Sudan's Misariyah tribe sees Abyei Report as a call for war and seeks 'traditional' settlement to border row

An Arab tribe in Sudan wants to resolve a territorial dispute over the southern Abyei region through tribal elders rather than a border commission, a tribal leader said Sunday. Sudan Tribune report June 19, 2006:

The Misariyah and Dinka Ngok tribes have been locked in a heated dispute with each claiming ownership of the territory, and the Misariyah have angrily rejected boundaries proposed in a report by an international commission for the district.

"This report is a call for war. It is rejected in total and in detail," Sadek Abu Nimir, a senior leader of the Misariyah tribe, said.

Nimir's comments came in response to statements by Carlo Kojgor, head of the Dinka Ngok community in north Sudan, that an administration should be formed to oversee the boundary issues -- but excluding the Masiriyah tribe.

An administration "as provided for in the Abyei Protocol should be set up immediately", but "Misariyah participation in this administration is absolutely rejected", Kojgor was quoted as saying in the Sudanese newspaper Al-Sudani.

The Misariyah are Arab nomads who formed pro-government militias during the two-decade war between Khartoum and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), while the Dinka Ngok are mainly farmers who sided with the SPLA in the conflict.

Under a January 2005 peace deal between the government and the SPLA, the district is one of three granted special status during six years of interim autonomy in the south, leading to a referendum on independence.

Nimir argued that a traditional method of tribal mediation was more suitable to solving the border dispute, which he believes threatens the peace agreement.

"Abyei can be a poisoned knife in the side of the (peace agreement) ... if it is not tackled with wisdom, leaving it to the leaders and elders from the Misariyah and Dinka Ngok who are capable of agreeing on a solution," Nimir said.

He said the reconciliatory meeting should include elders of the two tribes "who actually live in Abyei, and without sponsorship by the government or the SPLA (who) should leave the decision making to the two parties".

Abyei's fate was one of the main stumbling blocks in years of tortuous negotiations between the government and the SPLA that culminated in the peace deal.

Under an agreement reached in May 2004, a formula was established for sharing out oil revenues from the district and providing for a referendum in 2011 on whether the district should join the north or the south.

Abyei was heavily depopulated during Sudan's civil war, Africa's longest-running conflict.

May 30 2006 Interview with Dr Douglas H Johnson, expert on the Abyei Boundary Commission - Hofre Nahas area; part of Bahr El Ghazal transferred to Darfur in 1960s

For further reports, click on Abyei label here below.

Could Sudan create peace and mass employment with a $20 billion "Great Man Made River Project" like Libya's?

If the African Union Mission in Darfur costs the international community $1 billion per year, imagine the cost of even more troops (in addition to the 10,000 UN peacekeepers in southern Sudan) year after year, all because a small minority of gangsters and thugs in Sudan feel unable to lay down their guns and fight for what they want using non-violent means.

What if such vast sums of money spent on war were used instead to create jobs to engineer the flow of drinking water to the people, animals and farmland in Sudan? With enough water for all of the people in Sudan, there is no limit to what they could achieve. They would not have to fight over watering holes and arable land.

When does a gainfully employed person have time to roam around robbing, murdering and creating mayhem? People are usually too tired for such things after a good days work.

Here's an idea. Could Sudan bring peace and gainful employment for all of its citizens with a $20 billion "Great Man Made River Project" like Libya's? Surely a charismatic leader could persuade the Sudanese people to lay down their arms in exchange for the billions of dollars donors are being asked to expend on peacekeeping operations and humanitarian aid?

Oh, and while I am dreaming: I wish for Khartoum to separate religion from government and set up its countrywide administration to mirror the systems of other large countries like Canada and the USA.

Today's Sudan reminds me of the American wild west, 250 years ago. Cowboys fighting indians. Sudan sure has a lot of catching up to do. Water and education for all of the children in Sudan are key to the country's unity and survival.

LIBYA'S $20 BILLION "GREAT MAN MADE RIVER PROJECT"

The following is a copy of a fascinating BBC World Service report by John Watkins, March 18 2006.

Libyans like to call it "the eighth wonder of the world". The description might be flattering, but the Great Man-Made River Project has the potential to transform Libyan life in all sorts of ways.



Photo: Phase III is now nearing completion (BBC)

Libya is a desert country, and finding fresh water has always been a problem. Following the Great Al-Fatah Revolution in 1969, when an army coup led by Muammar Al Qadhafi deposed King Idris, industrialisation put even more strain on water supplies. Coastal aquifers became contaminated with sea water, to such an extent that the water in Benghazi (Libya's second city) was undrinkable.

Finding a supply of fresh, clean water became a government priority. Oil exploration in the 1950s had revealed vast aquifers beneath Libya's southern desert. According to radiocarbon analysis, some of the water in the aquifers was 40,000 years old. Libyans call it "fossil water".

After weighing up the relative costs of desalination or transporting water from Europe, Libyan economists decided that the cheapest option was to construct a network of pipelines to transport water from the desert to the coastal cities, where most Libyans live.

Proud nation

In August 1984, Muammar Al Qadhafi laid the foundation stone for the pipe production plant at Brega. The Great Man-Made River Project had begun.

Click here to see a map of the pipeline network.

Libya had oil money to pay for the project, but it did not have the technical or engineering expertise for such a massive undertaking.

Foreign companies from South Korea, Turkey, Germany, Japan, the Philippines and the UK were invited to help.



Photo: It is impossible not to be impressed with the scale of the project (BBC)

In September 1993, Phase I water from eastern well-fields at Sarir and Tazerbo reached Benghazi. Three years later, Phase II, bringing water to Tripoli from western well-fields at Jebel Hassouna, was completed.

Phase III which links the first two Phases is still under construction.

Adam Kuwairi, a senior figure in the Great Man-Made River Authority (GMRA), vividly remembers the impact the fresh water had on him and his family.

"The water changed lives. For the first time in our history, there was water in the tap for washing, shaving and showering," he told the BBC World Service's Discovery programme.

"The quality of life is better now, and it's impacting on the whole country."

To get an idea of the scale of the Great Man-Made River Project, you have to visit some of the sites.



Photo: The Grand Omar Mukhtar will be Libya's largest man-made reservoir (BBC)

Libya is opening up, but it's still hard for foreign journalists to get visas. We had to wait almost six months for ours; but once we arrived in Libya, Libyans were eager to tell us about the project.

They took us to see a reservoir under construction at Suluq. When it's finished, the Grand Omar Mukhtar will be Libya's largest man-made reservoir.

Standing on the floor of such a huge, empty space is an awesome experience. Concrete walls rise steeply to the sky; tarring machines descend on wires to lay a waterproof coating over the concrete.

Further west along the coast is the Pre-Stressed Concrete Cylinder Pipe factory at Brega. This is where they make the 4m-diameter pipes that transport water from the desert to the coast.



Photo: Libyans are gaining experience and know-how, and now more than 70% of the manufacturing is done by Libyans - Ali Ibrahim, Brega pipe factory (BBC)

It's a modern, well-equipped factory, built specially for the Great Man-Made River Project. So far, the factory has made more than half a million pipes.

The pipes are designed to last 50 years, and each pipe has a unique identification mark, so if anything goes wrong, engineers can quickly establish when the pipe was made.

The engineer in charge of the Brega pipe factory is Ali Ibrahim. He is proud that Libyans are now running the factory: "At first, we had to rely on foreign-owned companies to do the work.

"But now it's government policy to involve Libyans in the project. Libyans are gaining experience and know-how, and now more than 70% of the manufacturing is done by Libyans. With time, we hope we can decrease the foreign percentage from 30% to 10%."

Opening markets

With fossil water available in most of Libya's coastal cities, the government is now beginning to use its water for agriculture.

Over the country as a whole, 130,000 hectares of land will be irrigated for new farms. Some land will be given to small farmers who will grow produce for the domestic market. Large farms, run at first with foreign help, will concentrate on the crops that Libya currently has to import: wheat, oats, corn and barley.

Libya also hopes to make inroads into European and Middle-Eastern markets. An organic grape farm has been set up near Benghazi. Because the soil is so fertile, agronomists hope to grow two cereal crops a year.



Photo: Water is seen as key to the country's future prosperity. The quality of life is better now, and it's impacting on the whole country, Adam Kuwairi, GMRA (BBC)

It is hard to fault the Libyans on their commitment. The country has spent almost $30bn (GBP 17bn) on the Great Man-made River Project. That money has bought 5,000km of pipeline that can transport 6.5 million cubic metres of water a day from over a thousand desert wells.

As a result, Libya is now a world leader in hydrological engineering, and it wants to export its expertise to other African and Middle-Eastern countries facing the same problems with their water.

Through its agriculture, Libya hopes to gain a foothold in Europe's consumer market.

But the Great Man-Made River Project is much more than an extraordinary piece of engineering.

Adam Kuwairi argues that the success of the Great Man-Made River Project has increased Libya's standing in the world: "It's another addition to our independence; it gives us the confidence to survive."

Of course, there are questions. No-one is sure how long the water will last. And until the farms are working, it's impossible to say whether they will be able to deliver the quantity and quality of produce for which the planners are hoping.

But the combination of water and oil has given Libya a sound economic platform. Ideally placed as the "Gateway to Africa", Libya is in a good position to play an increasingly influential role in the global economy.

All Darfur's tribes must be brought into the peace process - Janjaweed are one of the keys to a lasting settlement

"It's time to say it, loud and clear: The newborn Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) is on its death bed. Without determined action to save it, the war in Darfur will continue," writes Julie Flint in her latest commentary at The Daily Star June 20, 2006. Excerpt:

Darfurians have to be shown that this peace, although flawed, can work for them. This means meeting deadlines, forming committees, stopping Khartoum's security officials from taking them over and, above all, shouting from the rooftops every time a signatory steps out of line. It is not enough to slap wrists behind closed doors. The people of Darfur need to hear the "peacemakers" being called to account or they will never have any faith in the peace.

If the DPA is to survive, those who forced it across the finish line must turn their attention to the commanders who, unlike Minawi, have popular support. Rather than antagonize them, they must help them unite, organize and join an inter-communal dialogue that can put right some of what is wrong with the DPA. Without this, the DPA will be what Zaghawa are already calling it: "the Ila Digen peace" - the peace of Minawi's clan.

My view is the onus to protect millions of defenceless women and children in Sudan and Chad ought to be put on ALL of the warring parties to agree a ceasefire, disarm and fight for what they want using non-violent means.

Surely there is a limit to what can be done to force help on people who don't want help. It is up to the Sudanese people to make peace, or get out. Leave the country. That's all I can think of to say right now. My feelings are that momentum has been lost, Sudan has missed a golden opportunity for peace and cannot be helped much more. The rebels have missed their big chance. You can draw a horse to water, but you can't make it drink. There are worse things happening in DR Congo and northern Uganda.

Jerry Fowler in his blog entry at Voices on Genocide Prevention, comments on Julie Flint's piece saying she'd denounced Darfur rebel leader Minni Minnawi as a war criminal and criticised the U.S. for thinking that an agreement between the Khartoum government and Minni could bring peace to Darfur.

Jerry quoted the following extract from Julie's piece:

The United States must increase confidence in the peace agreement by fiercely rebuking the Khartoum government - and Mr Minnawi - for every violation of the agreement and every deadline they fail to meet. All Darfur's tribes must be brought into the peace process - most important, the Arab tribes that had no place at the Abuja table, even though the vast majority of them did not join the janjaweed. And no regional dialogue would be complete without the involvement of the janjaweed themselves, who despite their atrocities are one of the keys to a lasting settlement.

And he went on to say:

Julie has previously argued for the importance of getting Abdul Wahid, Minni's rival, to accept the DPA. She may be giving up on Abdul Wahid, because now she's talking about "assist[ing] rebel commanders critical of Mr. Minnawi to convene a conference and elect a leadership that would cross tribal lines and have popular support." I've heard from other sources that there is an effort underway in both the Abdul Wahid faction of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) to elect new leaders who would sign the DPA. As things stand now, it certainly appears that support for the DPA inside Darfur is very narrow.

Sudanese President Bashir rejects international military intervention in Darfur

One may as well take the following quote as the final word in the matter of international troops with a Chapter 7 mandate in Darfur:

"I swear that there will not be any international military intervention in Darfur as long as I am in power," Mr Bashir was quoted as telling a meeting of his ruling National Congress late on Monday.

"Sudan, which was the first country south of the Sahara to gain independence, cannot now be the first country to be re-colonised," he said.

Full report BBC 20 June 2006.

Denmark backs transition to UN force in Darfur

"Denmark supports a UN takeover of the peacekeeping mission in Sudan," said Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen, adding that the Government would "positively consider a military contribution if the UN requests so." - UN News Centre 19 June 2006.

Access for aid getting worse in Sudan despite accord - UN

Snippets from UN News Centre report June 19, 2006:

"In the last three months we have had deterioration in getting access in Darfur. There are at least 250,000 people we cannot reach, they are mainly in western Darfur, but they are also in North Darfur, reasons for the lack of access are mainly due to infighting," said Mr da Silva [Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Humanitarian Coordinator].

Apart from the increased political infighting among rebel groups, and banditry of the past three weeks in the Darfur region, Mr da Silva said there had however been a "clear reduction of clashes" between the Government and the Sudan Liberation Army forces, but he added that there was "tension in the IDP (internally displaced people) camps," related to the fact that people there do not recognize last month's peace agreement.

"It is the Government's responsibility to take care of its own people, but we cannot be held responsible for what happens to people we cannot reach," Mr da Silva concluded.

Khartoum, eastern rebels sign truce

The Sudanese government and east Sudan rebels have signed a ceasefire deal following talks in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, Aljazeera reported June 19, 2006:

The two sides on Monday also agreed on a set of principles for negotiating a full peace agreement.

The deals were signed by Mustafa Osman Ismail, a Sudanese presidential adviser, and Musa Mohamed Ahmed, the head of the Eastern Front.

"We are only at the beginning of the road, we have a long way to go," Ismail said.

"The Eastern Front will continue discussions for a lasting peaceful settlement," added Ahmed.

The talks began on June 13 after Omar al-Beshir, the Sudanese president, and his Eritrean counterpart, Assaias Afeworki, held a rare meeting in Khartoum, which analysts believe boosted the chances of a truce.

Sudan's FM Akol denies opposition to UN forces

Akol: The Sudanese government has categorically rejected a role by the UN under Chapter 7. But it is possible for the UN to play a role in supervising the implementation of the peace agreement after holding negotiations with us.

Full report Sudan Tribune June 18, 2006.

Darfur rebels arrive in Khartoum amid high security

Reuters report by Opheera McDoom, June 18, 2006, excerpt:

Darfur rebels arrived in Khartoum on Sunday for the first time since a peace agreement was signed last month amid tight security as they begin to implement the deal, rejected by many in Sudan.

The African Union-mediated May 5 deal was signed by only one of the three of the negotiating factions despite intense global pressure. The two groups who are holding out say the accord did not address their basic demands.

The advance team of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) faction led by Minni Arcua Minnawi who did sign will form a transitional authority for Darfur to oversee implementation of the deal and development of the remote western region, ravaged by more than three years of conflict.

"It is important to have the signatories of the Darfur peace agreement here because ... their presence will be extremely important for the good will of the implementation," said African Union spokesman Noureddine Mezni in Khartoum.

Minnawi did not return with the delegation despite a presidential decree granting all those who have signed the deal an amnesty to allay suspicions the government may arrest him. He remains in his rebel-controlled areas in Darfur.

Minnawi said earlier this month in an interview with Reuters he did still did not fully trust his partners in peace.

His advance team refused to meet waiting journalists at the airport, preferring to speed off to their government hotel.

Implementation of the deal has already fallen behind schedule as a Darfuri presidential adviser has not been appointed and the transitional regional authority has yet to be formed.

"Now we will start the real business with them to implement the Darfur peace agreement which is highly important," Mezni said.

The most important upcoming deadline is June 22, by when the government has to present a plan to the African Union to disarm the proxy Arab militias they used to quell the revolt and are blamed for much of the current violence.

- - -

Jun 11 2006 Sudan Tribune report: Sudan's al-Bachir to issue amnesty decree for Darfur deal signatories

SLA's Minnawi threatens to quit Darfur peace deal

The only rebel leader to have endorsed the Darfur Peace Agreement threatened to pull out of the deal geared at ending three years of war if the international community does not move to support him fast, AP/ST reported June 17, 2006 - excerpt:

"The responsibility for the peace cannot remain on my sole shoulders," Minawi said in an Associated Press interview late Friday. He warned that the peace agreement could "collapse soon" if the international community failed to send a United Nations peacekeeping force to this remote region of western Sudan.

"If I don't see support from the international community, I will return to the bush and the fighting will continue," Minawi said. He declined to specify when this could occur.

He accused the government of neighboring Chad of supporting the Darfur rebel groups that refused the peace deal and attack his troops since.

"The (Sudanese) government, all the embassies in Khartoum, have evidence that Chad is sending funds, equipment and troops to north Darfur, it is unacceptable," Minawi said.

Abdelwahid al-Nur the leader of the second SLM faction - along with the Justice and Equality Movement, another guerrilla group - refused to sign accord, saying it did not fairly compensate refugees.

Al-Nur belongs to the Fur tribe, as do most of the refugees, and opposition to the peace agreement has lead to increased tension in the camps.

Many refugees call Minawi - who belongs to another large tribe, the Zaghawas - a traitor. Aid workers say they are worried interethnic strife could occur in some refugee camps where people have begun to regroup along tribal lines.

Humanitarian and UN workers who operate in North Darfur say SLM factions loyal to al-Nur are repeatedly breaching the ceasefire there and gaining significant ground on Minawi's troops.

A UN report earlier this week also said that the Minnawi faction apparently retaliated in an attack on rival SLM factions, the first largescale offensive since the peace agreement.

Minawi strongly denied this, stating that groups who broke the ceasefire did not belong to his movement. He said his troops only fought defensively. "We are soldiers, it is normal for us to defend ourselves if were are under attack," Minawi said.

The rebel leader blamed increased violence in North Darfur on the support his adversaries were getting from Chad, and possibly Khartoum. He said Chadian mercenaries and even regular troops were known to operate in the north of the region, but did not specify in what numbers.

Mazjoub Khalifa, the special adviser to the Sudanese president, who signed the Darfur peace agreement on behalf of the government, denied any meddling from Sudan in the rebel infighting.

"The government of Sudan has signed a peace agreement and will loyally support Minni Minawi in implementing it," Khalifa told the AP of the telephone from Khartoum.

He said Khartoum was aware of possible Chadian incursions in Darfur. "We intend to make sure the border is closed, and have sent a very firm message to the Chadian government," Khalifa said. He did not elaborate.

The UN security council voted last month to send a peacekeeping force into Darfur to replace an African Union mission that has proved largely unable to return stability to the area.

A joint assessment team of UN and AU officials is touring the region to see how the takeover could take place, and Security Council members have said the transition could occur in early 2007. But Khartoum has shown little enthusiasm.

Minawi said UN troops should come soon, or the ongoing violence would make the peace agreement impossible to implement.

He said refugees hostile to the peace deal were being manipulated by Al-Nur's faction, but that his movement would not be able to win them over to peace if the near daily killing, raping and looting of refugees continued.

Humanitarian workers say over 100,000 people have been cut off from international aid in North Darfur because of inter-rebel fighting.

Sudan: We are fully mandated to conclude peace, Ismail - blaming non-tapping of Sudan's resources on conflict

Sudan Vision June 16, 2006 via ANDnetwork.com:

The Eastern Sudan peace talks between the Government of National Unity (GoNU) and Eastern Sudan Front opened yesterday in the Eritrean Capital, Asmara. The Government delegation is headed by the President's Advisor, Dr Mustafa Osman Ismail, while the Front delegation is led by Mussa Mohammed Ahmed.

"One of the parties of the GoNU is to realize peace in all parts of Sudan," said Dr. Ismail in his address to the inaugural session, adding that no sustainable peace would be achieved unless peace is realized all over Sudan.

"The government strategy to address problems does not lie in the use of arms, but by resorting to dialogue," Ismail added. The head of Government delegation stressed the importance of building a new Sudan on the core justice, equality, the equitable distribution of wealth, power and democratic transformation.

"The government delegation has come with heart and mind, mandated by the President and the Vice-President, in addition to the Council of Ministers to conclude a comprehensive peace acceptable to all parties and capable of bringing stability and realizing development to Eastern Sudan," Ismail Said.

The Presidential Advisor stated that the negotiations could be difficult, but, according to him they have the resolve to transcend these difficulties with the help of Eritrea. The head of the delegation blamed non-tapping of Sudan's resources on conflict.

Darfur governor warns against deploying UN forces

The governor of Sudan's West Darfur state warned Thursday against deploying "international" troops in Darfur, saying the African Union peacekeeping force already there should do the job. Sudan Tribune report June 15, 2006 (Khartoum) - excerpt:

Jaafar Abdel Hakim Ishaq, quoted by the official SUNA news agency, also said a "disaster would befall Darfur if international forces entered the region without the consent of the Sudanese government."

Ishaq, speaking in the state capital of Geneina with a visiting delegation from the United Nations and the African Union, did not elaborate on what the disaster might be.

The team of high-ranking officials has been in Sudan since last week to study the possibility of a handover of AU peacekeeping responsibilities to the UN.

UN officials have made it clear they want to replace the embattled AU forces with better-equipped troops mandated by the world body.

But Ishaq warned against "the grave consequences of international forces entering the state" and called for "reliance on the African forces mission and supporting it so as to fully discharge its responsibilities."

Meanwhile, despite everything that has been reported lately (scroll down the last month of posts here) Eric Reeves in his latest opinion piece (June 16, 2006 "The UN Security Council and a Final Betrayal of Darfur: No willingness to confront Khartoum on the need for civilian and humanitarian protection") manages to write a whole page without mentioning JEM and SLM-Nur's activities in the Sudan.

French officials travel to Chad to urge Deby to engage in political dialogue

VOA report (via Sudan Tribune June 15 2006) reveals two senior French officials flew to Chad to convince President Deby to open a dialogue with leaders of the political opposition:

A French official contacted by VOA in Paris said the purpose of the diplomatic visit was to strongly insist that President Deby renew dialogue with the country's legal opposition.

That message will be delivered to President Deby by French Cooperation Minister Brigitte Girardin and senior French official Michel de Bonnecorse, known in the government as Mr Africa.

Jun 15 2006 Sudan seeks France help to restore relations with Chad - FM

Jun 16 2006 France would join any international operation in Chad - UK says camps in Chad need police protection

Jun 16 2006 In Tine, along Sudan-Chad border, residents attribute violence to Darfur rebel group JEM

Oil Fuels displacement in South Sudan - report

Refugees International said in a report published Wednesday that South Sudan has seen a rapid increase in oil exploration initiatives since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in January 2005.

The new investment potentially threatens the safety of Sudanese living in oil-rich South Sudan and displaced people returning home to these areas. In Upper Nile State in south Sudan there are reports of forced migration and violence in the areas of oil exploration. - Sudan Tribune June 16, 2006.

In Tine, along Sudan-Chad border, residents attribute violence to Darfur rebel group JEM

Somewhere in my blog archives are reports of oil to be found along the Chad-Sudan border. Copied here below is a report from Deutsche Presse Agentur by Noel King in Tine, Chad-Sudan, 15 June 2006. It reminds us of JEM's attack on Tine in July 2003 and JEM's occupation of the Sudanese Embassy in April, around the time of the failed attempts to kill and/or overthrow Chadian President Deby.

Up until recently, JEM leader Khalil Ibrahim used Chad, President Deby is a tribal ally, as a base. A few months ago, Deby told Ibrahim if he did not sign the Darfur Peace Agreement by May 31, he must leave Chad as the AU and UN are sanctioning non-signatories.

Ibrahim has political asylum in France and, it seems, went to Libya after his forced departure from Chad in April - Chad expelled him after his occupation of the Sudanese embassy (see further reading below). Recently, Ibrahim returned from Slovenia. Some news reports on the eastern Sudan peace talks indicate he is now in Asmara. Here is the DPA report:

Tine, near Sudan's border with Chad is a ghost town. Houses are overgrown with weeds, their brick walls crumbling, their thatched roofs torn open.

The silent streets wind past a graveyard where the dead, who were killed by a Sudanese government airstrike, were hastily honoured with crude stone markers before the residents of the Darfuri town fled.

His wife and children gone, Zubeir Ismail tries to retain some sense of normalcy, offering visitors stale peanuts and dates.

Ismail has painful memories of the violence that trimmed the population of Tine from more than 3,000 people to fewer than 300.

"On July 9, 2003 the rebels attacked Tine and people started fleeing," Ismail told Deutsche Presse Agentur dpa.

"Then the government started an airstrike and everyone left. My wife and children went to the refugee camps in Chad."

Ismail is a relative of the village leader and has stayed to look after the man's house.

In most Darfuri villages, residents tell horror stories of attacks by militias known as Janjaweed.

But in Tine, which straddles the Sudan/Chad border, residents attribute the violence to the rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), which attacked government positions three years ago.

After an aerial bombardment by the government, the rebel Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) then occupied the town for four tumultuous months.

Today, Tine, Sudan is relatively secure, patrolled regularly by Sudan government soldiers who appear to have a friendly relationship with the people here.

But in Tine, Chad, less than one kilometre away, an attack on June 4 left some twenty rebels and Chadian soldiers dead, thousands of residents on edge, and observers saying they expect more violence from Chadian rebels based in Sudan.

In April, rebels swept across Chad from Darfur, attacking the capital of Ndjamena in an attempt to unseat President Idris Deby. The rebellion was put down, but Deby immediately cut ties with Sudan, claiming his neighbour had helped to arm and harbour the rebel United Front for Change (FUC).

Since then, there have been sporadic attacks along the common border that is blithely ignored by the people who have family on both sides of the border.

"When the gunfire started I ran across the border to get my children," says Hawa Hamid of the recent attack.

"They live with their grandmother in Tine, Chad, because the school in Tine, Sudan, closed down."

Hamid managed to run with her three children to safety but says she will send them back to Chad to continue their schooling.

The mother of three is in a very difficult position in this family-oriented region and says that she still makes her children their school lunches and sends them across the border whenever she can.

African Union troops based in Tine were equally unnerved by the recent attack. They could see and hear heavy arms fire across the valley which marks the border, but the AU mandate forbids them to cross over to Chadian soil.

"The rebels came in from Sudan. I am sure of that. They attacked the Chadian armed forces and then retreated back into Sudan," says Siddiq Sherif, a Chadian mediator working with the AU in Darfur.

Unlike most AU troops, Sherif is allowed to cross into Chad because of his position as a mediator in the region.

"These are the same rebels that launched the April 13th attack," Sherif told dpa. Sherif says he believes the Chadian rebels have the support of the Sudan government.

While the AU would not comment on reports that the government of Sudan is arming the rebels, the continental body said intelligence reports suggest the rebels who attacked Tine, Chad, were members of the United Front for Change (FUC).

The few men and women left in Tine, Sudan, say they will not leave anytime soon, though there are no aid agencies present due to the town's tiny population.

Many residents say they do not have enough food and water.

Halima Abdel Omer sums up the position of those who have their choices limited to one war zone or another.

"I am Sudanese," she says. "I'll stay in my own country and wait for the others to return."

- - -

The President of Sudan has denied supporting rebels who are trying to topple the President in neighbouring Chad:

Mar 15 2006 IRIN - Chad" Coup attempt foiled, government says: A 15 March government statement named seven military officers who allegedly "aimed to shoot down" Deby's plane as he returned from a summit of central African leaders in Equatorial Guinea. Since October 2005 waves of Chadian soldiers and military officers have deserted their posts and joined rebels in the eastern part of Chad bordering Darfur. Several rebel groups in December formed an alliance, including the Platform for Change, National Unity and Democracy (known by its French acronym SCUD) formed by Chadian army deserters and led by Yaya Dillo Djerou, and the Rally for Democracy and Liberty led by Mahamat Nour.

Apr 17 2006 Aegis Trust - Chad coup failure: Implications for Darfur: On 13 April, rebels widely believed to have been backed by Sudan launched an assault in Ndjamena in an attempt to topple the Government of Idris Deby. They were swiftly crushed by Government forces. In the wake of the failed coup attempt, Chad has severed diplomatic relations with Sudan and withdrawn from its role as mediator at talks in Abuja between the Government of Sudan and Darfur's African rebels.

Apr 21 2006 Sudan Tribune - Chad expels JEM rebel leader Khalil Ibrahim after occupation of Sudanese embassy: Khalil Ibrahim has political asylum in France and, it seems, went to Libya after his forced departure from Chad.

May 18 2006 JEM leader will have to leave Chad if he does not sign Darfur peace deal by May 31: Deby told Ibrahim if he does not sign by May 31, he must leave Chad as the AU and UN are sanctioning non-signatories.

May 29 2006 JEM's Ibrahim and SLM/A faction travel to Slovenia in an attempt to get their demands met

May 31 2006 Slovenia says JEM needs to stay in the Darfur peace process - JEM leadership will have to make a decision in Slovenia

Jun 2 2006 Darfur's JEM rebel leader says "We're going to have our own country"

Jun 4 2006 Chadian army, rebels battle near Sudan border - Is RDL/FUC leader Mahamat Nour dead or alive?

Jun 5 2006 Drnovsek and Prince Albert II agree on resolving Darfur crisis - JEM leader in Slovenia

Jun 9 2006 AU says four Darfur faction leaders back peace agreement: Ustaz Abdel Raheem Adam Abdel Raheem Abu Risha (general secretary for JEM, Southern Darfur)

Jun 8 2006 AFP report via Middle East Times - Darfur Islamists emerge as key to east Sudan peace: While the Eastern Front has similar aims to its counterparts in Darfur - autonomy and greater control over their region's resources - their newfound allies in the JEM demand a seat on the presidency, key to eventual national power.

Jun 13 2006 Reuters and Sudan Tribune - Darfur's JEM rebels threaten to topple eastern Sudan peace talks - SPLA hands over Hamesh Koreb to Kassala State

MSF: Over 10,000 people flee violence in Chad

MSF press release Um Dukhun, West Darfur confirms more than 10,000 people have fled violence and insecurity in southeastern Chad and crossed the border to take refuge in Darfur.

In the second week of May, refugees in search of security started arriving in Um Dukhun, a small town in the southwestern corner of Darfur located at a junction with the borders of Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR). Most of the new arrivals are Chadian, but a significant minority is Sudanese who initially fled the conflict in Darfur and entered Chad as long as three years ago and now have been displaced again.

France would join any international operation in Chad - UK says camps in Chad need police protection

Reuters report by Evelyn Leopold June 16, 2006. Excerpts:

France asked the United Nations on Thursday to consider ways to protect refugee camps in Chad, where rebels forcibly recruit Darfur survivors of murderous attacks by Sudanese militia.

France's U.N. Ambassador Jean-Marc de la Sabliere and his British counterpart, Emyr Jones Parry, addressed the U.N. Security Council on the 15-member body's recent trip to Sudan and Chad, aimed at convincing the Khartoum government to accept a U.N. peacekeeping force in its western region of Darfur.

"It is appropriate for the secretary-general (Kofi Annan) to consider this question of international protection of the camps and make recommendations to us," de la Sabliere told the council. "Personally I can only see advantages of this."

He did not elaborate on what kind of protection, such as troops, police or guards, he had in mind.

Chadian president Idriss Deby had told the diplomats, after they visited camps near Goz Beida, about 60 miles (100 km) from the Sudan border, that he was unable to care for the homeless and asked for international help.

"If nothing is done in this area, we will see a deterioration in all respects," de la Sabliere said.

France, which has about 1,000 airmen stationed in its former colony, has said it would not provide protection for the Chadian camps but would join any international operation.

Jones Parry, during the visit, was more noncommittal about U.N. security for Chad, saying the camps needed police protection rather than the kind of U.N. troops envisioned for Darfur.

Jones Parry said that Sudan's President Omar Hassan Bashir made "clear that he did not think external troops should be mandated to attack Sudanese."

"We looked to them to fulfill that responsibility now."

The Khartoum government, however, has not accepted U.N. peacekeepers for Darfur and has objected to a robust mandate the council wants so the troops can protect civilians.

However, Jones Parry said, "By the end of our visit, the mission felt we had edged further toward the probability of the government accepting a U.N. force."

Tanzanian ambassador, Augustine Mahiga, noted that the African Union, now fielding troops in Darfur, firmly supported U.N. peacekeepers and was "waiting for expeditious deployment."

The council mission, from June 5 to June 12, went to Khartoum, Darfur, Juba, the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa to talk to African Union officials, and visited refugee camps in Chad as well as the capital, N'Djamena. The trip ended in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

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Jun 15 2006 Sudan Tribune and LA Times - Sudan seeks France help to restore relations with Chad - FM

Jun 15 2006 UN press release and UN News Centre report - UN Security Council told that Sudan Government is closer to agreeing on UN Darfur force

Jun 15 2006 UN and Reuters - International Criminal Court Prosecutor briefs UN Security Council on Darfur, says will not draw conclusions on genocide until investigation complete

Jun 16 2006 BBC - UN moves to transfer Taylor trial

The Gurkhas are just what is needed for the base of a U.N. force: Gurkhas could be the heart of the world's first real police force

The highly respected Gurkhas, regarded as among the finest soldiers in the world, are making the news in an excellent opinion piece at Osceola News Gazette June 15, 2006. "Gurkhas could be the heart of the world's first real police force", writes former diplomat Menandro M. de Mesa, in the following piece:

Time and again, the United States has pledged help to strengthen peacekeeping capabilities in Africa and elsewhere.

Fierce fighting raged in Darfur, leaving 200,000 dead and 2 million homeless. There are also continuing conflicts in Angola, Congo, Guinea, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Somalia, not to mention similar flare-ups in East Timor and Haiti. After its tragic experience in Vietnam, the U.S. has shown little inclination to intervene militarily in regional conflicts abroad. Instead, it is looking for opportunities to back off on some of its ongoing overseas commitments.

The U.S. cannot and should not be the policeman of the world. Instead, the United Nations should play a greater and more assertive role in dealing with conflicts that can escalate to imperil the stability of an entire region. The U.N. should be in a position to organize, maintain and deploy in a crisis a sizable force anywhere in the world.

The idea of a U.N. standing force to intervene where fighting threatens isn't new. It was included in the organization's charter in 1945, but was never carried out because of the Cold War. With the demise of the Soviet Union, it needs reviving now along the old lines of traditional military contributions from members. The idea may yet win more adherents, but today's circumstances show that a new approach is needed.

Instead, the U.N. should have a permanent fighting force in readiness, loyal to its flag and to no state, that would be supplemented by national contributions, particularly in logistics. It just so happens that a perfect base exists - the Gurkhas, the doughty units from Nepal's martial tribes who have served with distinction in the British Army since 1814, and have given an outstanding account of themselves. Intrepid and fierce, they are regarded as among the finest soldiers in the world.

There are many reasons why the Gurkhas can form the heart of the world's first real police force. A major reason is that nobody hates them, and they don't hate any ethnic group, country or religion.

In the early 1990s, there were nearly 10,000 well-trained Gurkhas in the British Army - 1,000 in Brunei, 1,500 based in the United Kingdom, some deployed in Cyprus, Kuwait and Belize, and 5,000 in Hong Kong when it reverted to China in 1997. In addition, there are about 65,000 more Gurkhas in the Indian Army, paid on a similar scale, and no shortage of recruits eager to take on a foreign military career.

The export of soldiers has been an important source of income for Nepal in the form of pensions and remittances from the soldiers to their families.

The Gurkhas have a reputation for being well-disciplined, doggedly loyal to their superior officers, respectful of families and not at all mean. They don't go berserk on the battlefield and commit atrocities, as soldiers from other countries have done for ethnic or other reasons of enmity.

Some would call the Gurkhas mercenaries: the British Army gags at the thought, pointing out that they have been enlisted by agreement with the government of Nepal. But mercenaries - troops serving no state - are exactly what the U.N. needs, for the same reason the Vatican hired Swiss Guards in medieval times so that its protectors would be beholden to no other masters.

In addition to logistical support, a Gurkha force would need a command structure. The highest rank any has reached under the British is lieutenant colonel. Most are in the infantry, some are in engineering units and others are signal specialists. None are men of the high-tech rocketry, armor and aviation forces that overwhelmed Iraq during the Persian Gulf War, but that isn't what a standing U.N. force is most likely to require.

It needs well-trained professional soldiers willing to go in and restore peace, primarily in brush-fire wars in difficult parts of the world.

Should they be sent without the invitation of a host government? That big political decision underlies the idea of a new, purposeful international law that puts certain principles above untouchable national sovereignty.

The Gurkhas are just what is needed for the base of a U.N. force, and no doubt they are willing. Certainly, they are able.

Menandro M. de Mesa, a former Philippine diplomat living in Kissimmee, is a founder of the Bataan-Corregidor Memorial at the Kissimmee lakefront park.
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June 15 2006 Toronto Star [via Coalition for Darfur] - United Nations: "Army" Proposal to be Presented: This week, a group of academics, former officials and security experts are tabling a proposal they hope will change that by creating an international rapid reaction force that could be deployed within 48 hours of a green light from the United Nations.

June 16 2006 Opinion piece at Townhall.com by Mary Katharine Ham, former Senior Writer and Associate Editor for Townhall.com - We're From the U.N. and We Want Your Guns - President Ronald Reagan once said that the scariest nine words in the English language are "I'm from the government and I'm here to help."

Darfurian Nur covets post of Darfur's Vice President - Darfur rebels turn against each other (David Blair)

If SLM/A's Nur signed the Darfur Peace Agreement, who would take up the position of Vice President, SLM/A's Minnawi or Nur? I've yet to find a news report that answers this question. David Blair, in his Telegraph report from Jebel Marra June 16, 2006 points out that Nur (a Darfurian) is believed to covet the post of Darfur's Vice President. Minnawi (a Chadian) is set to take up the post because, unlike Nur and the other rebel group JEM, he signed the Darfur Peace Agreement. Are they now using their people to slug it out between themselves until winner takes all? Copy of David Blair's report:

On a sun-baked plateau, strewn with razor-sharp volcanic rock, hundreds of Darfur's rebels chanted a new war cry across their desolate mountain stronghold.

"Minni is betraying his people," they cried. "Down with Minni!"

These black African rebels in western Sudan rose against the regime three years ago but they were not denouncing their enemies in Khartoum.

Instead, their target was Minni Minawi, leader of a rival faction of their own Sudan Liberation Army (SLA).

A split in the rebel movement has transformed Darfur's civil war. The battle-lines in this conflict, which has forced at least two million people to flee their homes and claimed up to 300,000 lives, either through violence or disease, were once easy to describe.

The insurgents, drawn largely from Darfur's black African tribes, fought against Sudan's Arab-dominated regime and its notorious "Janjaweed" militias.

Today, by contrast, most of the fighting is taking place within the SLA. Clashes between rival factions account for the great majority of the 50 incidents recorded by the United Nations in the largest of Darfur's three provinces since May 1.

The delivery of aid is already being sabotaged. Rebel commanders have closed the Binasa area to aid workers, denying essential help to about 60,000 people in a region once considered relatively safe.

The signing of a Darfur peace agreement in Nigeria's capital, Abuja, last month triggered the split. Mr Minawi's faction endorsed the deal along with Sudan's regime but Abdul Wahid al-Nur, his main rival within rebel ranks, refused to sign.

Tribal rivalry lies at the heart of the split. Mr Minawi is from the Zaghawa tribe, which has provided most of the fighters in the rebellion, while Mr Nur is from the Fur tribe, the largest among the region's six million people.

The name Darfur means "home of the Fur" and Mr Nur's followers believe they have a special right to denounce the peace deal and continue fighting.

"The Fur are the owners of this land," said Sultan Suleiman Hassab al-Rassoul, who holds sway over a large area of the Jebel Marra mountains, which provide an impregnable fortress for the SLA's Fur faction.

About 300,000 people live here, all under the tight control of leaders such as Sultan Rassoul.

"Please assure the world that all the people here are standing by Abdul Wahid and rejecting the signing of the peace agreement," said the Sultan.

Under the agreement, a larger slice of Sudan's oil revenues would go to Darfur, with Khartoum providing GBP 180 million within 12 months and an extra GBP 120 million every year thereafter.

A politician from Darfur, probably an SLA leader, would occupy the fourth highest position in Sudan's regime, serving as "special adviser" to President Omar al-Bashir.

But Mr Nur is believed to covet the post of vice-president. He also wants more oil money, supposedly to compensate those who have suffered in the fighting.

In their Jebel Marra bases, his rebels proclaim their willingness to fight on. They shy away from the fact that, since the agreement was signed, their principal targets have been other rebels, not the regime.

"If he had signed, he would have betrayed his people," said Salah Adam Tor, who commands SLA forces loyal to Mr Nur in the Finna area of Jebel Marra.

"We are not against peace. We want peace. But it must be a just peace and we will fight to the last until we achieve that." Jebel Marra is filled with those have suffered in this war. Awatif Adam Abar, 34, lost four of her five children when government forces raided her village three years ago, forcing her to flee into the mountains.

An Antonov bomber opened the attack, destroying her home and killing her son, Abdusalaam, eight.

"I was at the well when the bombs fell. I came back to the house and I found Abdusalaam lying dead," she said. "His body was in pieces. I took his head with me. I wanted to bury some part of him in a grave."

Asked what she wanted for her country, Mrs Abar replied: "Peace."
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June 16 2006 Telegraph Timeline of Darfur conflict

AU unveils Darfur Ceasefire Commission (CFC)

The African Union (AU) Thursday announced the inauguration of a new ceasefire commission for monitoring all provisions related to suspension of aggressive actions as stipulated in the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA).

As set out in the DPA, the Darfur Ceasefire Commission (CFC) assumes the responsibility to implement and monitor the ceasefire provisions of the DPA, and other previous agreements between Sudanese parties involved in the armed conflict that racked the western region of Sudan over the last three years.

The AU Commission said that the CFC was launched on 13 June 2006, at the Force Headquarters of the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) in El Fasher, Sudan. - AngolaPress June 16, 2006.

Jun 15 2006 Sudan Tribune - African Union launches ceasefire monitoring body in Darfur: The CFC is the organ responsible for the implementation and monitoring of the ceasefire provisions of the DPA signed on May, and other previous agreements between the Sudanese parties. Ambassador Kingibe announced that efforts will be made to inaugurate the Joint Commission soon, if possible, before the holding of the African Union Summit in Banjul, scheduled for 1-2 July 2006.