State during which he hopes to focus on different issues, such as migration and human rights.
Bush surprise at Sudan briefing
Snippets from BBC report 29 June 2006:
June 30 2006 Uganda Watch LRA victim: 'I cannot forget and forgive'
US President George Bush expressed amazement when he heard that the south Sudan peace deal was not working 18 months after it was signed.Note, my understanding is the $4.5 billion pledged for southern Sudan by donors has strings attached. The development funds depend on a peace agreement for Darfur. Sudanese rebels refusing peace account for one of the reasons for slow progress, not to mention all the other obstacles (scroll through 2 years of this blog) like the Abyei boundary dispute, LRA rebel attacks and the undertaking by the UN to de-mine huge areas of southern Sudan to clear the way for development.
"That is not the information I'm getting," he told the BBC's Khartoum reporter Alfred Taban, who was in Washington to receive an award.
Our correspondent says he spent almost 20 minutes talking to Mr Bush, who was very keen to hear about the situation in Sudan.
"He asked me if the peace agreement was working and I said, 'Mr President, it is not working,' and he was very surprised," he told the BBC's Network Africa programme.
When the president said that this was not what he had been informed, our reporter said he told Mr Bush: "Well, whatever information you're getting, that peace agreement is not being implemented by the government in Khartoum."
He went on to tell the president that people in southern Sudan were still waiting to see improvements to their lives.
"There's no water, there's no electricity, nothing in Juba," our correspondent said, describing life in the capital of south Sudan.
During the discussion Mr Bush called one of his aides and asked to be given more details on southern Sudan.
"He appeared to be taking it very seriously," our reporter said, describing the president's manner as warm and welcoming, despite the intimidating surroundings.
"We've got a man from the Sudan who talked eloquently about free press," the president said.
"My spirits are enriched by talking to freedom lovers and freedom fighters."
June 30 2006 Uganda Watch LRA victim: 'I cannot forget and forgive'
Sudan's head of intelligence and security Sala Gosh rejects UN force, calls for martyrdom
In a way to show the regime's opposition to a UN force in Darfur, the Chief of the security service said he prefers to die as martyr instead of accepting international troops, says an unsourced article at Sudan Tribune - excerpt:
Apr 4 2005 UN list of Darfur war crimes suspects to ICC tomorrow - Khartoum must act quickly to avert a perilous threat
Feb 21 2006 List of top wanted Janjaweed leaders - Who's who on Darfur (African Confidential)
Mar 10 2006 Sudan's head of intelligence Sala Gosh given entry to UK
Jun 15 2006 International Criminal Court Prosecutor briefs UN Security Council on Darfur, says will not draw conclusions on genocide until investigation complete
The head of Sudan national security and intelligence organ, Lt General Salah Abdalla Gosh has declared on Wednesday 28 June his outright rejection of deployment of International peacekeepers in Darfur: "If the choice is between recolonialisation of Sudan and incursion into its soil by foreign troops, then interior of earth is better than its surface", he said.[Reportedly, Mr Gosh's name is on a secret list of 51 suspected Darfur war criminals. The International Criminal Court received the list from the UN]
Gosh received messages of support and allegiance at his headquarters, on behalf of president Omer al-Bashir, from 10 thousand members of the security organ and Popular Defence Forces, the Sudanese al-Ray alAam daily newspaper reported.
The security chief made his statement on the occasion that marked the end of a 3-day long walk from the centre of Gezira State to Khartoum in which thousands of security and land-based forces participated in a security operation that has been described as first of its kind.
Apr 4 2005 UN list of Darfur war crimes suspects to ICC tomorrow - Khartoum must act quickly to avert a perilous threat
Feb 21 2006 List of top wanted Janjaweed leaders - Who's who on Darfur (African Confidential)
Mar 10 2006 Sudan's head of intelligence Sala Gosh given entry to UK
Jun 15 2006 International Criminal Court Prosecutor briefs UN Security Council on Darfur, says will not draw conclusions on genocide until investigation complete
Thursday, June 29, 2006
Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC): Million postcards urge US Bush to stop Darfur genocide
June 29 2006 press release by National Council of Churches USA - NCC helps Save Darfur Coalition generate 1 Million postcards urging President Bush to stop Darfur genocide - excerpt:
Email received today from Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC)
Dear Supporter, [Disclaimer: Sudan Watch Ed is not a supporter]
Click here today to make a critical contribution today!
I have some important news to report; we have reached our goal of one million postcards calling on President Bush to take stronger action on behalf of the suffering people of Darfur!
In a ceremony this morning at the U.S. Capitol, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-TN) and Senator Hillary Clinton (D-N.Y.) became the 999,999th and one-millionth postcard signers!
That means we now have one million postcards to deliver to President Bush urging action in Darfur. We reached this historic moment thanks to efforts by you - and hundreds of thousands of activists like you - and hundreds of organizations across the country.
While we've achieved this major milestone, the Darfur genocide is not yet over and so our work is not yet done. To help truly make a difference, your support right now is crucial.
Click here to make a tax-deductible contribution today to help us continue our efforts on behalf of the people of Darfur.
Millions in Darfur have already been displaced from their homes, with little hope of returning. They suffer in squalid refugee camps with little protection or hope for the future.
And hundreds of thousands have already died at the hands of a genocidal regime while every day more are killed.
President Bush has a critical role to play in stopping the Darfur genocide. His involvement was key in getting a signed peace agreement - an important first step.
But to truly stop the genocide in Darfur we must:
Deploy a UN peacekeeping force; and
Appoint an American envoy to be sure U.S. actions reflect the urgency of the crisis
Help the Save Darfur Coalition keep the story of Darfur in the news and on the minds of President Bush and members of Congress.
Click here now to make a tax-deductible contribution.
As always, your support is greatly appreciated.
Thank you,
David Rubenstein
Save Darfur Coalition
- - -
June 29 2006 Sudan Watch: Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) plotting another rally to demand UN force in Darfur - Bad news. Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) is plotting another rally to demand the UN to deploy a peacekeeping force in Darfur. The warmongering organisers of Save Darfur Coalition must know what message this sends to the Darfur rebels. I think America's bolstering of the rebels means the insurgents won't have to make peace in Darfur for a very long time. Pity the poor women and children of Darfur. God help them all - who else is really on their side?
Demonstrating that moral issues can overcome partisan politics, Senator Majority Leader Bill Frist, M.D. (R-Tenn.) and Senator Hillary Clinton (D-N.Y.) today signed the one millionth postcard from Americans to President Bush through the Save Darfur Coalition's "Million Voices for Darfur" campaign. The postcards urge the president to use the full power of his office to support a stronger multi-national force to protect the people of Darfur.- - -
Email received today from Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC)
Dear Supporter, [Disclaimer: Sudan Watch Ed is not a supporter]
Click here today to make a critical contribution today!
I have some important news to report; we have reached our goal of one million postcards calling on President Bush to take stronger action on behalf of the suffering people of Darfur!
In a ceremony this morning at the U.S. Capitol, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-TN) and Senator Hillary Clinton (D-N.Y.) became the 999,999th and one-millionth postcard signers!
That means we now have one million postcards to deliver to President Bush urging action in Darfur. We reached this historic moment thanks to efforts by you - and hundreds of thousands of activists like you - and hundreds of organizations across the country.
While we've achieved this major milestone, the Darfur genocide is not yet over and so our work is not yet done. To help truly make a difference, your support right now is crucial.
Click here to make a tax-deductible contribution today to help us continue our efforts on behalf of the people of Darfur.
Millions in Darfur have already been displaced from their homes, with little hope of returning. They suffer in squalid refugee camps with little protection or hope for the future.
And hundreds of thousands have already died at the hands of a genocidal regime while every day more are killed.
President Bush has a critical role to play in stopping the Darfur genocide. His involvement was key in getting a signed peace agreement - an important first step.
But to truly stop the genocide in Darfur we must:
Deploy a UN peacekeeping force; and
Appoint an American envoy to be sure U.S. actions reflect the urgency of the crisis
Help the Save Darfur Coalition keep the story of Darfur in the news and on the minds of President Bush and members of Congress.
Click here now to make a tax-deductible contribution.
As always, your support is greatly appreciated.
Thank you,
David Rubenstein
Save Darfur Coalition
- - -
June 29 2006 Sudan Watch: Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) plotting another rally to demand UN force in Darfur - Bad news. Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) is plotting another rally to demand the UN to deploy a peacekeeping force in Darfur. The warmongering organisers of Save Darfur Coalition must know what message this sends to the Darfur rebels. I think America's bolstering of the rebels means the insurgents won't have to make peace in Darfur for a very long time. Pity the poor women and children of Darfur. God help them all - who else is really on their side?
Sudan to lobby Rwanda on UN
The Sudanese government is planning to send a delegation to Rwanda in its efforts to seek support from African countries in a bid to block a United Nations peacekeeping force from going to Darfur. Read more - New Times report via CFD 29 June 2006.
Note, the report points out, Ismail Dahab Mohamed, the Sudanese Deputy Head of Mission in Kampala said that the AU peacekeeping forces only need logistical and financial support to bring about stability in the area.
I say, news reporters seem to forget to mention some important points, ie current AU Mission in Darfur costs around $1 billion a year. Funding is at the whim of donors. More troops are needed in Darfur. The UN has onging budgets for peacekeepers. Troops in Darfur will probably be needed for more than one year, not to mention Southern and Eastern Sudan and Chad. Who is to pay for all the personnel and equipment? It seems only the UN has the capacity to support such a mission. I've read somewhere that Khartoum feels the UN could use its peacekeeping funds to pay the AU Mission in Darfur to continue after Sep 30.
A recent Arab League meeting resulted in Arab countries suggesting they pay for the AU Mission to continue in Darfur after the mandate ends Sep 30 - but from what I can gather, nothing like $1-2 billion was mentioned.
On July 7 in Brussels, international donors are raising more funds for Darfur and on July 26, an Arab League meeting is set to discuss Darfur relief aid.
Mar 28 2006 - Arabs agree funding for AU troops in Darfur from Oct 1, 2006 plus extra troops from Arab states
Mar 30 2006 - Arab leaders fail to fix amount for Darfur aid
June 7 2006 - EU hosts donors meeting July 7 on Darfur reconstruction
Note, the report points out, Ismail Dahab Mohamed, the Sudanese Deputy Head of Mission in Kampala said that the AU peacekeeping forces only need logistical and financial support to bring about stability in the area.
I say, news reporters seem to forget to mention some important points, ie current AU Mission in Darfur costs around $1 billion a year. Funding is at the whim of donors. More troops are needed in Darfur. The UN has onging budgets for peacekeepers. Troops in Darfur will probably be needed for more than one year, not to mention Southern and Eastern Sudan and Chad. Who is to pay for all the personnel and equipment? It seems only the UN has the capacity to support such a mission. I've read somewhere that Khartoum feels the UN could use its peacekeeping funds to pay the AU Mission in Darfur to continue after Sep 30.
A recent Arab League meeting resulted in Arab countries suggesting they pay for the AU Mission to continue in Darfur after the mandate ends Sep 30 - but from what I can gather, nothing like $1-2 billion was mentioned.
On July 7 in Brussels, international donors are raising more funds for Darfur and on July 26, an Arab League meeting is set to discuss Darfur relief aid.
Mar 28 2006 - Arabs agree funding for AU troops in Darfur from Oct 1, 2006 plus extra troops from Arab states
Mar 30 2006 - Arab leaders fail to fix amount for Darfur aid
June 7 2006 - EU hosts donors meeting July 7 on Darfur reconstruction
Worsening humanitarian situation in Sudan, Chad demands immediate action, UN Security Council told today
UN News Centre report 29 June 2006 says any UN peacekeeping mission that takes over from the AU in Darfur will need to work in "partnership" with the country's people and Government, the head of the recent Security Council mission there said today. Excerpt:
British Ambassador Emyr Jones Parry, addressing the 15-member body on the mission's report of its trip, also reiterated the importance of viewing the situation in Sudan in terms of the wider region, in particular the situation in neighbouring Chad where the delegation also visited.
"We came away I think all again reconfirmed in our view that, as the African Union has itself decided, it is right that the UN should take over the peacekeeping operation in Darfur, that's the short-term objective," he said.
"I would only end by stressing this: the wish that we all kept repeating and which is fundamental to policy, in wanting to see a partnership with the Government and the people of Sudan. It's a partnership, we can't do this without the consent of the Government, that is obvious.
"Our wish is to see an improvement in all aspects of the situation in Sudan and that the United Nations should play its part working with that Government and its people," the Ambassador concluded.
Sudan's Bashir rules out UN force in Darfur - AU summit this weekend hopes to persuade Sudan to accept UN force
Excerpt from Reuters via Sudan Tribune 29 June 2006:
Photo: Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir (C), Wall Meyange (L), the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, and Al Motaffi (R), governor of Khartoum, wave to the crowd during a celebration of the National Congress Party's 17th anniversary at Green Square in the capital Khartoum, June 29, 2006. (Reuters)
AU summit hopes to persuade Sudan to accept UN force
Excerpt from Sudan Tribune 29 June 2006:
In an open-air speech attended by thousands in Khartoum, Bashir said a U.N. force was out of the question.Note, the report points out that analysts say Khartoum has objected because it fears U.N. soldiers would arrest officials or militia leaders likely to be indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court. I've yet to see any news report, analysis or opinion piece addressing this issue.
"We will not allow international troops under the U.N. to deploy in Darfur," Bashir said in an address marking the anniversary of the bloodless coup that brought him to power in 1989.
"Life in Darfur will return to its normal state without the presence of the international community or the participation of international troops in Darfur," he added.
Photo: Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir (C), Wall Meyange (L), the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, and Al Motaffi (R), governor of Khartoum, wave to the crowd during a celebration of the National Congress Party's 17th anniversary at Green Square in the capital Khartoum, June 29, 2006. (Reuters)
AU summit hopes to persuade Sudan to accept UN force
Excerpt from Sudan Tribune 29 June 2006:
"Beshir fears that once the United Nations moves to Darfur, it will be difficult to stop the prosecution of some people before international tribunals," said another diplomat.Calling for Sudan to agree a U.N. force with Chapter 7 mandate seems like banging ones head against a brick wall. Why should Sudan agree? Such a move would threaten Khartoum regime's existence - unless, of course, the suspected Darfur war criminals on the UN's list of 51 names lodged at the ICC were given immunity.
Recent developments have are also likely to complicate the scenario.
The hauling of former Liberian strongman Charles Taylor before an international war crimes court has not warmed the Sudanese to UN peacekeeping efforts. Now similar calls are being made for Chadian ex-dictator Hissene Habre, currently held in Senegal over alleged atrocities, to be extradited to face justice abroad.
"Some heads of state think that with what happened to Taylor, there is need to be cautious," according to a Western diplomat based in Ethiopia.
Nonetheless, the United States and the UN have relentlessely called for a rapid deployment of the UN peacekeepers to halt human suffering and help end the Darfur conflict that has now spilled into the neighbouring Chad.
Arab fatigue - The Arabs have succeeded in making the world believe that they condone terror
Al-Ahram Weekly Opinion piece by Salama A Salama - Arab fatigue - excerpt:
" ... But when you visit Madrid, capital of the country, which first pull its troops from Iraq, you cannot help but feel that people have had enough with the Arabs, with their whining and inability to resolve their own problems. The Arabs have succeeded in making the world believe that they condone terror. America and Israel, meanwhile, have succeeded in making terror top the agenda of each and every Arab problem. Then you sense the frustration felt in Europe over the illegal immigrants that keep arriving from the southern Mediterranean and Africa. The world has a limited attention span, and it is getting well and truly fed up with the parade of problems coming from this region - Darfur and Somalia, Iraq and Iran, Syria and Lebanon.
The world has a mental image of a divided and tormented Arab region. Regardless of the sympathy people may have abroad for some of our issues, they cannot see a point in trying to change what cannot be changed. People abroad are increasingly asking themselves: why help those who don't want to help themselves? ..."
" ... But when you visit Madrid, capital of the country, which first pull its troops from Iraq, you cannot help but feel that people have had enough with the Arabs, with their whining and inability to resolve their own problems. The Arabs have succeeded in making the world believe that they condone terror. America and Israel, meanwhile, have succeeded in making terror top the agenda of each and every Arab problem. Then you sense the frustration felt in Europe over the illegal immigrants that keep arriving from the southern Mediterranean and Africa. The world has a limited attention span, and it is getting well and truly fed up with the parade of problems coming from this region - Darfur and Somalia, Iraq and Iran, Syria and Lebanon.
The world has a mental image of a divided and tormented Arab region. Regardless of the sympathy people may have abroad for some of our issues, they cannot see a point in trying to change what cannot be changed. People abroad are increasingly asking themselves: why help those who don't want to help themselves? ..."
The guiding ideology fuelling U.S. policy in Sudan is to establish democracy in the country - U.S.
UPI analysis "U.S. Supports derided Darfur Peace Agreement" by Stephanie Sonntag June 29, 2006 [via CFD] excerpt:
BUSH FACES CRITICS AT EU SUMMIT
Reuters, New York Times report via International Herald Tribune June 22, 2006 - excerpt:
Michael Ranneberger, senior Sudan representative for the U.S. State Department, told United Press International the United States doesn't support the current return of the refugees to their southern homes.[If its true that "the guiding ideology fueling U.S. policy in Sudan is to establish democracy in the country by ending violence and genocide" one wonders what the Sudanese think when they hear the US wants to establish democracy in Sudan. It's a terribly arrogant statement for a U.S. official to make, don't you think? Some days, I wonder what's in the water over there. Americans can't hear themselves the way as the rest of the world hears them. I'm not alone in this thinking - see following item]
"Our position is that people should not go home until security is such that it would be safe," Ranneberger said.
The current foreign policy, as outlined by the U.S. State Department, supports a peace agreement to end the Sudan conflict, seeks cooperation against terrorism and "is deeply concerned" about human rights violations. According to current department statistics, the government provides 89 percent of the country's food aid and has sent more than $1.3 billion to fund reconstruction, humanitarian and peacekeeping efforts.
The guiding ideology fueling U.S. policy in Sudan is to establish democracy in the country by ending violence and genocide, Ranneberger said.
Washington is working through humanitarian groups to provide adequate food, clothing and health care to the millions of displaced people. Humanitarian groups have expressed frustration in the two peace agreements' limited power and large failures, as yet, to establish a safe environment.
The International Rescue Committee has many humanitarian officials entrenched throughout Sudan and is working on restoring these people to their homes. Experts assert that returning displaced people is a complex issue and often involves neighboring countries. Currently many refugees are resistant to return home.
J. Stephen Morrison, Africa program director at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, offered several explanations for why many displaced Sudanese do not want to return.
"The population may be living a marginalized existence, but are somewhat protected," he said at a recent conference. "The movement of populations is highly political."
Amanya Michael Ebye, a deputy county representative for western Sudan, agreed that the returns process is a difficult road. He said many of the region's citizens are afraid to leave their houses, let alone take dangerous journeys back to their homes. Because traveling is difficult, Ebye said, travelers would need walking security and adequate space for humanitarian efforts.
"Looking at the whole process, the recovery needs to be putting into place basic needs... including the management of facilities so they can own this process," said Anne Mesopir, a member of the IRC's south Sudan program.
The African Union, a recently formed multinational coalition to provide "African solutions for African problems," has deployed nearly 7,000 troops to patrol an area the size of France. The United States and many United Nations' officials support a transfer of patrol power from the understaffed and poorly funded AU to the U.N., but the Sudanese government opposes the transfer.
Ranneberger said it is in the best interest of Sudan to allow the transfer.
"The African Union is doing great job in Darfur, but it is not set up to maintain forces for a sustained amount of time," Ranneberger told UPI. "The African Union could form the core of the force. Sudan will simply need to cooperate."
He said the United States expects the U.N. Security Council's full support in the transfer.
BUSH FACES CRITICS AT EU SUMMIT
Reuters, New York Times report via International Herald Tribune June 22, 2006 - excerpt:
On Wednesday, Bush issued an impassioned defence of his Iraq policy amid pointed reminders of how far the United States had fallen in the eyes of many Europeans.Note the report points out that Mr Bush fought back, citing U.S. aid to Africa to fight AIDS and his declaration recognizing genocide in Darfur.
"That's absurd!" Bush declared, dismissing a reporter's suggestion that most Europeans regard the United States as a bigger threat to global stability than North Korea, which has proclaimed it has nuclear arms, or Iran, which is suspected of developing them.
"I will do my best to explain our foreign policy," he said. "On the one hand, it's tough when it needs to be. On the other hand, it's compassionate. And we'll let the polls figure out - people can say what they want to say.
AU to impose travel bans and assets freeze against Darfur holdout rebels
The Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU), at its 58th meeting, held at ministerial level, on 27 June 2006, in Banjul, The Gambia, adopted the following decision on the situation in Darfur.
See full text at Sudan Tribune June 29 2006.
See full text at Sudan Tribune June 29 2006.
How to put new life into Darfur's Peace Agreement - Pronk
UN SRSG Jan Pronk blog entry 28 June 2006:
There is a significant risk that the Darfur Peace Agreement will collapse. The agreement does not resonate with the people of Darfur. On the contrary, on the ground, especially amongst the displaced persons, it meets more and more resistance. In my view it is a good text, an honest compromise between the extreme positions taken by the parties during the negotiations in Abuja. That is why the UN, like all international partners, has endorsed the agreement. However, in politics objective rational calculations will always be confuted by subjective emotional perceptions and aspirations. And those perceptions are that the agreement does not meet the expectations of the people in Darfur, has been forced upon them and, rather than meeting the interests of all parties somewhere halfway, only strengthens the position of the government and a minority tribe, the Zaghawa.
This perception is a new political fact. Neglecting it would only reinforce the resistance and kill the agreement. It is not yet dead, but severely paralysed. How to put new life into the DPA?
Three steps are necessary. First: timely implementation of what has been agreed. So far, nothing has been done. None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation. The deadlines are tight. During the talks in Abuja we warned against too tight deadlines, which could not be kept, but this was disregarded. The military positions of the parties have not yet been verified; the demilitarized zones, the buffer zones and the humanitarian routes have not yet been demarcated. As a result of this the humanitarian assistance to people in areas to which we did not have full access during he war, cannot be resumed, despite the agreement on paper. The preparations of the Darfur-Darfur dialogue have not yet started. It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier cease fire agreements, and is not meant to be kept. This only reinforces their rejection of the agreement. It is not yet too late to start implementation, but we seem to be running out of time.
The second priority is broadening the circle of support for the peace agreement. In its present form the DPA is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for peace. The present tactic to do so by soliciting the support of splinter groups and by sanctioning those who took the political decision not to sign will not work. We need the support of Abdul Wahid and his followers, who together represent at least two third of the displaced people in the camps. His group may lose some who associate themselves with the DPA (such as some of Abdul Wahid's advisors who came to Addis and did so in a ceremony with much publicity) but at the same time it may gain support amongst people splitting off from Mini Minawi. Quite a few have done so. Minnie Minawi's position may have been strong in Abuja, it is less so in Darfur. His commanders are brutalizing dissenters and his forces do not refrain from human rights violations similar to those of the militia they had fought against.
Efforts to broaden the support for the DPA should not result in losing partners who have already signed. For this reason we should stick to the text of the agreement, but be willing to add a lot. This can be done in all three fields: security, power sharing and wealth sharing. Credible international security guarantees, visible disarmament of the Janjaweed, more money for compensation and a tangible reconstruction of the areas where the refugees and displaced people lived before they were chased away will have to be added soon in order to turn the present agreement into a sustainable pact.
Broadening and implementation should go hand in hand. The necessary additions and refinements should take place in he framework of the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and in the DPA institutions, such as the Cease Fire Commission, the International Joint Committee (to oversee the security arrangements) and the institutions dealing with humanitarian assistance, reconstruction and he preparation of a transitory governance system. However, this requires a fast track towards making these institutions operational. It also requires an inclusive approach. Any further delay and any further exclusion of non-signatories who so far have complied with the agreement, without signing it) would bring us back to the unfortunate situation before 5 May.
Not all international partners are in favour of an all inclusive approach. Some say that Abdul Wahid have missed all opportunities to sign and should be penalized by exclusion from the benefits of the agreement and by sanctions. It is a reaction based on feelings of offence and annoyance. It is short-sighted and counter productive. Only one week before the agreement was reached Abdul Wahid hesitated whether he should sign while Minnie Minawi declared himself to be all out against. During that week the tables were turned. From the USA Zoellick and from the UK Hillary Benn came to the rescue of the agreement and were able to persuade Minnie Minawi that he should sign. Contrary to what some commentators have argued Minnie Minawi was not forced to do so. He took his own decision, under pressure, but in freedom, the same freedom that brought Abdul Wahid to his refusal. However, what the international facilitators had not understood was that the non-signing by the one party was a function of the signing by the other. Configurations within Darfur - identity considerations, tribal motives, historical grounds and power rationale - turned out to be more decisive than the relations with Khartoum. It would have been better if Abdul Wahid would have been persuaded to sign, even knowing that this would stiffen Minnie Minawi in his initial rejection.
This situation can not be reversed. The miscalculation of Abuja can not be undone by another mistake: exchanging Minnie Minawi for Abdul Wahid. It would result in the resumption of hostilities, civilian deaths, displacement, and human rights violations. This is no option. However, sticking to the position of Abuja, for which international mediators, facilitators and observers share the responsibility with the parties, is no option either. The flaw which has been built in the agreement has to be mended.
It is high time. In Darfur the people who are the victims of the war turn against the DPA. Those who are on the side of the government and of the tribes and militia which were responsible for the killings and the atrocities welcome the DPA. If the constituency of Abdul Wahid is not being brought behind the DPA, and if the UN is seen as working together with the government and with Minnie Minawi only, the UN risks to be seen as favoring the wrong side of the conflict.
A transition towards a UN peace keeping force is the third priority in a strategy to save the DPA. Without an effective UN peace force the security of the displaced people and other victims of the war can not be guaranteed. The AU peace force has done a good job but it is too weak. Without such a transition the government will continue to set the conditions for the implementation of the DPA on the ground. A transition towards a UN peace force will only be successful if it can reverse the present conditions of non-implementation and exclusion. That would require a unified approach and a unified command in the humanitarian, civilian, military as well as political sphere.
As I said: it is high time. However, we do need also some time to reflect in order to choose the right approach and to get consensus. A couple of days ago we were given some time. We did not ask for it. On the contrary, we got it against our wish. An official joint high level delegation of the UN and the AU which had come to Khartoum in order to discuss the role of the two organisations in the implementation of the DPA was told by President Bashir that he would not agree with a transition towards a UN peace keeping force in Darfur. "This is final", he said and he repeated these words several times. It is a set back for the people in Darfur. But I do not believe that it is final. What is final will be dictated by the situation on the ground.
- - -
UPDATE:
The press have taken three days to pick up on the above opinion piece. It's the first time I've seen them pay attention to Jan Pronk's Weblog - even though it is a great blog with superb pictures.
July 1 2006 Reuters Opheera McDoom UN envoy calls for changes to Darfur peace plan: Sudan's top U.N. official has said the Darfur peace deal should be amended to meet key rebel demands to save the foundering agreement, in an apparent shift from his previous statements.
Jan Pronk, on his Internet blog, said international guarantees of security, a more visible disarmament of the Arab militia and more compensation for war victims needed to be added to the pact.
All these have been demanded by two rebel factions who refused to sign the May 5 deal. Angry protests have erupted in some Darfur refugee camps against the agreement.
"None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation," Pronk said in his blog, seen by Reuters on Saturday and dated June 28.
July 1 2006 BBC UN envoy attacks Darfur agreement: The head of the United Nations mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, has said the Darfur peace agreement is in danger of collapse and needs re-writing. Writing his weblog, Mr Pronk called for security guarantees, more disarmament, and more compensation for victims. He said the pact does not resonate with the people of Darfur, describing it as "severely paralysed".
July 1 2006 Sudan Tribune Darfur agreement is severely paralysed
July 2 2006 inthenews.co.uk Annan: Darfur out of control: The AU's mandate in Darfur ends in the autumn, but the situation was today confused by the head of the UN's mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, who has criticised the Darfur peace agreement (DPA) signed earlier this year, despite originally being one of its main proponents. 'It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier ceasefire agreements, and is not meant to be kept,' he said on his personal website.
There is a significant risk that the Darfur Peace Agreement will collapse. The agreement does not resonate with the people of Darfur. On the contrary, on the ground, especially amongst the displaced persons, it meets more and more resistance. In my view it is a good text, an honest compromise between the extreme positions taken by the parties during the negotiations in Abuja. That is why the UN, like all international partners, has endorsed the agreement. However, in politics objective rational calculations will always be confuted by subjective emotional perceptions and aspirations. And those perceptions are that the agreement does not meet the expectations of the people in Darfur, has been forced upon them and, rather than meeting the interests of all parties somewhere halfway, only strengthens the position of the government and a minority tribe, the Zaghawa.
This perception is a new political fact. Neglecting it would only reinforce the resistance and kill the agreement. It is not yet dead, but severely paralysed. How to put new life into the DPA?
Three steps are necessary. First: timely implementation of what has been agreed. So far, nothing has been done. None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation. The deadlines are tight. During the talks in Abuja we warned against too tight deadlines, which could not be kept, but this was disregarded. The military positions of the parties have not yet been verified; the demilitarized zones, the buffer zones and the humanitarian routes have not yet been demarcated. As a result of this the humanitarian assistance to people in areas to which we did not have full access during he war, cannot be resumed, despite the agreement on paper. The preparations of the Darfur-Darfur dialogue have not yet started. It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier cease fire agreements, and is not meant to be kept. This only reinforces their rejection of the agreement. It is not yet too late to start implementation, but we seem to be running out of time.
The second priority is broadening the circle of support for the peace agreement. In its present form the DPA is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for peace. The present tactic to do so by soliciting the support of splinter groups and by sanctioning those who took the political decision not to sign will not work. We need the support of Abdul Wahid and his followers, who together represent at least two third of the displaced people in the camps. His group may lose some who associate themselves with the DPA (such as some of Abdul Wahid's advisors who came to Addis and did so in a ceremony with much publicity) but at the same time it may gain support amongst people splitting off from Mini Minawi. Quite a few have done so. Minnie Minawi's position may have been strong in Abuja, it is less so in Darfur. His commanders are brutalizing dissenters and his forces do not refrain from human rights violations similar to those of the militia they had fought against.
Efforts to broaden the support for the DPA should not result in losing partners who have already signed. For this reason we should stick to the text of the agreement, but be willing to add a lot. This can be done in all three fields: security, power sharing and wealth sharing. Credible international security guarantees, visible disarmament of the Janjaweed, more money for compensation and a tangible reconstruction of the areas where the refugees and displaced people lived before they were chased away will have to be added soon in order to turn the present agreement into a sustainable pact.
Broadening and implementation should go hand in hand. The necessary additions and refinements should take place in he framework of the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and in the DPA institutions, such as the Cease Fire Commission, the International Joint Committee (to oversee the security arrangements) and the institutions dealing with humanitarian assistance, reconstruction and he preparation of a transitory governance system. However, this requires a fast track towards making these institutions operational. It also requires an inclusive approach. Any further delay and any further exclusion of non-signatories who so far have complied with the agreement, without signing it) would bring us back to the unfortunate situation before 5 May.
Not all international partners are in favour of an all inclusive approach. Some say that Abdul Wahid have missed all opportunities to sign and should be penalized by exclusion from the benefits of the agreement and by sanctions. It is a reaction based on feelings of offence and annoyance. It is short-sighted and counter productive. Only one week before the agreement was reached Abdul Wahid hesitated whether he should sign while Minnie Minawi declared himself to be all out against. During that week the tables were turned. From the USA Zoellick and from the UK Hillary Benn came to the rescue of the agreement and were able to persuade Minnie Minawi that he should sign. Contrary to what some commentators have argued Minnie Minawi was not forced to do so. He took his own decision, under pressure, but in freedom, the same freedom that brought Abdul Wahid to his refusal. However, what the international facilitators had not understood was that the non-signing by the one party was a function of the signing by the other. Configurations within Darfur - identity considerations, tribal motives, historical grounds and power rationale - turned out to be more decisive than the relations with Khartoum. It would have been better if Abdul Wahid would have been persuaded to sign, even knowing that this would stiffen Minnie Minawi in his initial rejection.
This situation can not be reversed. The miscalculation of Abuja can not be undone by another mistake: exchanging Minnie Minawi for Abdul Wahid. It would result in the resumption of hostilities, civilian deaths, displacement, and human rights violations. This is no option. However, sticking to the position of Abuja, for which international mediators, facilitators and observers share the responsibility with the parties, is no option either. The flaw which has been built in the agreement has to be mended.
It is high time. In Darfur the people who are the victims of the war turn against the DPA. Those who are on the side of the government and of the tribes and militia which were responsible for the killings and the atrocities welcome the DPA. If the constituency of Abdul Wahid is not being brought behind the DPA, and if the UN is seen as working together with the government and with Minnie Minawi only, the UN risks to be seen as favoring the wrong side of the conflict.
A transition towards a UN peace keeping force is the third priority in a strategy to save the DPA. Without an effective UN peace force the security of the displaced people and other victims of the war can not be guaranteed. The AU peace force has done a good job but it is too weak. Without such a transition the government will continue to set the conditions for the implementation of the DPA on the ground. A transition towards a UN peace force will only be successful if it can reverse the present conditions of non-implementation and exclusion. That would require a unified approach and a unified command in the humanitarian, civilian, military as well as political sphere.
As I said: it is high time. However, we do need also some time to reflect in order to choose the right approach and to get consensus. A couple of days ago we were given some time. We did not ask for it. On the contrary, we got it against our wish. An official joint high level delegation of the UN and the AU which had come to Khartoum in order to discuss the role of the two organisations in the implementation of the DPA was told by President Bashir that he would not agree with a transition towards a UN peace keeping force in Darfur. "This is final", he said and he repeated these words several times. It is a set back for the people in Darfur. But I do not believe that it is final. What is final will be dictated by the situation on the ground.
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UPDATE:
The press have taken three days to pick up on the above opinion piece. It's the first time I've seen them pay attention to Jan Pronk's Weblog - even though it is a great blog with superb pictures.
July 1 2006 Reuters Opheera McDoom UN envoy calls for changes to Darfur peace plan: Sudan's top U.N. official has said the Darfur peace deal should be amended to meet key rebel demands to save the foundering agreement, in an apparent shift from his previous statements.
Jan Pronk, on his Internet blog, said international guarantees of security, a more visible disarmament of the Arab militia and more compensation for war victims needed to be added to the pact.
All these have been demanded by two rebel factions who refused to sign the May 5 deal. Angry protests have erupted in some Darfur refugee camps against the agreement.
"None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation," Pronk said in his blog, seen by Reuters on Saturday and dated June 28.
July 1 2006 BBC UN envoy attacks Darfur agreement: The head of the United Nations mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, has said the Darfur peace agreement is in danger of collapse and needs re-writing. Writing his weblog, Mr Pronk called for security guarantees, more disarmament, and more compensation for victims. He said the pact does not resonate with the people of Darfur, describing it as "severely paralysed".
July 1 2006 Sudan Tribune Darfur agreement is severely paralysed
July 2 2006 inthenews.co.uk Annan: Darfur out of control: The AU's mandate in Darfur ends in the autumn, but the situation was today confused by the head of the UN's mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, who has criticised the Darfur peace agreement (DPA) signed earlier this year, despite originally being one of its main proponents. 'It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier ceasefire agreements, and is not meant to be kept,' he said on his personal website.
AU to discuss democracy charter
African Union foreign ministers meeting in the Gambian capital, Banjul, are to discuss proposals for a charter on democracy and governance, BBC reported today. The report says the AU is supposed to suspend governments which take power by arms.
What about rebel groups taking power by arms? Why are they free to come and go as they please? One wonders what they say to European and American Immgration authorities when asked to declare occupation, finances and reason for entry. Surely it's about time travel bans were slapped on rebels who refuse to make peace.
What about rebel groups taking power by arms? Why are they free to come and go as they please? One wonders what they say to European and American Immgration authorities when asked to declare occupation, finances and reason for entry. Surely it's about time travel bans were slapped on rebels who refuse to make peace.
Wednesday, June 28, 2006
Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) plotting another rally to demand UN force in Darfur
Bad news. Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) is plotting another rally to demand the UN to deploy a peacekeeping force in Darfur. The warmongering organisers of Save Darfur Coalition must know what message this sends to the Darfur rebels. I think America's bolstering of the rebels means the insurgents won't have to make peace in Darfur for a very long time. Pity the poor women and children of Darfur. God help them all - who else is really on their side?
Organizers of April's Save Darfur rally are planning another event for September, JTA reported June 28, 2006 - excerpt:
- - -
Email received today from Human Rights First aka H.O.P.E. for Darfur: Help Organise Peace Envoy [they say their campaign grows out of HRF's work with Dr Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, a leading human rights defender in Darfur]
Ingrid, Darfurians are losing hope. Promised a better future with the May peace agreement, they've only seen more violence. But you can make a difference by taking action today.
Our concerns about the continued killings in Darfur have been deepened by unfortunate news on the home front: two U.S. officials who have shaped our nation's leadership role on the crisis in Sudan are leaving government service. The engagement of Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick and the President's special adviser Michael Gerson sent a strong message - to Khartoum and the world - that Darfur is a priority of the Bush Administration.
Will you join us in urging President Bush to immediately fill this gap by appointing an influential and high-level official to coordinate the U.S. response to the Darfur crisis?
Click here to ensure that Darfur remains a priority for President Bush.
http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/dont_forget/iudww6e2hj7ei6t?
Already, the departure of these two U.S. officials is being felt. Just when pressure from the U.S. is more important than ever, the U.S. government is not playing the critical role on Darfur that it has for the past several months.
A high-level official would take up where Mr. Zoellick and Mr. Gerson left off - expressing the will of the President and showing the resolve of the U.S. government to end the crisis.
We should be clear: Human Rights First is still calling on Secretary-General Annan to appoint a U.N. Special Envoy for Peace in Darfur. We believe the best hope for peace is a coordinated international response - an effort led by a U.N. envoy. But this envoy needs influential contacts within the world's most powerful governments - especially the United States.
Tell President Bush to immediately appoint a senior-level official to fill the gap left by recent departures.
At this critical juncture, your voice will make a difference! Thank you so much for helping us address this human rights tragedy.
Jill Savitt
Director of Campaigns
Human Rights First
Organizers of April's Save Darfur rally are planning another event for September, JTA reported June 28, 2006 - excerpt:
The second protest to draw attention to the continuing genocide in Sudan will be held in New York City on Sept. 17.[Europe eh? Bug off, you bunch of warmongering nutters]
Like its predecessor, the rally will be orchestrated by the Save Darfur Coalition, a collection of 150 faith-based advocacy and humanitarian aid organizations.
Discussions also are in place to stage rallies across the country that day, as well as in Europe and Canada.
Unlike the first rally, which was aimed at President Bush and policymakers on Capitol Hill, this event will court a more international audience, and will focus on the demand for the United Nations to deploy a peacekeeping force to Darfur.
- - -
Email received today from Human Rights First aka H.O.P.E. for Darfur: Help Organise Peace Envoy [they say their campaign grows out of HRF's work with Dr Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, a leading human rights defender in Darfur]
Ingrid, Darfurians are losing hope. Promised a better future with the May peace agreement, they've only seen more violence. But you can make a difference by taking action today.
Our concerns about the continued killings in Darfur have been deepened by unfortunate news on the home front: two U.S. officials who have shaped our nation's leadership role on the crisis in Sudan are leaving government service. The engagement of Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick and the President's special adviser Michael Gerson sent a strong message - to Khartoum and the world - that Darfur is a priority of the Bush Administration.
Will you join us in urging President Bush to immediately fill this gap by appointing an influential and high-level official to coordinate the U.S. response to the Darfur crisis?
Click here to ensure that Darfur remains a priority for President Bush.
http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/dont_forget/iudww6e2hj7ei6t?
Already, the departure of these two U.S. officials is being felt. Just when pressure from the U.S. is more important than ever, the U.S. government is not playing the critical role on Darfur that it has for the past several months.
A high-level official would take up where Mr. Zoellick and Mr. Gerson left off - expressing the will of the President and showing the resolve of the U.S. government to end the crisis.
We should be clear: Human Rights First is still calling on Secretary-General Annan to appoint a U.N. Special Envoy for Peace in Darfur. We believe the best hope for peace is a coordinated international response - an effort led by a U.N. envoy. But this envoy needs influential contacts within the world's most powerful governments - especially the United States.
Tell President Bush to immediately appoint a senior-level official to fill the gap left by recent departures.
At this critical juncture, your voice will make a difference! Thank you so much for helping us address this human rights tragedy.
Jill Savitt
Director of Campaigns
Human Rights First
Eritrea objects to deployment of UN forces in Darfur
Sudan Vision report via African News Dimension June 28, 2006:
Eritrea said it categorically rejects deployment of International Forces in Darfur, stressing that the solution should be a purely Sudanese one.
The Eritrean President Advisor Abdalla Jabir added that stability in Sudan is part of that of Eritrea, affirming that intervention in Darfur or eastern Sudan destabilizes the whole region.
Jabir added that replacement of AU Forces will further complicate the problem. He further pointed out that Eritrea has some reservations on the Abuja talks as to the non-attendance by some parties of these talks. Darfurians should be consulted in order for them to decide on their own affairs, he noted.
Jabir denied news that Eritrea has put forward an initiative aimed at bringing President Al Bashir, VP Kiir and the Darfurian Movements to meet.
Why has Eric Reeves pushed for military intervention in Darfur knowing humanitarian access will be severed and civilian destruction will be massive?
In his opinion piece June 28, 2006 - "Meaning of Khartoum's suspension of humanitarian access to Darfur" - Eric Reeves says Khartoum's decision to suspend most of the UN's humanitarian operations in Darfur for two days had little to do with the reason offered by the regime. Snippets from the piece:
To be sure, Khartoum's vicious Military Intelligence was angry that the UN moved Jamous without permission. ... Khartoum's action was, in effect, a pointed threat:So, why has Eric Reeves over the last two years relentlessly pushed for military intervention in Darfur? I don't get it, unless he is onside with SLM-Nur. Note, in the piece he criticises the AU, SLA-Minnawi and the Darfur Peace Agreement but not SLM-Nur or JEM. Why would an American academic in Boston, MA, USA who networks with USAID and many others in America and Sudan, fight (with a pen) onside with SLM-Nur? A pen can be mightier than a sword."We have the power to shut down humanitarian operations overnight --- and completely. The present suspension was simply a warning, a reminder. But if we are pressed, if our most consequential claims of national sovereignty are ignored, if the UN should demand that we accept a force capable of protecting civilians and humanitarians, then we will respond much more severely the next time."There should be no doubt about the deadly seriousness of Khartoum's threat, or about the ghastly history that stands as its guarantor.
This apparently technical obstructionism has terribly real consequences for desperately needy human beings. ... Of one thing we may be sure: if war comes, then humanitarian access will be severed altogether, and civilian destruction will be massive.
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