Sudan refused on Wednesday to reopen negotiation on a peace deal signed between the government and a main rebel faction in Darfur May 5, 2006.
"We will not open the negotiation again and there is no problem (in the peace agreement) which should be negotiated any more," Sudan's government delegation to Abuja talks spokesperson Amin Hassan Omer told reporters. Full report ST/Xinhua May 17. 2006.
Wednesday, May 17, 2006
EU to extend civilian-military training to AU in Darfur plus EUR 50m in addition to EUR 162m already provided
Excerpt from EU Council Conclusions on Sudan at a meeting in Brussels, 15 May 2006:
Full normalisation of relations with Sudan will depend on progress achieved in implementing the CPA and the DPA and on a nationwide political process leading to democratisation and peace in the whole of Sudan.
UK to give $40m to AU mission in Darfur bringing UK contribution to $100m
Following the UN Security Council's adoption of Resolution 1679 - support for the Darfur Peace Agreement; Minister for Africa Lord Triesman announced yesterday that Britain is to give a further GBP 20 million to support its implementation, Black Britain reported May 17, 2006:
The GBP 20 million being donated by the UK to the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) brings the total contribution by the UK to over GBP 52 million. Lord Triesman said yesterday that now: "other donors must do their bit."
The Minister for Africa said that a speedy transfer from AMIS to the proposed UN peacekeeping mission is essential. Referring to the continued interference by the Government of Sudan, Lord Triesman said:
"The moment has arrived for the Government of Sudan to drop its objections." Top of the agenda is for the Sudanese government to allow a UN/AU assessment mission into Darfur to asses how the handover will be implemented.
Secretary of State for International Development, Hilary Benn, who was present at the final days of the peace talks called on those who had not yet signed up to the peace deal to do so without delay. He said:
"The UK Government is ready to play its part in support of implementation, and we will continue to press for sanctions against those who impede the peace process."
Japan to give $8.7m to AU mission in Darfur + $10m in medical support
The Japanese government on May 16 decided to provide about 8.7 million USD in emergency grant aid to support the activities of the AU aimed at resolving the Darfur conflict in western Sudan, Viet Nam News Agency reported May 17, 2006:
The money will cover costs arising from the activities of the African Union Mission in Sudan such as publicity efforts, humanitarian assistance and peace negotiations, according to the Japanese Foreign Ministry.May 16 2006 Sudan Tribune unsourced article from Tokyo: Japan donates $8,7 mln to AU force in Darfur: The aid, decided by the Cabinet on Tuesday morning, is the first specific step in Japan's contributions to help resolve the conflict, which Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi announced during his trip to Africa from late April to early May. Koizumi unveiled the Japanese government's plan to contribute about $8.7 million to support activities aimed at resolving the conflict and about $10 million in medical support.
It will also support the work of the Darfur integration task force set up within the African Union to oversee the conflict, which erupted in 2003, and to support the mission's activities, according to Japan's Kyodo News.
Sudanese VP Ali Taha meets UN envoy Jan Egeland
Sudanese Vice President Ali Taha met in Khartoum today with UN's top humanitarian official Jan Egeland, Bahrain News Agency reported May 17, 2006.
May 17 2006 Sudan says press and aid groups can move without restriction inside Darfur over next 3 months
May 16 2006 Sudan offers 20,000 tonnes of extra food to UN WFP
May 17 2006 Sudan says press and aid groups can move without restriction inside Darfur over next 3 months
May 16 2006 Sudan offers 20,000 tonnes of extra food to UN WFP
Sudan says press and aid groups can move without restriction inside Darfur over next 3 months
Sudan will allow all NGOs and the press to circulate without restriction in all the states of Sudan's Darfur region, a Sudanese minister announced Tuesday, says unsourced article at Sudan Tribune May 16 2006. Excerpt:
May 16 2006 Reuters Sudan to announce new rules for Darfur aid groups
May 17 2006 UN News Centre UN rights chief raises concerns over restrictive law with Sudan's government
May 18 2006 Reuters (Opheera McDoom) Sudan tightens foreign press travel to Darfur
May 18 2006 AP via ST - Sudan lifts NGO restrictions, urges peace on Arab tribes - US - Sudan is lifting travel restrictions on international agencies in the Darfur region, but pressure must be kept up on Khartoum to make sure it keeps its promises, the chief US negotiator on Darfur said Thursday. US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick said he was also informed late Wednesday that the Sudanese government "has notified the Arab tribes in the region that any breach of peace would be met with a very strong response."
The Government has granted all charity organizations and all media organs the right to access to all areas inside the three states of Darfur for a period of three months that would be evaluated and assessed, the Minister for Humanitarian Affairs, Costa Manyebi, said in the meeting with the foreign organizations operating in the Sudan.- - -
The minister proposed the formation of a joint work team that would include the local national parties as well as the relevant voluntary organizations to set up mechanism and plans for the reactivation of humanitarian action in the region and for the implementation of the DPA.
He said this mechanism would work to make the peace durable, sell the DPA for all concerned sectors of the Darfur society, contain the effects of war in the region and convince the movements that have not yet signed the peace agreement to join the peace process. The minister confirmed that the government pays attention to the criticism levelled against the voluntary work law that has been recently passed by the National Assembly.
Manyebi said this law has now become a reality but that it has to be implemented through a number of regulations and bills and that at that stage that criticism could be taken into account.
May 16 2006 Reuters Sudan to announce new rules for Darfur aid groups
May 17 2006 UN News Centre UN rights chief raises concerns over restrictive law with Sudan's government
May 18 2006 Reuters (Opheera McDoom) Sudan tightens foreign press travel to Darfur
May 18 2006 AP via ST - Sudan lifts NGO restrictions, urges peace on Arab tribes - US - Sudan is lifting travel restrictions on international agencies in the Darfur region, but pressure must be kept up on Khartoum to make sure it keeps its promises, the chief US negotiator on Darfur said Thursday. US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick said he was also informed late Wednesday that the Sudanese government "has notified the Arab tribes in the region that any breach of peace would be met with a very strong response."
Sudanese FM Lam Akol starts two-day visit to Russia
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lam Akol, Tuesday left for Moscow on a two-day visit to Russia on the invitation of his Russian Counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, Sudan Tribune reported May 16/17, 2006:
"The Russian Federation will continue to offer every possible assistance in consolidating the political settlement on Darfur in the interests of Sudan's unity and territorial integrity and peace in the region. Russian peacekeepers will also make their contribution to the UN's efforts to promote stability," Lavrov said, speaking at a meeting of the UN Security Council on Sudan 9 May.May 17 2006 AP via ST Sudan's support crucial for UN peacekeeping in Darfur - Russia.
Darfur activists need to put up or shut up
Excerpt from Alec Brandon's opinion piece - Darfur activists need to put up or shut up - in University of Chicago's student newspaper, May 16, 2006:
[May 19 2006 Rebuttal by Caroline Buddenhagen, University of Chicago Darfur activists support realistic solutions]
Can US military intervention ever bring justice?
Excerpt from Lance Selfa's opinion piece - Can U.S. military intervention ever bring justice? - in the Socialist Worker May 19, 2006:
NYT's Nick Kristof feeds twaddle to his readers
Excerpt from latest opinion piece - Darfur: Dithering Through Death - by NY Times columnist Nicholas Kristof:
The editors of the New Republic were spot-on when said that to "care about a problem without caring about its solution" is nothing but a "sophisticated form of indecency."- - -
[May 19 2006 Rebuttal by Caroline Buddenhagen, University of Chicago Darfur activists support realistic solutions]
Can US military intervention ever bring justice?
Excerpt from Lance Selfa's opinion piece - Can U.S. military intervention ever bring justice? - in the Socialist Worker May 19, 2006:
The Somalia invasion, memorialised in the film Black Hawk Down, is remembered as a failure. But in its initial stages, the Wall Street Journal hailed it for restoring the US military's "moral credibility." The Journal added, "There is a word for this: colonialism."- - -
If the US intervenes in Darfur, "saving" Darfuris will be the last thing on its mind.
NYT's Nick Kristof feeds twaddle to his readers
Excerpt from latest opinion piece - Darfur: Dithering Through Death - by NY Times columnist Nicholas Kristof:
If other UN officials followed Mr Egeland's undiplomatic example and spent more time being offensive, devoting less energy to diplomatic receptions and more to dragging journalists through the world's hellholes, the globe would be a better place - and the UN would be more relevant.[What a load of twaddle. Mr Egeland speaks out to raise funds. Thank goodness Egeland, Bolton and the Kristof's of this world are NOT in charge of the US or UN: we'd have World War III on our hands in no time!]
John Bolton, now the US ambassador to the UN, once suggested it wouldn't matter if the UN's top 10 floors were lopped off. But let's not do that - the UN is far better than the alternative of having no such institution. But take it from this disillusioned fan of the UN system: let's also be realistic and drop any fantasy that the UN is going to save the day as a genocide unfolds. In that mission, the UN is failing about as badly as the League of Nations did.
Snow Patrol covers Lennon's hit 'Isolation' for Amnesty International's campaign calling for justice in Sudan
British band Snow Patrol have covered former Beatle John Lennon's hit 'Isolation' as part of Amnesty International's online campaign calling for justice in Sudan.
The cover is the soundtrack for a new video, which is calling for war criminals to be punished for the rape of thousands of women in Darfur.
The video can be viewed at noise.amnesty.org and the song can also be downloaded from Amnesty's site.
[As John Lennon was a real peace loving guy, I find it difficult to imagine him approving of his name being connected to such a campaign, the timing of which - during such a sensitive stage of crucial peace and disarmament talks, not to mention delicate negotiations for forces to protect the people of Darfur - I feel is not only poor judgement on Amnesty's part but wrong]
The cover is the soundtrack for a new video, which is calling for war criminals to be punished for the rape of thousands of women in Darfur.
The video can be viewed at noise.amnesty.org and the song can also be downloaded from Amnesty's site.
[As John Lennon was a real peace loving guy, I find it difficult to imagine him approving of his name being connected to such a campaign, the timing of which - during such a sensitive stage of crucial peace and disarmament talks, not to mention delicate negotiations for forces to protect the people of Darfur - I feel is not only poor judgement on Amnesty's part but wrong]
Translators needed in Darfur to help AU build trust - More "Mama Rosa's" needed too please!
Thanks to a reader for the following comment posted today at Sudan Watch entry "Female AU police officers build trust in Ardamata camp, West Darfur - More "Mama Rosa's" needed in Darfur please!":
One of the problems that women like Mama Rose face is that there are not many female translators and few of the police women speak Arabic. They need more translators!
Rebels recruit Darfur refugees in Chad as soldiers - UN
Sudanese rebels are recruiting thousands of men and boys from refugee camps in neighbouring Chad, where more than 200,000 Sudanese have fled to escape the Darfur conflict, the UN refugee agency said Tuesday.
Some 4,700 men and boys were recruited or forced to join the rebels from the Breidjing and Treguine camps in March, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees said citing reports from refugees. Recruitment has also been reported at the Goz Amir camp in April, the agency said. Full report AP May 16, 2006 via ST May 17, 2006.
Some 4,700 men and boys were recruited or forced to join the rebels from the Breidjing and Treguine camps in March, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees said citing reports from refugees. Recruitment has also been reported at the Goz Amir camp in April, the agency said. Full report AP May 16, 2006 via ST May 17, 2006.
Tuesday, May 16, 2006
US's Zoellick in UK to discuss Darfur peace deal
US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick arrived in London May 16, 2006 for talks with UK officials, and to discuss a new peace deal agreed for Darfur, AP/ST reported.
Zoellick is to discuss implementation of the deal with UK Treasury chief Gordon Brown, part of a two-day visit.
Implementation of the agreement and planning for a UN peacekeeping force to take control of an AU-led peacekeeping mission in Darfur are expected to be discussed.
Zoellick is to discuss implementation of the deal with UK Treasury chief Gordon Brown, part of a two-day visit.
Implementation of the agreement and planning for a UN peacekeeping force to take control of an AU-led peacekeeping mission in Darfur are expected to be discussed.
UN Security Council unanimously adopts Resolution 1679 (2006) paving way for UN force in Darfur
May 16 2006 UN News Centre Security Council unanimously adopts resolution paving way for UN force in Darfur:
The Security Council took a major step forward today towards establishing a robust United Nations peacekeeping force in Darfur rby unanimously adopting a resolution calling for the deployment on the ground of a joint UN-Africa Union (AU) team to pave the way for the operation, which would take over from the AU mission (AMIS) now monitoring the vast region.
Immediately welcoming the resolution's adoption in a statement issued by his spokesman, the Secretary-General said the UN "hopes to dispatch, as quickly as possible, a joint UN/AU Technical Assessment Team to Darfur, and towards that end, is in continuous consultation with the Government of National Unity" of Sudan.
May 16 2006 ReliefWeb: TEXT of Resolution 1679 (2006) adopted by the Security Council at its 5439th meeting, on 16 May 2006 (S/RES/1679)
S/RES/1679(2006) in several different languages, including Arabic and French.
The Security Council took a major step forward today towards establishing a robust United Nations peacekeeping force in Darfur rby unanimously adopting a resolution calling for the deployment on the ground of a joint UN-Africa Union (AU) team to pave the way for the operation, which would take over from the AU mission (AMIS) now monitoring the vast region.
Immediately welcoming the resolution's adoption in a statement issued by his spokesman, the Secretary-General said the UN "hopes to dispatch, as quickly as possible, a joint UN/AU Technical Assessment Team to Darfur, and towards that end, is in continuous consultation with the Government of National Unity" of Sudan.
May 16 2006 ReliefWeb: TEXT of Resolution 1679 (2006) adopted by the Security Council at its 5439th meeting, on 16 May 2006 (S/RES/1679)
S/RES/1679(2006) in several different languages, including Arabic and French.
Sudan offers 20,000 tonnes of extra food to UN WFP
On May 16, 2006 the UN Security Council voted unanimously to start the process which could lead to a UN peacekeeping force in Darfur. - BBC
The Council's resolution presses Sudan to let UN military experts into Darfur within a week to plan for deployment of a UN peacekeeping force in the region later this year. - Reuters.
Sudan is willing to discuss UN peacekeepers deployment in Darfur, Information Minister Zahawi Ibrahim Malek said May 16, 2006.
SUDAN TO ANNOUNCE NEW RULES FOR DARFUR AID GROUPS AND OFFERS 20,000 TONNES OF EXTRA FOOD TO WFP
Sudan to announce new rules for Darfur aid groups - VP Ali Taha said the government would allocate more money for aid to Darfur and offer 20,000 tonnes of extra food to the World Food Programme to cover a donor gap this year. - Reuters May 16 2006.
The Council's resolution presses Sudan to let UN military experts into Darfur within a week to plan for deployment of a UN peacekeeping force in the region later this year. - Reuters.
Sudan is willing to discuss UN peacekeepers deployment in Darfur, Information Minister Zahawi Ibrahim Malek said May 16, 2006.
SUDAN TO ANNOUNCE NEW RULES FOR DARFUR AID GROUPS AND OFFERS 20,000 TONNES OF EXTRA FOOD TO WFP
Sudan to announce new rules for Darfur aid groups - VP Ali Taha said the government would allocate more money for aid to Darfur and offer 20,000 tonnes of extra food to the World Food Programme to cover a donor gap this year. - Reuters May 16 2006.
Monday, May 15, 2006
Sudan renews its rejection of UN force to Darfur
Sudan renewed its opposition to the transfer of the African Union peacekeeping mission to the UN. It said that such takeover is not indicated in the signed deal with one rebel faction earlier in May. Full report Sudan Tribune 15 May 2006.
May 15 2006 UN News Centre: UN moves on several fronts to reinforce Darfur peace accord - Contrary to what had been reported, he [Egeland[ said the Sudanese Government had not yet agreed to a UN force and at present was discussing the proposal.
May 15 2006 UN News Centre: UN moves on several fronts to reinforce Darfur peace accord - Contrary to what had been reported, he [Egeland[ said the Sudanese Government had not yet agreed to a UN force and at present was discussing the proposal.
AU to transfer Darfur force to UN by September 2006
The African Union on Monday agreed to transfer its peacekeeping force in Darfur to the UN by the end of September or earlier.
Nigerian FM Olu Adeniji, chairing a ministerial meeting of the AUs Peace and Security Council, said the AUs 7,300-strong force in Darfur could leave before the Sept 30 deadline if the UN force was ready.
UN SGSR, Jan Pronk, told reporters in Addis Ababa after the meeting ended. "It is now high time to take very concrete steps towards a stronger force." Full report AP/ST 15 May 2006.
Nigerian FM Olu Adeniji, chairing a ministerial meeting of the AUs Peace and Security Council, said the AUs 7,300-strong force in Darfur could leave before the Sept 30 deadline if the UN force was ready.
UN SGSR, Jan Pronk, told reporters in Addis Ababa after the meeting ended. "It is now high time to take very concrete steps towards a stronger force." Full report AP/ST 15 May 2006.
Darfur rebels given until end of May to sign peace deal
The African Union today gave two rebel groups (Khalil's JEM and Nur's SLA faction) a further two weeks to sign a peace deal, Reuters reported:
Photo: US Deputy Secretary of State Robert B. Zoellick, right, talks with Jendayi Frazer, US Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, and British Cabinet member Hilary Benn sitting far laft, while Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, behind, walks pass at the peace talks meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May 5, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)

Photo: Minni Arcua Minnawi (L), leader of main rebel group SLA and Ibrahim Khalil, leader of the smaller JEM rebel group participate in a meeting with Sudan government representatives during negotiations on a peace plan for Darfur in Abuja, Nigeria May 2, 2006.

Photo: Khatha Nanluho, who is a rebel with the SLA stands outside of the venue of the Darfur peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, Tuesday, May 2, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)

Photo: Ahmed Tugod, the chief negotiator for Sudanese Justice and Equity Movement (JEM), gestures at the Darfur peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, May 3, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)

Photo: SLA rebels waiting at their bases in Gellab, North Darfur, Sudan, in 2004, during a meeting with Africa Union officers. (AFP/File/Marco Longari)

Photo: Rebel faction leaders appear at the exchange ceremony of the African Union (AU) draft peace agreement for Darfur in Abuja May 5, 2006.

Photo: Sudanese government delegation members rejoice inside the venue of the peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May 5, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)

Photo: SLA leader Minni Arcua Minnawi (L) is congratulated by Africa Union Commission President Alpha Oumar Konare after he signed the deal with the Sudanese government in the Nigerian capital Abuja May 5, 2006 to end three years of fighting that has killed many of thousands of people and forced 2 million to flee their homes. Reuters/Afolabi Sotunde

Photo: An unidentified member of the SLA, reacts before they walk out of the peace talks meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May 5, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)

Photo: Abdel Wahid Nur of the SLA faction, second right, together with members of his group walks out of the peace talks meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May, 5 2006 refusing to sign the Darfur Peace Agreement. (AP Photo/George Osodi)
Nigerian FM Olu Adeniji, chair of AU Peace and Security Council, said the two hold-out rebel groups had been given more time to accept the peace accord.
"The extension of the signature for those who didn't sign the agreement will be laid open until the end of May, after which, failure to sign will indicate non-commitment to the peace process and the AU will take a decision," he said.
But one of Nur's close advisers said the international community should press Sudan's government to grant some extra concessions to make the deal more acceptable to the rebels.
"If we agree on this document as it stands because of pressure from the international community, we will not be able to return to our people," said Babiker Mohamed Abdallah.
"If the government is not serious, two weeks is not enough. If it is serious, even two days is enough," he told Reuters in the Nigerian capital Abuja.
Photo: US Deputy Secretary of State Robert B. Zoellick, right, talks with Jendayi Frazer, US Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, and British Cabinet member Hilary Benn sitting far laft, while Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, behind, walks pass at the peace talks meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May 5, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)
Photo: Minni Arcua Minnawi (L), leader of main rebel group SLA and Ibrahim Khalil, leader of the smaller JEM rebel group participate in a meeting with Sudan government representatives during negotiations on a peace plan for Darfur in Abuja, Nigeria May 2, 2006.
Photo: Khatha Nanluho, who is a rebel with the SLA stands outside of the venue of the Darfur peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, Tuesday, May 2, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)
Photo: Ahmed Tugod, the chief negotiator for Sudanese Justice and Equity Movement (JEM), gestures at the Darfur peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, May 3, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)
Photo: SLA rebels waiting at their bases in Gellab, North Darfur, Sudan, in 2004, during a meeting with Africa Union officers. (AFP/File/Marco Longari)
Photo: Rebel faction leaders appear at the exchange ceremony of the African Union (AU) draft peace agreement for Darfur in Abuja May 5, 2006.
Photo: Sudanese government delegation members rejoice inside the venue of the peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May 5, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)
Photo: SLA leader Minni Arcua Minnawi (L) is congratulated by Africa Union Commission President Alpha Oumar Konare after he signed the deal with the Sudanese government in the Nigerian capital Abuja May 5, 2006 to end three years of fighting that has killed many of thousands of people and forced 2 million to flee their homes. Reuters/Afolabi Sotunde
Photo: An unidentified member of the SLA, reacts before they walk out of the peace talks meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May 5, 2006. (AP Photo/George Osodi)
Photo: Abdel Wahid Nur of the SLA faction, second right, together with members of his group walks out of the peace talks meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, Friday, May, 5 2006 refusing to sign the Darfur Peace Agreement. (AP Photo/George Osodi)
Chad's President Deby wins 3rd term, opposition cries foul
Idriss Deby won Chad's presidential elections with a substantial majority, according to Chadian election officials, but opposition parties that boycotted the ballot have denounced the process as a sham. - May 15 2006 IRIN.

Photo: A Chadian soldier stands next to a rocket launcher on Thursday, April 20, 2006 outside Parliament that was captured from rebels during a rebel attack on the capital N'djamena.
May 16 2006 Reuters Chad opposition rejects Deby re-election: Deby, 54, a French-trained pilot, has ruled Chad since his Patriotic Salvation Movement (MPS) rebel group seized power in a revolt from the east in 1990. He won elections in 1996 and 2001, though international observers noted irregularities both times.

Photo: A Chadian woman made homeless by warfare sits next to a fire on Wednesday, April 19, 2006 near the refugee camp Kou Kou Angarana in Chad, some 30 kilometers from the Sudan border. The election on Wednesday, May 3, 2006 came nearly three weeks after rebels who had gathered near the Chad-Darfur border launched a pre-dawn attack on the capital in a failed bid to oust President Idriss Deby, and after opposition parties called for a boycott of the vote. (AP Photo/Karel Prinsloo)
Photo: A Chadian soldier stands next to a rocket launcher on Thursday, April 20, 2006 outside Parliament that was captured from rebels during a rebel attack on the capital N'djamena.
May 16 2006 Reuters Chad opposition rejects Deby re-election: Deby, 54, a French-trained pilot, has ruled Chad since his Patriotic Salvation Movement (MPS) rebel group seized power in a revolt from the east in 1990. He won elections in 1996 and 2001, though international observers noted irregularities both times.
Photo: A Chadian woman made homeless by warfare sits next to a fire on Wednesday, April 19, 2006 near the refugee camp Kou Kou Angarana in Chad, some 30 kilometers from the Sudan border. The election on Wednesday, May 3, 2006 came nearly three weeks after rebels who had gathered near the Chad-Darfur border launched a pre-dawn attack on the capital in a failed bid to oust President Idriss Deby, and after opposition parties called for a boycott of the vote. (AP Photo/Karel Prinsloo)
It's hell in Darfur, but is it genocide or ethnic cleansing (and what is the difference between the two) or civil war?
On 26 April 2006, Ben Lieberman emailed me via Sudan Watch, saying:

Subject: Re: Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
Hello,
Thanks for your useful blog. I was very interested to find this since I am teaching a class on African history, and I have written a history of ethnic cleansing in Europe and Western Asia.
I think your recent discussion of the definitions of Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing was very clear. In practice, I think the two can merge together in that the methods used to expel a group can in some cases predictably lead to genocide.
Thanks for your work.
Ben Lieberman
Fitchburg State College
Fitchburg Massachusetts
- - -
I emailed the following reply to Ben 14 May 2006:

Subject: Re: Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
Dear Ben,
Thank you for your interesting email. Please forgive my delay in replying. I was pleased to hear from you, and started to reply right away but was unable to complete due to an avalanche of news reports appearing in the run up to the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement.
I thought of you today when I read an article in the Los Angeles Times (14 May 2006) entitled "It's hell in Darfur, but is it genocide?" by Michael Clough, director of the Africa program at the Council on Foreign Relations from 1987 to 1996. He is the author of "Free at Last? United States Policy Toward Africa and the End of the Cold War."
To save you registering with the LA Times to read the piece, I am copying it in full, here below.
I'd like to publish an excerpt from the piece (probably the opening paragraph) at my blog Sudan Watch, along with the information in your email. Would you mind if I published your email in full?
If you do mind, I wonder if you would be kind enough to please send me a few lines (or however much you can manage) of text that would be OK to quote you on that explains what you mean when you say "In practice, I think the two can merge together in that the methods used to expel a group can in some cases predictably lead to genocide."
I'm having difficulty attempting to articulate in a short piece about why (when some critics see little difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing - and the findings of the UN's International Commission of Inquiry* on Darfur concluded the Sudanese government was NOT pursuing a policy of genocide in Darfur) some UN officials like UN SGSR Jan Pronk and others continue to refer to Darfur as ethnic cleansing.
My view is Darfur is not genocide or ethnic cleansing. It's civil war, no?
Here's some wishful thinking: I wish you could write a piece (and, if you can, get it published in mainstream press) that answers this question:
It's hell in Darfur, but is it genocide or ethnic cleansing (and what is the difference between the two?) or is it civil war?
Thanks again for your email and kind words.
Looking forward to hearing from you.
Ingrid (Jones)
England, UK
http://sudanwatch.blogspot.com
*The International Criminal Court (ICC) - Summary [Apr 7 2006 UN assembly president calls Darfur violence "ethnic cleansing" - The International Criminal Court (ICC) Summary: The International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur, chaired by the Italian judge Antonio Cassese, concluded in its report published on 31 January 2005 that crimes against humanity and war crimes such as killings, rape, pillaging and forced displacement have been committed since 1 July 2002 by the government-backed forces and the Janjaweed militia. It declared, however, that the government of Sudan was not pursuing a policy of genocide in Darfur]
Apr 8 2006 What is the difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing?
Apr 9 2006 Juan Mendez, UN Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide, tells press "definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur"
Apr 9 2006 The Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide - Mendez
- - -
Today, 15 May 2006, I received the following reply from Ben:

Subject: Re: Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
Dear Ingrid,
Thanks very much for your reply. The Michael Clough essay is indeed very interesting, though as you'll see I have doubts about his conclusions. Please feel free to post my original email or this new email--I've tried to improve my explanation.
Best regards,
Ben
Here's my (modeslty) extended explanation with a brief comment on the Clough op-ed.
In discussing Darfur or any other similar crisis it is important to keep in mind that crimes such as ethnic cleansing and genocide do not exist in a single form, but fall on a spectrum of violence. Ethnic cleansing can be defined as the removal, through violence and intimidation of an ethnic group from a given territory, but the victims may be defined by ethnic identity, race, religion, or by some combination of the three. In genocide, the goal is not removal of the group but extermination.
In practice, however, ethnic cleansing and genocide exist on a spectrum of violence. The goals of removal or extermination can be distinct, but ethnic cleansing and genocide can merge together because the methods used to expel a group can in some cases predictably lead to genocide. In the Armenian Genocide, for example, most of the Armenian population of Anatolia was deported, though many, especially men were massacred. However, it was predictable that a very large proportion of Armenian civilians deported south into the desert under the threat of continuous attack would die, and as I point out in my book Terrible Fate, contemporaries, included Germans who served a government allied with Turkey, knew that mass death was predictable.
Michael Clough is obviously extremely knowledgeable about Dafur, but some of the arguments in his Los Angeles Times op-ed may not apply to the issue of defining genocide.
First, the boundaries between the identity of victims and perpetrators in both genocide and ethnic cleansing can be malleable. There is often a paradox to ethnic cleansing. Many who witness violence are shocked not just at the horrors of killing and rape, but because they remember previously close or at least amicable relations between victims and perpetrators, but at the very same time they may stress a different picture of old tensions.
Secondly, a policy of combating insurgency by attacking villages and displacing civilians can be entirely consistent with ethnic cleansing if the goal of such a policy is to drive out large numbers of civilians and remake ethnic and or religious maps.
- - -

Photo: Historian Benjamin Lieberman is professor of history at Fitchburg State College in Massachusetts and a graduate of Yale and the University of Chicago. His recent lecture at Clark University focused on the topic of his new book - the first comprehensive history of ethnic cleansing in Europe - entitled Terrible Fate: Ethnic Cleansing in the Making of Modern Europe (Ivan R. Dee, Publisher). He has also written From Recovery to Catastrophe, a study of Weimar Germany. He lives in Maynard, Massachusetts, USA.
- - -
It's hell in Darfur, but is it genocide? The Sudanese government has targeted villagers, but not a whole race.
by Michael Clough
Los Angeles Times May 14, 2006
GENOCIDE IS not being committed in Darfur. This is not a popular position, I know. But to call what's happening there "genocide" when it's not is unlikely to help the people of Darfur - and could even make it harder to mobilize the public to respond to similar crises in the future.
For 25 years, I've studied and written about conflicts, human rights catastrophes and humanitarian emergencies in Africa. I'm all too familiar with the many official excuses for inaction that can be given while millions of civilians die. Sadly, one of the reasons I prefer working as an attorney for prisoners on death row, rather than as a foreign policy analyst, is that I find it far less depressing than trying to change U.S. policy toward Africa.
The debate about what to do in Darfur - and the use of anti-genocide rhetoric to arouse public concern - has only deepened my misgivings about the way the United States responds to African crises.
From September 2004 to July 2005, I worked as Human Rights Watch's interim advocacy director for Africa, helping to publicize the organization's findings in Darfur. Beginning in February 2004, Human Rights Watch researchers documented horrifying abuses and released evidence that the Sudanese government was responsible for them.
There are no reliable estimates of how many Africans have died in Darfur. Including those killed in attacks and those who have died from disease or malnutrition, the total could be as high as 200,000.
As with so many tragedies in Africa, no one had heard of Darfur until U.N. humanitarian organizations began reporting that hundreds of thousands of civilians had been driven out of their villages. If the world had noticed and responded in early 2003, when the Sudanese government first armed groups of Arab nomads, known as janjaweed, and ordered them to attack villages suspected of harboring antigovernment rebels, the question of genocide would have never arisen - and thousands could have been saved.
But it wasn't until December 2003 that U.N. relief officials warned about an impending humanitarian disaster in Darfur. Soon after, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported that janjaweed, in concert with Sudanese military units, were slaughtering and displacing villagers.
Both organizations immediately urged the United Nations, the U.S. and other major powers to pressure the Sudanese government to call off the attacks and provide relief to victims flowing into refugee camps in Chad. But lawyers and researchers within Human Rights Watch (and probably Amnesty International) concluded that the events in Darfur did not rise to the level of genocide, a legal designation in international law, because there was no proof of "intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as such."
That didn't stop activists - inspired in part by Samantha Power's book, "A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide" - from invoking the emotive power of the word "genocide" to mobilize the international community. They buttressed their case by drawing attention to the fact that the atrocities in Darfur were coming to light as the world was holding ceremonies commemorating the 10th anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda.
In September 2004, then-Secretary of State Colin Powell, after hearing from a team of lawyers and investigators sent to Darfur by the State Department, famously declared that "genocide has been committed in Darfur." Congress had already done so.
But the pattern of human rights abuses in Darfur is very different from what happened in Rwanda. As Alison Des Forges, a senior advisor to the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, and others have documented, the slaughter in Rwanda was carefully planned and ruthlessly carried out in a matter of weeks; the clear intent was to eliminate the Tutsi population of Rwanda. In all, 800,000 people were butchered.
In Darfur, the Sudanese government has targeted African villagers. But it is not clear that the government's intent is to wipe out these Africans. The assaults followed successful rebel attacks on some government military facilities. In unleashing janjaweed and targeting the rebels' base of support, the government used the same counterinsurgency tactics it employed in a decades-old war against southerners. (Darfur is in eastern Sudan.) The Sudanese government is certainly not the first to combat an insurgency by attacking sympathetic villages and displacing civilians.
Paradoxically, labeling the atrocities in Darfur genocide may exacerbate the underlying conflict and make it more difficult to create the conditions necessary for civilians to return and live in peace.
Alex De Waal, an activist, longtime expert on Darfur and advisor to the African Union, has written that ethnic, tribal and racial lines in Darfur have been far more malleable than the genocide characterization suggests. Before Darfur, there had been conflicts between janjaweed's nomadic Arabs and the African pastoral tribes that support the rebels. But these clashes were chiefly the result of environmental pressures and competition for land, not deep-seated ethnic or racial animosities. And, until 2003, Darfur was relatively peaceful.
BY CONTRAST, the genocide in Rwanda was presaged by a history of attempts by Hutus and Tutsis to slaughter each other. Even so, many scholars have attributed the tribes' antagonism to colonial policies that reinforced the ethnic dimension of economic and political competition.
Over the long run, peace in Darfur will require Africans and Arabs to live together. Calling their conflict "genocidal" won't make that easier. In Rwanda, for instance, the Tutsi government that came to power after the genocide now uses the rhetoric of genocide to rationalize political repression.
There is also a grave risk in raising the specter of genocide to galvanize a global response to the human rights abuses in Darfur - the international community may be less inclined to react to serious abuses that don't rise to the level of genocide. This could be truly tragic because the only way to prevent genocide is to act at the first sign of threats to civilians.
Of the many tragedies of Darfur, one is that it had to be mislabeled a genocide before politicians and activists were stirred to respond.
Further reading
May 15 2006 Genocide: Lessons from the 20th Century - by Dr Matthew Levinger, director of the Academy for Genocide Prevention at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, in OneWorld - via CFD blog.
May 17 2006 The Daily Star Genocide: a crime lost in definition - by Jerome Mayer-Cantu, a graduate of the University of California, Berkeley who closely follows genocide and international law issues. - via CFD.
Subject: Re: Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
Hello,
Thanks for your useful blog. I was very interested to find this since I am teaching a class on African history, and I have written a history of ethnic cleansing in Europe and Western Asia.
I think your recent discussion of the definitions of Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing was very clear. In practice, I think the two can merge together in that the methods used to expel a group can in some cases predictably lead to genocide.
Thanks for your work.
Ben Lieberman
Fitchburg State College
Fitchburg Massachusetts
- - -
I emailed the following reply to Ben 14 May 2006:
Subject: Re: Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
Dear Ben,
Thank you for your interesting email. Please forgive my delay in replying. I was pleased to hear from you, and started to reply right away but was unable to complete due to an avalanche of news reports appearing in the run up to the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement.
I thought of you today when I read an article in the Los Angeles Times (14 May 2006) entitled "It's hell in Darfur, but is it genocide?" by Michael Clough, director of the Africa program at the Council on Foreign Relations from 1987 to 1996. He is the author of "Free at Last? United States Policy Toward Africa and the End of the Cold War."
To save you registering with the LA Times to read the piece, I am copying it in full, here below.
I'd like to publish an excerpt from the piece (probably the opening paragraph) at my blog Sudan Watch, along with the information in your email. Would you mind if I published your email in full?
If you do mind, I wonder if you would be kind enough to please send me a few lines (or however much you can manage) of text that would be OK to quote you on that explains what you mean when you say "In practice, I think the two can merge together in that the methods used to expel a group can in some cases predictably lead to genocide."
I'm having difficulty attempting to articulate in a short piece about why (when some critics see little difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing - and the findings of the UN's International Commission of Inquiry* on Darfur concluded the Sudanese government was NOT pursuing a policy of genocide in Darfur) some UN officials like UN SGSR Jan Pronk and others continue to refer to Darfur as ethnic cleansing.
My view is Darfur is not genocide or ethnic cleansing. It's civil war, no?
Here's some wishful thinking: I wish you could write a piece (and, if you can, get it published in mainstream press) that answers this question:
It's hell in Darfur, but is it genocide or ethnic cleansing (and what is the difference between the two?) or is it civil war?
Thanks again for your email and kind words.
Looking forward to hearing from you.
Ingrid (Jones)
England, UK
http://sudanwatch.blogspot.com
*The International Criminal Court (ICC) - Summary [Apr 7 2006 UN assembly president calls Darfur violence "ethnic cleansing" - The International Criminal Court (ICC) Summary: The International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur, chaired by the Italian judge Antonio Cassese, concluded in its report published on 31 January 2005 that crimes against humanity and war crimes such as killings, rape, pillaging and forced displacement have been committed since 1 July 2002 by the government-backed forces and the Janjaweed militia. It declared, however, that the government of Sudan was not pursuing a policy of genocide in Darfur]
Apr 8 2006 What is the difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing?
Apr 9 2006 Juan Mendez, UN Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide, tells press "definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur"
Apr 9 2006 The Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide - Mendez
- - -
Today, 15 May 2006, I received the following reply from Ben:
Subject: Re: Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
Dear Ingrid,
Thanks very much for your reply. The Michael Clough essay is indeed very interesting, though as you'll see I have doubts about his conclusions. Please feel free to post my original email or this new email--I've tried to improve my explanation.
Best regards,
Ben
Here's my (modeslty) extended explanation with a brief comment on the Clough op-ed.
In discussing Darfur or any other similar crisis it is important to keep in mind that crimes such as ethnic cleansing and genocide do not exist in a single form, but fall on a spectrum of violence. Ethnic cleansing can be defined as the removal, through violence and intimidation of an ethnic group from a given territory, but the victims may be defined by ethnic identity, race, religion, or by some combination of the three. In genocide, the goal is not removal of the group but extermination.
In practice, however, ethnic cleansing and genocide exist on a spectrum of violence. The goals of removal or extermination can be distinct, but ethnic cleansing and genocide can merge together because the methods used to expel a group can in some cases predictably lead to genocide. In the Armenian Genocide, for example, most of the Armenian population of Anatolia was deported, though many, especially men were massacred. However, it was predictable that a very large proportion of Armenian civilians deported south into the desert under the threat of continuous attack would die, and as I point out in my book Terrible Fate, contemporaries, included Germans who served a government allied with Turkey, knew that mass death was predictable.
Michael Clough is obviously extremely knowledgeable about Dafur, but some of the arguments in his Los Angeles Times op-ed may not apply to the issue of defining genocide.
First, the boundaries between the identity of victims and perpetrators in both genocide and ethnic cleansing can be malleable. There is often a paradox to ethnic cleansing. Many who witness violence are shocked not just at the horrors of killing and rape, but because they remember previously close or at least amicable relations between victims and perpetrators, but at the very same time they may stress a different picture of old tensions.
Secondly, a policy of combating insurgency by attacking villages and displacing civilians can be entirely consistent with ethnic cleansing if the goal of such a policy is to drive out large numbers of civilians and remake ethnic and or religious maps.
- - -
Photo: Historian Benjamin Lieberman is professor of history at Fitchburg State College in Massachusetts and a graduate of Yale and the University of Chicago. His recent lecture at Clark University focused on the topic of his new book - the first comprehensive history of ethnic cleansing in Europe - entitled Terrible Fate: Ethnic Cleansing in the Making of Modern Europe (Ivan R. Dee, Publisher). He has also written From Recovery to Catastrophe, a study of Weimar Germany. He lives in Maynard, Massachusetts, USA.
- - -
It's hell in Darfur, but is it genocide? The Sudanese government has targeted villagers, but not a whole race.
by Michael Clough
Los Angeles Times May 14, 2006
GENOCIDE IS not being committed in Darfur. This is not a popular position, I know. But to call what's happening there "genocide" when it's not is unlikely to help the people of Darfur - and could even make it harder to mobilize the public to respond to similar crises in the future.
For 25 years, I've studied and written about conflicts, human rights catastrophes and humanitarian emergencies in Africa. I'm all too familiar with the many official excuses for inaction that can be given while millions of civilians die. Sadly, one of the reasons I prefer working as an attorney for prisoners on death row, rather than as a foreign policy analyst, is that I find it far less depressing than trying to change U.S. policy toward Africa.
The debate about what to do in Darfur - and the use of anti-genocide rhetoric to arouse public concern - has only deepened my misgivings about the way the United States responds to African crises.
From September 2004 to July 2005, I worked as Human Rights Watch's interim advocacy director for Africa, helping to publicize the organization's findings in Darfur. Beginning in February 2004, Human Rights Watch researchers documented horrifying abuses and released evidence that the Sudanese government was responsible for them.
There are no reliable estimates of how many Africans have died in Darfur. Including those killed in attacks and those who have died from disease or malnutrition, the total could be as high as 200,000.
As with so many tragedies in Africa, no one had heard of Darfur until U.N. humanitarian organizations began reporting that hundreds of thousands of civilians had been driven out of their villages. If the world had noticed and responded in early 2003, when the Sudanese government first armed groups of Arab nomads, known as janjaweed, and ordered them to attack villages suspected of harboring antigovernment rebels, the question of genocide would have never arisen - and thousands could have been saved.
But it wasn't until December 2003 that U.N. relief officials warned about an impending humanitarian disaster in Darfur. Soon after, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported that janjaweed, in concert with Sudanese military units, were slaughtering and displacing villagers.
Both organizations immediately urged the United Nations, the U.S. and other major powers to pressure the Sudanese government to call off the attacks and provide relief to victims flowing into refugee camps in Chad. But lawyers and researchers within Human Rights Watch (and probably Amnesty International) concluded that the events in Darfur did not rise to the level of genocide, a legal designation in international law, because there was no proof of "intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as such."
That didn't stop activists - inspired in part by Samantha Power's book, "A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide" - from invoking the emotive power of the word "genocide" to mobilize the international community. They buttressed their case by drawing attention to the fact that the atrocities in Darfur were coming to light as the world was holding ceremonies commemorating the 10th anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda.
In September 2004, then-Secretary of State Colin Powell, after hearing from a team of lawyers and investigators sent to Darfur by the State Department, famously declared that "genocide has been committed in Darfur." Congress had already done so.
But the pattern of human rights abuses in Darfur is very different from what happened in Rwanda. As Alison Des Forges, a senior advisor to the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, and others have documented, the slaughter in Rwanda was carefully planned and ruthlessly carried out in a matter of weeks; the clear intent was to eliminate the Tutsi population of Rwanda. In all, 800,000 people were butchered.
In Darfur, the Sudanese government has targeted African villagers. But it is not clear that the government's intent is to wipe out these Africans. The assaults followed successful rebel attacks on some government military facilities. In unleashing janjaweed and targeting the rebels' base of support, the government used the same counterinsurgency tactics it employed in a decades-old war against southerners. (Darfur is in eastern Sudan.) The Sudanese government is certainly not the first to combat an insurgency by attacking sympathetic villages and displacing civilians.
Paradoxically, labeling the atrocities in Darfur genocide may exacerbate the underlying conflict and make it more difficult to create the conditions necessary for civilians to return and live in peace.
Alex De Waal, an activist, longtime expert on Darfur and advisor to the African Union, has written that ethnic, tribal and racial lines in Darfur have been far more malleable than the genocide characterization suggests. Before Darfur, there had been conflicts between janjaweed's nomadic Arabs and the African pastoral tribes that support the rebels. But these clashes were chiefly the result of environmental pressures and competition for land, not deep-seated ethnic or racial animosities. And, until 2003, Darfur was relatively peaceful.
BY CONTRAST, the genocide in Rwanda was presaged by a history of attempts by Hutus and Tutsis to slaughter each other. Even so, many scholars have attributed the tribes' antagonism to colonial policies that reinforced the ethnic dimension of economic and political competition.
Over the long run, peace in Darfur will require Africans and Arabs to live together. Calling their conflict "genocidal" won't make that easier. In Rwanda, for instance, the Tutsi government that came to power after the genocide now uses the rhetoric of genocide to rationalize political repression.
There is also a grave risk in raising the specter of genocide to galvanize a global response to the human rights abuses in Darfur - the international community may be less inclined to react to serious abuses that don't rise to the level of genocide. This could be truly tragic because the only way to prevent genocide is to act at the first sign of threats to civilians.
Of the many tragedies of Darfur, one is that it had to be mislabeled a genocide before politicians and activists were stirred to respond.
Further reading
May 15 2006 Genocide: Lessons from the 20th Century - by Dr Matthew Levinger, director of the Academy for Genocide Prevention at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, in OneWorld - via CFD blog.
May 17 2006 The Daily Star Genocide: a crime lost in definition - by Jerome Mayer-Cantu, a graduate of the University of California, Berkeley who closely follows genocide and international law issues. - via CFD.
UK's Benn says "This is a moment for Darfur"
The international community should add to the pressure on rebel factions to sign a peace deal for Darfur, UK International Development Secretary Hilary Benn said today - Reuters' Daniel Wallis:
"If you have won in essence what you're looking for, what possible justification is there to carry on fighting and prolong the suffering of the people of Darfur, who have suffered far too much already?" Benn said.
"We must try, even now, to persuade the other two rebel groups, in particular Abdel Wahed, because during the signing ceremony in Abuja some of his delegation came and said 'We think we should be signing', Benn said.
"This is a moment for Darfur and there is no doubt it has been international pressure that has brought us to this point," he told Reuters in northern Uganda, where he is visiting camps for people displaced by a separate conflict.
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