The Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU), at its 58th meeting, held at ministerial level, on 27 June 2006, in Banjul, The Gambia, adopted the following decision on the situation in Darfur.
See full text at Sudan Tribune June 29 2006.
Thursday, June 29, 2006
How to put new life into Darfur's Peace Agreement - Pronk
UN SRSG Jan Pronk blog entry 28 June 2006:
There is a significant risk that the Darfur Peace Agreement will collapse. The agreement does not resonate with the people of Darfur. On the contrary, on the ground, especially amongst the displaced persons, it meets more and more resistance. In my view it is a good text, an honest compromise between the extreme positions taken by the parties during the negotiations in Abuja. That is why the UN, like all international partners, has endorsed the agreement. However, in politics objective rational calculations will always be confuted by subjective emotional perceptions and aspirations. And those perceptions are that the agreement does not meet the expectations of the people in Darfur, has been forced upon them and, rather than meeting the interests of all parties somewhere halfway, only strengthens the position of the government and a minority tribe, the Zaghawa.
This perception is a new political fact. Neglecting it would only reinforce the resistance and kill the agreement. It is not yet dead, but severely paralysed. How to put new life into the DPA?
Three steps are necessary. First: timely implementation of what has been agreed. So far, nothing has been done. None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation. The deadlines are tight. During the talks in Abuja we warned against too tight deadlines, which could not be kept, but this was disregarded. The military positions of the parties have not yet been verified; the demilitarized zones, the buffer zones and the humanitarian routes have not yet been demarcated. As a result of this the humanitarian assistance to people in areas to which we did not have full access during he war, cannot be resumed, despite the agreement on paper. The preparations of the Darfur-Darfur dialogue have not yet started. It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier cease fire agreements, and is not meant to be kept. This only reinforces their rejection of the agreement. It is not yet too late to start implementation, but we seem to be running out of time.
The second priority is broadening the circle of support for the peace agreement. In its present form the DPA is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for peace. The present tactic to do so by soliciting the support of splinter groups and by sanctioning those who took the political decision not to sign will not work. We need the support of Abdul Wahid and his followers, who together represent at least two third of the displaced people in the camps. His group may lose some who associate themselves with the DPA (such as some of Abdul Wahid's advisors who came to Addis and did so in a ceremony with much publicity) but at the same time it may gain support amongst people splitting off from Mini Minawi. Quite a few have done so. Minnie Minawi's position may have been strong in Abuja, it is less so in Darfur. His commanders are brutalizing dissenters and his forces do not refrain from human rights violations similar to those of the militia they had fought against.
Efforts to broaden the support for the DPA should not result in losing partners who have already signed. For this reason we should stick to the text of the agreement, but be willing to add a lot. This can be done in all three fields: security, power sharing and wealth sharing. Credible international security guarantees, visible disarmament of the Janjaweed, more money for compensation and a tangible reconstruction of the areas where the refugees and displaced people lived before they were chased away will have to be added soon in order to turn the present agreement into a sustainable pact.
Broadening and implementation should go hand in hand. The necessary additions and refinements should take place in he framework of the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and in the DPA institutions, such as the Cease Fire Commission, the International Joint Committee (to oversee the security arrangements) and the institutions dealing with humanitarian assistance, reconstruction and he preparation of a transitory governance system. However, this requires a fast track towards making these institutions operational. It also requires an inclusive approach. Any further delay and any further exclusion of non-signatories who so far have complied with the agreement, without signing it) would bring us back to the unfortunate situation before 5 May.
Not all international partners are in favour of an all inclusive approach. Some say that Abdul Wahid have missed all opportunities to sign and should be penalized by exclusion from the benefits of the agreement and by sanctions. It is a reaction based on feelings of offence and annoyance. It is short-sighted and counter productive. Only one week before the agreement was reached Abdul Wahid hesitated whether he should sign while Minnie Minawi declared himself to be all out against. During that week the tables were turned. From the USA Zoellick and from the UK Hillary Benn came to the rescue of the agreement and were able to persuade Minnie Minawi that he should sign. Contrary to what some commentators have argued Minnie Minawi was not forced to do so. He took his own decision, under pressure, but in freedom, the same freedom that brought Abdul Wahid to his refusal. However, what the international facilitators had not understood was that the non-signing by the one party was a function of the signing by the other. Configurations within Darfur - identity considerations, tribal motives, historical grounds and power rationale - turned out to be more decisive than the relations with Khartoum. It would have been better if Abdul Wahid would have been persuaded to sign, even knowing that this would stiffen Minnie Minawi in his initial rejection.
This situation can not be reversed. The miscalculation of Abuja can not be undone by another mistake: exchanging Minnie Minawi for Abdul Wahid. It would result in the resumption of hostilities, civilian deaths, displacement, and human rights violations. This is no option. However, sticking to the position of Abuja, for which international mediators, facilitators and observers share the responsibility with the parties, is no option either. The flaw which has been built in the agreement has to be mended.
It is high time. In Darfur the people who are the victims of the war turn against the DPA. Those who are on the side of the government and of the tribes and militia which were responsible for the killings and the atrocities welcome the DPA. If the constituency of Abdul Wahid is not being brought behind the DPA, and if the UN is seen as working together with the government and with Minnie Minawi only, the UN risks to be seen as favoring the wrong side of the conflict.
A transition towards a UN peace keeping force is the third priority in a strategy to save the DPA. Without an effective UN peace force the security of the displaced people and other victims of the war can not be guaranteed. The AU peace force has done a good job but it is too weak. Without such a transition the government will continue to set the conditions for the implementation of the DPA on the ground. A transition towards a UN peace force will only be successful if it can reverse the present conditions of non-implementation and exclusion. That would require a unified approach and a unified command in the humanitarian, civilian, military as well as political sphere.
As I said: it is high time. However, we do need also some time to reflect in order to choose the right approach and to get consensus. A couple of days ago we were given some time. We did not ask for it. On the contrary, we got it against our wish. An official joint high level delegation of the UN and the AU which had come to Khartoum in order to discuss the role of the two organisations in the implementation of the DPA was told by President Bashir that he would not agree with a transition towards a UN peace keeping force in Darfur. "This is final", he said and he repeated these words several times. It is a set back for the people in Darfur. But I do not believe that it is final. What is final will be dictated by the situation on the ground.
- - -
UPDATE:
The press have taken three days to pick up on the above opinion piece. It's the first time I've seen them pay attention to Jan Pronk's Weblog - even though it is a great blog with superb pictures.
July 1 2006 Reuters Opheera McDoom UN envoy calls for changes to Darfur peace plan: Sudan's top U.N. official has said the Darfur peace deal should be amended to meet key rebel demands to save the foundering agreement, in an apparent shift from his previous statements.
Jan Pronk, on his Internet blog, said international guarantees of security, a more visible disarmament of the Arab militia and more compensation for war victims needed to be added to the pact.
All these have been demanded by two rebel factions who refused to sign the May 5 deal. Angry protests have erupted in some Darfur refugee camps against the agreement.
"None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation," Pronk said in his blog, seen by Reuters on Saturday and dated June 28.
July 1 2006 BBC UN envoy attacks Darfur agreement: The head of the United Nations mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, has said the Darfur peace agreement is in danger of collapse and needs re-writing. Writing his weblog, Mr Pronk called for security guarantees, more disarmament, and more compensation for victims. He said the pact does not resonate with the people of Darfur, describing it as "severely paralysed".
July 1 2006 Sudan Tribune Darfur agreement is severely paralysed
July 2 2006 inthenews.co.uk Annan: Darfur out of control: The AU's mandate in Darfur ends in the autumn, but the situation was today confused by the head of the UN's mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, who has criticised the Darfur peace agreement (DPA) signed earlier this year, despite originally being one of its main proponents. 'It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier ceasefire agreements, and is not meant to be kept,' he said on his personal website.
There is a significant risk that the Darfur Peace Agreement will collapse. The agreement does not resonate with the people of Darfur. On the contrary, on the ground, especially amongst the displaced persons, it meets more and more resistance. In my view it is a good text, an honest compromise between the extreme positions taken by the parties during the negotiations in Abuja. That is why the UN, like all international partners, has endorsed the agreement. However, in politics objective rational calculations will always be confuted by subjective emotional perceptions and aspirations. And those perceptions are that the agreement does not meet the expectations of the people in Darfur, has been forced upon them and, rather than meeting the interests of all parties somewhere halfway, only strengthens the position of the government and a minority tribe, the Zaghawa.
This perception is a new political fact. Neglecting it would only reinforce the resistance and kill the agreement. It is not yet dead, but severely paralysed. How to put new life into the DPA?
Three steps are necessary. First: timely implementation of what has been agreed. So far, nothing has been done. None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation. The deadlines are tight. During the talks in Abuja we warned against too tight deadlines, which could not be kept, but this was disregarded. The military positions of the parties have not yet been verified; the demilitarized zones, the buffer zones and the humanitarian routes have not yet been demarcated. As a result of this the humanitarian assistance to people in areas to which we did not have full access during he war, cannot be resumed, despite the agreement on paper. The preparations of the Darfur-Darfur dialogue have not yet started. It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier cease fire agreements, and is not meant to be kept. This only reinforces their rejection of the agreement. It is not yet too late to start implementation, but we seem to be running out of time.
The second priority is broadening the circle of support for the peace agreement. In its present form the DPA is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for peace. The present tactic to do so by soliciting the support of splinter groups and by sanctioning those who took the political decision not to sign will not work. We need the support of Abdul Wahid and his followers, who together represent at least two third of the displaced people in the camps. His group may lose some who associate themselves with the DPA (such as some of Abdul Wahid's advisors who came to Addis and did so in a ceremony with much publicity) but at the same time it may gain support amongst people splitting off from Mini Minawi. Quite a few have done so. Minnie Minawi's position may have been strong in Abuja, it is less so in Darfur. His commanders are brutalizing dissenters and his forces do not refrain from human rights violations similar to those of the militia they had fought against.
Efforts to broaden the support for the DPA should not result in losing partners who have already signed. For this reason we should stick to the text of the agreement, but be willing to add a lot. This can be done in all three fields: security, power sharing and wealth sharing. Credible international security guarantees, visible disarmament of the Janjaweed, more money for compensation and a tangible reconstruction of the areas where the refugees and displaced people lived before they were chased away will have to be added soon in order to turn the present agreement into a sustainable pact.
Broadening and implementation should go hand in hand. The necessary additions and refinements should take place in he framework of the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and in the DPA institutions, such as the Cease Fire Commission, the International Joint Committee (to oversee the security arrangements) and the institutions dealing with humanitarian assistance, reconstruction and he preparation of a transitory governance system. However, this requires a fast track towards making these institutions operational. It also requires an inclusive approach. Any further delay and any further exclusion of non-signatories who so far have complied with the agreement, without signing it) would bring us back to the unfortunate situation before 5 May.
Not all international partners are in favour of an all inclusive approach. Some say that Abdul Wahid have missed all opportunities to sign and should be penalized by exclusion from the benefits of the agreement and by sanctions. It is a reaction based on feelings of offence and annoyance. It is short-sighted and counter productive. Only one week before the agreement was reached Abdul Wahid hesitated whether he should sign while Minnie Minawi declared himself to be all out against. During that week the tables were turned. From the USA Zoellick and from the UK Hillary Benn came to the rescue of the agreement and were able to persuade Minnie Minawi that he should sign. Contrary to what some commentators have argued Minnie Minawi was not forced to do so. He took his own decision, under pressure, but in freedom, the same freedom that brought Abdul Wahid to his refusal. However, what the international facilitators had not understood was that the non-signing by the one party was a function of the signing by the other. Configurations within Darfur - identity considerations, tribal motives, historical grounds and power rationale - turned out to be more decisive than the relations with Khartoum. It would have been better if Abdul Wahid would have been persuaded to sign, even knowing that this would stiffen Minnie Minawi in his initial rejection.
This situation can not be reversed. The miscalculation of Abuja can not be undone by another mistake: exchanging Minnie Minawi for Abdul Wahid. It would result in the resumption of hostilities, civilian deaths, displacement, and human rights violations. This is no option. However, sticking to the position of Abuja, for which international mediators, facilitators and observers share the responsibility with the parties, is no option either. The flaw which has been built in the agreement has to be mended.
It is high time. In Darfur the people who are the victims of the war turn against the DPA. Those who are on the side of the government and of the tribes and militia which were responsible for the killings and the atrocities welcome the DPA. If the constituency of Abdul Wahid is not being brought behind the DPA, and if the UN is seen as working together with the government and with Minnie Minawi only, the UN risks to be seen as favoring the wrong side of the conflict.
A transition towards a UN peace keeping force is the third priority in a strategy to save the DPA. Without an effective UN peace force the security of the displaced people and other victims of the war can not be guaranteed. The AU peace force has done a good job but it is too weak. Without such a transition the government will continue to set the conditions for the implementation of the DPA on the ground. A transition towards a UN peace force will only be successful if it can reverse the present conditions of non-implementation and exclusion. That would require a unified approach and a unified command in the humanitarian, civilian, military as well as political sphere.
As I said: it is high time. However, we do need also some time to reflect in order to choose the right approach and to get consensus. A couple of days ago we were given some time. We did not ask for it. On the contrary, we got it against our wish. An official joint high level delegation of the UN and the AU which had come to Khartoum in order to discuss the role of the two organisations in the implementation of the DPA was told by President Bashir that he would not agree with a transition towards a UN peace keeping force in Darfur. "This is final", he said and he repeated these words several times. It is a set back for the people in Darfur. But I do not believe that it is final. What is final will be dictated by the situation on the ground.
- - -
UPDATE:
The press have taken three days to pick up on the above opinion piece. It's the first time I've seen them pay attention to Jan Pronk's Weblog - even though it is a great blog with superb pictures.
July 1 2006 Reuters Opheera McDoom UN envoy calls for changes to Darfur peace plan: Sudan's top U.N. official has said the Darfur peace deal should be amended to meet key rebel demands to save the foundering agreement, in an apparent shift from his previous statements.
Jan Pronk, on his Internet blog, said international guarantees of security, a more visible disarmament of the Arab militia and more compensation for war victims needed to be added to the pact.
All these have been demanded by two rebel factions who refused to sign the May 5 deal. Angry protests have erupted in some Darfur refugee camps against the agreement.
"None of the deadlines agreed in the text of the agreement has been met. The African Union is in charge but it clearly lacks the capacity to lead the process of implementation," Pronk said in his blog, seen by Reuters on Saturday and dated June 28.
July 1 2006 BBC UN envoy attacks Darfur agreement: The head of the United Nations mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, has said the Darfur peace agreement is in danger of collapse and needs re-writing. Writing his weblog, Mr Pronk called for security guarantees, more disarmament, and more compensation for victims. He said the pact does not resonate with the people of Darfur, describing it as "severely paralysed".
July 1 2006 Sudan Tribune Darfur agreement is severely paralysed
July 2 2006 inthenews.co.uk Annan: Darfur out of control: The AU's mandate in Darfur ends in the autumn, but the situation was today confused by the head of the UN's mission in Sudan, Jan Pronk, who has criticised the Darfur peace agreement (DPA) signed earlier this year, despite originally being one of its main proponents. 'It is no wonder that the people in Darfur get the idea that the DPA is just another text without substance, like earlier ceasefire agreements, and is not meant to be kept,' he said on his personal website.
AU to discuss democracy charter
African Union foreign ministers meeting in the Gambian capital, Banjul, are to discuss proposals for a charter on democracy and governance, BBC reported today. The report says the AU is supposed to suspend governments which take power by arms.
What about rebel groups taking power by arms? Why are they free to come and go as they please? One wonders what they say to European and American Immgration authorities when asked to declare occupation, finances and reason for entry. Surely it's about time travel bans were slapped on rebels who refuse to make peace.
What about rebel groups taking power by arms? Why are they free to come and go as they please? One wonders what they say to European and American Immgration authorities when asked to declare occupation, finances and reason for entry. Surely it's about time travel bans were slapped on rebels who refuse to make peace.
Wednesday, June 28, 2006
Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) plotting another rally to demand UN force in Darfur
Bad news. Save Darfur Coalition (Washington, DC) is plotting another rally to demand the UN to deploy a peacekeeping force in Darfur. The warmongering organisers of Save Darfur Coalition must know what message this sends to the Darfur rebels. I think America's bolstering of the rebels means the insurgents won't have to make peace in Darfur for a very long time. Pity the poor women and children of Darfur. God help them all - who else is really on their side?
Organizers of April's Save Darfur rally are planning another event for September, JTA reported June 28, 2006 - excerpt:
- - -
Email received today from Human Rights First aka H.O.P.E. for Darfur: Help Organise Peace Envoy [they say their campaign grows out of HRF's work with Dr Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, a leading human rights defender in Darfur]
Ingrid, Darfurians are losing hope. Promised a better future with the May peace agreement, they've only seen more violence. But you can make a difference by taking action today.
Our concerns about the continued killings in Darfur have been deepened by unfortunate news on the home front: two U.S. officials who have shaped our nation's leadership role on the crisis in Sudan are leaving government service. The engagement of Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick and the President's special adviser Michael Gerson sent a strong message - to Khartoum and the world - that Darfur is a priority of the Bush Administration.
Will you join us in urging President Bush to immediately fill this gap by appointing an influential and high-level official to coordinate the U.S. response to the Darfur crisis?
Click here to ensure that Darfur remains a priority for President Bush.
http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/dont_forget/iudww6e2hj7ei6t?
Already, the departure of these two U.S. officials is being felt. Just when pressure from the U.S. is more important than ever, the U.S. government is not playing the critical role on Darfur that it has for the past several months.
A high-level official would take up where Mr. Zoellick and Mr. Gerson left off - expressing the will of the President and showing the resolve of the U.S. government to end the crisis.
We should be clear: Human Rights First is still calling on Secretary-General Annan to appoint a U.N. Special Envoy for Peace in Darfur. We believe the best hope for peace is a coordinated international response - an effort led by a U.N. envoy. But this envoy needs influential contacts within the world's most powerful governments - especially the United States.
Tell President Bush to immediately appoint a senior-level official to fill the gap left by recent departures.
At this critical juncture, your voice will make a difference! Thank you so much for helping us address this human rights tragedy.
Jill Savitt
Director of Campaigns
Human Rights First
Organizers of April's Save Darfur rally are planning another event for September, JTA reported June 28, 2006 - excerpt:
The second protest to draw attention to the continuing genocide in Sudan will be held in New York City on Sept. 17.[Europe eh? Bug off, you bunch of warmongering nutters]
Like its predecessor, the rally will be orchestrated by the Save Darfur Coalition, a collection of 150 faith-based advocacy and humanitarian aid organizations.
Discussions also are in place to stage rallies across the country that day, as well as in Europe and Canada.
Unlike the first rally, which was aimed at President Bush and policymakers on Capitol Hill, this event will court a more international audience, and will focus on the demand for the United Nations to deploy a peacekeeping force to Darfur.
- - -
Email received today from Human Rights First aka H.O.P.E. for Darfur: Help Organise Peace Envoy [they say their campaign grows out of HRF's work with Dr Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, a leading human rights defender in Darfur]
Ingrid, Darfurians are losing hope. Promised a better future with the May peace agreement, they've only seen more violence. But you can make a difference by taking action today.
Our concerns about the continued killings in Darfur have been deepened by unfortunate news on the home front: two U.S. officials who have shaped our nation's leadership role on the crisis in Sudan are leaving government service. The engagement of Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick and the President's special adviser Michael Gerson sent a strong message - to Khartoum and the world - that Darfur is a priority of the Bush Administration.
Will you join us in urging President Bush to immediately fill this gap by appointing an influential and high-level official to coordinate the U.S. response to the Darfur crisis?
Click here to ensure that Darfur remains a priority for President Bush.
http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/dont_forget/iudww6e2hj7ei6t?
Already, the departure of these two U.S. officials is being felt. Just when pressure from the U.S. is more important than ever, the U.S. government is not playing the critical role on Darfur that it has for the past several months.
A high-level official would take up where Mr. Zoellick and Mr. Gerson left off - expressing the will of the President and showing the resolve of the U.S. government to end the crisis.
We should be clear: Human Rights First is still calling on Secretary-General Annan to appoint a U.N. Special Envoy for Peace in Darfur. We believe the best hope for peace is a coordinated international response - an effort led by a U.N. envoy. But this envoy needs influential contacts within the world's most powerful governments - especially the United States.
Tell President Bush to immediately appoint a senior-level official to fill the gap left by recent departures.
At this critical juncture, your voice will make a difference! Thank you so much for helping us address this human rights tragedy.
Jill Savitt
Director of Campaigns
Human Rights First
Eritrea objects to deployment of UN forces in Darfur
Sudan Vision report via African News Dimension June 28, 2006:
Eritrea said it categorically rejects deployment of International Forces in Darfur, stressing that the solution should be a purely Sudanese one.
The Eritrean President Advisor Abdalla Jabir added that stability in Sudan is part of that of Eritrea, affirming that intervention in Darfur or eastern Sudan destabilizes the whole region.
Jabir added that replacement of AU Forces will further complicate the problem. He further pointed out that Eritrea has some reservations on the Abuja talks as to the non-attendance by some parties of these talks. Darfurians should be consulted in order for them to decide on their own affairs, he noted.
Jabir denied news that Eritrea has put forward an initiative aimed at bringing President Al Bashir, VP Kiir and the Darfurian Movements to meet.
Why has Eric Reeves pushed for military intervention in Darfur knowing humanitarian access will be severed and civilian destruction will be massive?
In his opinion piece June 28, 2006 - "Meaning of Khartoum's suspension of humanitarian access to Darfur" - Eric Reeves says Khartoum's decision to suspend most of the UN's humanitarian operations in Darfur for two days had little to do with the reason offered by the regime. Snippets from the piece:
To be sure, Khartoum's vicious Military Intelligence was angry that the UN moved Jamous without permission. ... Khartoum's action was, in effect, a pointed threat:So, why has Eric Reeves over the last two years relentlessly pushed for military intervention in Darfur? I don't get it, unless he is onside with SLM-Nur. Note, in the piece he criticises the AU, SLA-Minnawi and the Darfur Peace Agreement but not SLM-Nur or JEM. Why would an American academic in Boston, MA, USA who networks with USAID and many others in America and Sudan, fight (with a pen) onside with SLM-Nur? A pen can be mightier than a sword."We have the power to shut down humanitarian operations overnight --- and completely. The present suspension was simply a warning, a reminder. But if we are pressed, if our most consequential claims of national sovereignty are ignored, if the UN should demand that we accept a force capable of protecting civilians and humanitarians, then we will respond much more severely the next time."There should be no doubt about the deadly seriousness of Khartoum's threat, or about the ghastly history that stands as its guarantor.
This apparently technical obstructionism has terribly real consequences for desperately needy human beings. ... Of one thing we may be sure: if war comes, then humanitarian access will be severed altogether, and civilian destruction will be massive.
African Union Mission in Darfur ends September 30, 2006
According to an unsourced article at the SudanTribune (Paris) June 27, 2006, a press statement says a faction within SLM-Minnawi suspends Darfur Peace Agreement implementation provoking a tacit split against its leader Minni Minnawi who signed the peace deal.
Also today, an Associated Press report via Sudan Tribune tells us UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan hopes AU will pressure Sudan on UN peacekeepers - excerpt:
Surely such reports, along with the army of rebel supporters in America - not to mention their calls for UN troops - bolsters the rebels, giving them the confidence to hold out. Who is really on the side of the long suffering civilians in Sudan? There's a big pot of gold at stake for rebels. Three years of war in Darfur have now passed while another generation of Sudanese youngsters grow up without ever receiving an education. If those children resort to making a living through theft and murder (many in Darfur's SLA rebel group are as young as 16) when will the cycle of violence, fighting and war in the Sudan ever be broken?
Today, a BBC report reminds us the AU Darfur mission ends in three months - excerpt:
Also today, an Associated Press report via Sudan Tribune tells us UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan hopes AU will pressure Sudan on UN peacekeepers - excerpt:
Despite al-Bashir's rejection of a UN force, Annan said he is not giving up ... "In politics, words like 'never' and 'forever' do not exist," Annan told reporters. "We have seen leaders say lots of things, but they also find reasons and ways to adapt, to shift, to change direction, and often forget that they have used the word 'never.'"Surely such a statement coming from Kofi Annan is music to the rebels' ears. UN mediation and UN troops are what the Darfur rebels have wanted all along.
Surely such reports, along with the army of rebel supporters in America - not to mention their calls for UN troops - bolsters the rebels, giving them the confidence to hold out. Who is really on the side of the long suffering civilians in Sudan? There's a big pot of gold at stake for rebels. Three years of war in Darfur have now passed while another generation of Sudanese youngsters grow up without ever receiving an education. If those children resort to making a living through theft and murder (many in Darfur's SLA rebel group are as young as 16) when will the cycle of violence, fighting and war in the Sudan ever be broken?
Today, a BBC report reminds us the AU Darfur mission ends in three months - excerpt:
The peacekeepers will leave by the end of September [30] even if there is no agreement on replacing it with a United Nations force, an AU meeting agreed.See comments at BBC's Have Your Say: What should the African Union leaders do?
Sudan is vehemently against this move, but UN boss Kofi Annan hopes to change their mind at this weekend's AU summit.
South Africa's foreign minister said the AU did not have the money to continue even if it wanted to.
But the UN head of peacekeeping, Jean-Marie Guehenno, says the UN is committed to bolstering the AU mission.
"Whatever happens our mandate ends on 30 September unless there are new developments in the discussions between the Sudan and the UN," said South Africa's Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlaminini Zuma, who chaired an AU Peace and Security Council meeting on the subject.
"For us that mandate should end and the UN should be the one who takes over."
The meeting took place ahead of an AU heads of state summit in The Gambia.
In a separate move, the head of UN peacekeeping Jean-Marie Guehenno has said the UN will strengthen its support for the AU Darfur mission. But, he gave no details.
"We believe that the United Nations can help the African mission," he told reporters at the UN after returning from an assessment mission in Sudan.
"We did not get any objection from the government of Sudan so we are going to work in earnest on that."
Tuesday, June 27, 2006
Think Piece: Will UN troops in Darfur make things more "humanitarian" than they are right now?
Another great blog entry by Drima, The Sudanese Thinker: Bashir & Kofi Anan: The Head Banging Continues. Excerpt:
June 26 2006 Reuters report - Congo militia threaten to execute UN peacekeepers: Congolese militia linked to gunmen holding seven Nepalese U.N. peacekeepers hostage on Monday threatened to order their execution after clashes last week.
June 27 2006 BBC Chad rebels 'launch CAR attack': Peacekeepers from a regional body were also involved in the clashes with "heavily armed" rebels in the north, the interior ministry says.
Even the American troops in Iraq are having trouble controling terrorists and the insurgency and you think your great almighty UN troops will have it easy in Darfur? The answer is NO! You talk about intervention because of humanitarian purposes. I guess when your troops get sent they will make things more "humanitarian" than they are right now. How sweet and caring? I do realize many of you out there are supporting intervention and I sincerely thank you all for that. Do you know why? It's because I know your intentions are sincere. I know you mean well and I know you want to help but I ask you all to step back for a while and stop reading so called "facts" about Darfur. If I were reading those same "facts" my position would be like yours and that's why I don't blame you. I blame those making money publishing such "great knowledge" for all of us to consume. I blame those leveraging this issue to make a name for themselves.- - -
June 26 2006 Reuters report - Congo militia threaten to execute UN peacekeepers: Congolese militia linked to gunmen holding seven Nepalese U.N. peacekeepers hostage on Monday threatened to order their execution after clashes last week.
June 27 2006 BBC Chad rebels 'launch CAR attack': Peacekeepers from a regional body were also involved in the clashes with "heavily armed" rebels in the north, the interior ministry says.
Sudanese President condemns West's meddling
Sudan Prez Condemns West Meddling - Prensa Latina. June 27, 2006 - excerpt:
Photo released by the United Nations shows refugees at the Kalma Camp in south Darfur, in 2005. Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir said his country could assume peacekeeping operations in war-torn Darfur, state media reported, in a fresh rebuff of the UN's deployment plan. (AFP/UN-HO/File/Evan Schneider 26 June 2006)
Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir slammed the West interference in his country through the UN with the pretext of imposing peace in Darfur, which is rich in oil, diamonds, uranium and minerals.- - -
In a meeting with deputies of the governing National Congress Party, in presence of some ministers, Al Bashir asserted he would rather be a leader of the resistance than a president of a nation where multinational forces are deployed.
The Sudanese president made it clear he would not allow stationing blue helmets in Darfur, as that zone cannot be become an Iraq, where the UN-backed West has solved nothing.
I really regret the United Nations has joined the tricks of powerful governments to intervene in Sudan, especially in Darfur, he noted.
Al Bashir also urged rebel groups in Sudan's west to join the peace agreements of May 13, 2006.
Photo released by the United Nations shows refugees at the Kalma Camp in south Darfur, in 2005. Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir said his country could assume peacekeeping operations in war-torn Darfur, state media reported, in a fresh rebuff of the UN's deployment plan. (AFP/UN-HO/File/Evan Schneider 26 June 2006)
Human Rights Watch wants more troops in Darfur
From Human Rights Watch: Darfur: Send More Troops to Protect Civilians [via CFD] excerpt:
Photo: An African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) platoon leaves Zamzam base to patrol just south of El-Fasher in Darfur, 09 June 2006. Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir said his country could assume peacekeeping operations in Darfur, state media reported, in a fresh rebuff of the UN's deployment plan. (AFP/File/Charles Onians 26 June 2006)
African leaders meeting at the African Union summit on July 1 and 2 must contribute more troops to protect civilians in Darfur and urge Sudan to consent to a UN force in Darfur, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to the leaders.[When did the Sudanese government say it would support the transition to a UN force? How can the Sudanese government renege on a commitment it never made? See June 22 2006 Sudan Watch entry: Human Rights Watch incorrectly says Khartoum is backtracking]
"Violence is rising, and additional African forces are needed to reinforce the 7,000 troops now on the ground, so they can better protect civilians," Peter Takirambudde, said Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "The AU council must equip AMIS to robustly and proactively protect civilians," said Takirambudde. "The alarming deterioration in security in Darfur means that even if Khartoum agrees to a UN force tomorrow, AMIS needs more support and capacity now." [edit]
The Sudanese government initially said it would support the transition to a UN force, but only after a peace agreement was reached; now it has reneged on that commitment. On June 20, President Omar al-Bashir said Sudan would never allow UN troops into Darfur, even though a UN force of almost 10,000 is already in Sudan to support the 2005 peace agreement ending the 21-year war waged mostly in the south.
"African leaders should tell Khartoum to accept a UN force," said Takirambudde. "The AU has transferred to UN forces in Burundi and elsewhere in Africa; why should Sudan be different?"
Photo: An African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) platoon leaves Zamzam base to patrol just south of El-Fasher in Darfur, 09 June 2006. Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir said his country could assume peacekeeping operations in Darfur, state media reported, in a fresh rebuff of the UN's deployment plan. (AFP/File/Charles Onians 26 June 2006)
Chad: Deployment by UN urged by Amnesty International and France
The UN must consider deploying international forces to eastern Chad, both Amnesty International and the French government are warning, the Financial Times reported June 27, 2006.
See full report Chad: Deployment by UN Urged [via CFD, with thanks]
Note the report points out that France is advocating the possibility of international policing in the camps and aerial surveillance.
See full report Chad: Deployment by UN Urged [via CFD, with thanks]
Note the report points out that France is advocating the possibility of international policing in the camps and aerial surveillance.
Chad/CAR: Chadian rebels attack Central African Republic
Chadian rebels have launched a raid in NE Central African Republic, clashing with government troops and African peacekeepers, the Defence Ministry said on Tuesday, Reuters, AFP, BBC reported. Excerpt:
A BBC correspondent says rebels from Chad and CAR have formed an alliance.[via Coalition for Darfur, with thanks]
The BBC's Joseph Benamsse in the CAR capital, Bangui, says the Chadian rebels want to be left alone in the remote northern region.
Brian Steidle writes a book about his experience in Sudan
Dartmouth Online Brother and Sister Tackle Crisis via CFD. Excerpt:
Before earning her Masters in Business Administration from the Tuck School of Business in 2001, Wallace graduated from the University of Virginia and then went on to work for an investment banking firm that specialized in development in poor countries. While at Tuck, she founded the Allwin Initiative for Corporate Citizenship, aimed at promoting corporate responsibility and ethics. She started the non-profit organization Global Grassroots, which seeks to promote women's rights and combat poverty in the third world, and she is in the process of completing a documentary film illustrating the plight of female refugees who fled Darfur.
Her brother, after graduating from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in 1999, joined the United States Marine Corps and completed his service in 2003. He scanned the internet for a job that interested him, and after touring the world with the Marines, he looked beyond desk jobs.
"I don't know where the trigger is on the stapler," he quipped.
Steidle applied for a position with the Joint Military Commission in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan and received his acceptance and plane tickets within days. After working his way up to Senior Operations Officer, he moved west in Sudan to work for the African Union in Darfur. In March 2005 he testified in Congress and is now writing a book to be published this spring about his experiences in Sudan.
International Crisis Group stands by its irresponsible analysis - Dave Mozersky is ICG's Sudan researcher
June 26, 2006 Reuters/WP report excerpt:
Jun 25 2006 AU reacts to ICG report on Darfur peace deal - Bravo to the African Union for its speedy response to serious misinformation published by International Crisis Group; More meddlesome armchair critics
Jun 25 2006 What matters is what the majority of Sudanese think the UN's intentions are - so far they all believe the UN's intentions are sinister - Why spread and market such garbage? This isn't helpful. In order to solve a problem, one must understand it well first. Such distorted information only adds to the problem.
Jun 26 2006 United Nations Sudan Situation Report 24 - 25 Jun 2006
The International Crisis Group 'Policy Briefing' on Darfur contains some serious errors of fact and interpretation, which are extremely unhelpful to the process of implementation," the AU said in a seven-page reply, seen by Reuters on Monday.[Who do these foreign armchair critics think they are, undermining fragile peace talks and ceasefire agreements?]
ICG said it stood by its analysis:
"The security situation continues to be extremely worrisome," said Dave Mozersky, ICG's Sudan researcher.
"Implementation of the (deal) is likely to be challenged by a combination of government unwillingness, rebel divisions and unwillingness of the international community to stand up for a sufficiently robust peacekeeping force," he added.
Jun 25 2006 AU reacts to ICG report on Darfur peace deal - Bravo to the African Union for its speedy response to serious misinformation published by International Crisis Group; More meddlesome armchair critics
Jun 25 2006 What matters is what the majority of Sudanese think the UN's intentions are - so far they all believe the UN's intentions are sinister - Why spread and market such garbage? This isn't helpful. In order to solve a problem, one must understand it well first. Such distorted information only adds to the problem.
Jun 26 2006 United Nations Sudan Situation Report 24 - 25 Jun 2006
United Nations Sudan Situation Report 24 - 25 Jun 2006
Report by United Nations Country Team in Sudan 25 June 2006, via ReliefWeb. Security situation:
North Darfur
UNDSS reported that the Head of SAF Military Intelligence (MI) for the Darfurs indicated that all UNMIS flights coming into the Darfurs will be prohibited from landing. All UNMIS aircraft that are now based in the Darfurs will not be granted permission to take off except in emergency and medical situations with prior special permission from MI. UNDSS advised that until further notice UNMIS Air Operations will suspend all flights coming into the Darfurs.
South Darfur
NSTR
West Darfur
On 23 June, Chadian armed Opposition Group (CAOG) force moved from El Geneina towards the border area. The local population observed CAOG force with about 30-50 vehicles near Dockit Hills (approximately 1 km east of Adi Kong). On 24 June, clashes were reported between CAOG and the Chadian army (FANT) in the vicinity of Tandulti (45 km NW of El Geneina), Gellu (30 km NW of El Geneina) and Adi Kong (25 km W of El Geneina).
North Darfur
UNDSS reported that the Head of SAF Military Intelligence (MI) for the Darfurs indicated that all UNMIS flights coming into the Darfurs will be prohibited from landing. All UNMIS aircraft that are now based in the Darfurs will not be granted permission to take off except in emergency and medical situations with prior special permission from MI. UNDSS advised that until further notice UNMIS Air Operations will suspend all flights coming into the Darfurs.
South Darfur
NSTR
West Darfur
On 23 June, Chadian armed Opposition Group (CAOG) force moved from El Geneina towards the border area. The local population observed CAOG force with about 30-50 vehicles near Dockit Hills (approximately 1 km east of Adi Kong). On 24 June, clashes were reported between CAOG and the Chadian army (FANT) in the vicinity of Tandulti (45 km NW of El Geneina), Gellu (30 km NW of El Geneina) and Adi Kong (25 km W of El Geneina).
Monday, June 26, 2006
SPLM northern sector spokesperson Walid Hamid resigns
The SPLM's spokesperson of the northern sector, Walid Hamid, resigned last Thursday. Different sources within the SPLM said there are ongoing discussions to persuade him to withdrew his decision.
Hamid attributed his resignation to “the organisational dysfunction within the SPLM institutions. - SudanTribune article (unsourced) 27 June 2006.
Hamid attributed his resignation to “the organisational dysfunction within the SPLM institutions. - SudanTribune article (unsourced) 27 June 2006.
Thousands of protestors gathered in Khartoum to protest against UN and its proposed peacekeepers
A demonstration (see above AFP/Isam al-Hag photo) was organised in Khartoum during which thousands of pro-regime youths chanted slogans against the world body and its plans to deploy Nato-backed peacekeepers to Darfur, Sapa-AFP (Mohammed Ali Seed, Khartoum) reported June 26, 2006. Excerpt:
Up to 5,000 protesters, mainly from the youth and student organisations of the ruling National Congress, gathered in front of parliament in Khartoum Sunday to protest against the proposed deployment.[via IOL, CFD, POTP, with thanks]
"Down, Down United Nations", "Down, Down, USA", "We will not be ruled by the CIA", they chanted, as some of them torched a life-size dummy with the words UN and USA inscribed on it.
"The experience of foreign intervention in other countries, including Iraq, shows that it is not in the interest of the people," Ali Yehya, the speaker of the Council of States, the upper house of parliament, told the crowds.
Photo (Sudan Watch archives) Sudanese residents living in the Chadian capital N'djamena burn an effigy representing Sudanese President Omar el-Bashir, Friday, April 21, 2006 during a protest condemning the situation in Darfur.
Photo: Thousands of Sudanese protest against UN force Mar 8, 2006. See full report Protests over Darfur peacekeepers.
Feb 28 2006 UN envoy Jan Pronk cites Al-Qaeda threats to his own life and non-African UN troops deployed to Sudan's Darfur
Mar 8 2006 Sudanese students offers reward for head of UN envoy
Mar 24 2006 Jan Pronk's weblog accuses Sudanese government of a political campaign against the United Nations
May 7 2006 Protests greet UN's Egeland in Darfur, before Gereida visit
Sudan removes suspension of UN operations in Darfur
Storm in a tea cup? Whenever strange news stories like this appear, it makes one wonder if it's blown out of proportion by Khartoum to deflect the media away from a bigger story, like a Janjaweed attack or GoS bombing raid. [Afterthought: or a flap about something else going. I guess we'll never know what really goes on behind the scenes of a civil war]
A few minutes ago, IRIN reported that UNMIS air operations have suspended all Darfur flights until further notice, after the head of military intelligence of the Sudanese armed forces indicated that all UNMIS flights coming to Darfur would be prohibited from landing.
Photo: Rebel commander, Suleiman Mohamed Jamous, was the humanitarian coordinator for the SLM/A before it split in November 2005 and the main rebel contact for the approximately 14,000 humanitarian aid workers in Darfur. Jamous was a member of Minni Minnawi's SLM/A faction who signed the Darfur Peace Agreement on 5 May, but was imprisoned by that same faction for his opposition to the peace deal. (IRIN)
Shortly after the above report hit the news wires, an unsourced article at Sudan Tribune June 26, 2006 appeared, saying:
Half an hour later, Sudan Tribune published a fresh reprint entitled Sudan lifts suspension of UN operations in Darfur.
Here's another peeve about the Sudan Tribune: not knowing who is behind it and why they feel the need to remain anonymous. Simply listing themselves as "Sudan Tribune.com Ltd," their "About us" says:
A few minutes ago, IRIN reported that UNMIS air operations have suspended all Darfur flights until further notice, after the head of military intelligence of the Sudanese armed forces indicated that all UNMIS flights coming to Darfur would be prohibited from landing.
Photo: Rebel commander, Suleiman Mohamed Jamous, was the humanitarian coordinator for the SLM/A before it split in November 2005 and the main rebel contact for the approximately 14,000 humanitarian aid workers in Darfur. Jamous was a member of Minni Minnawi's SLM/A faction who signed the Darfur Peace Agreement on 5 May, but was imprisoned by that same faction for his opposition to the peace deal. (IRIN)
Shortly after the above report hit the news wires, an unsourced article at Sudan Tribune June 26, 2006 appeared, saying:
The Sudanese Foreign Minister spokesperson Jamal Ibrahim said in an interview with the French Language RFI, that the head of the United Nation Mission in Sudan Jan Pronk had indicated in a meeting Monday that the transport of Darfur rebel leader Suleiman Jamous was made in good faith and in humanitarian bases.Some ten minutes later, the Sudan Tribune had edited its report with a correction notice. The report now states the following text (which sounds more plausible because from what I'd gathered yesterday, Mr Pronk is currently in Europe, not Sudan) and instead of Mr Pronk's photo depicted earlier, shows this one of Taye-Brook Zerihoun:
He further said Pronk had reiterated his engagement to respect agreement between Sudan and the United Nation and to notify details of UN flights to the Sudanese aviation authorities as it is stipulated in the agreement.
"Sudan has accepted the clarifications presented by the UN envoy and the suspension is removed" said the Sudanese official.
Sudan removes suspension of UN operations in Darfur - Correction: Please note that the meeting was held with Mr Taye-Brook Zerihoun, the Principal Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General.Note, I'm taking this opportunity to say the Sudan Tribune regularly publishes reprints of reports without crediting sources. It's annoying to have to work the sources of their reprints. Why don't they name their sources? It makes them appear sloppy and dodgy. The word plagiarism [the act of appropriating the literary composition of another author, or excerpts, ideas, or passages therefrom, and passing the material off as one's own creation] springs to mind here.
The Sudanese Foreign Minister spokesperson Jamal Ibrahim said in an interview with the French Language RFI, that the Principal Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Taye-Brook Zerihoun, had indicated in a meeting Monday with acting Foreign Minister Sidiq Mutaraf that the transport of Darfur rebel leader Suleiman Jamous was made in good faith and in humanitarian bases.
He further said Zerihoum had reiterated his engagement to respect agreement between Sudan and the United Nation and to notify details of UN flights to the Sudanese aviation authorities as it is stipulated in the agreement.
"Sudan has accepted the clarifications presented by the UN deputy envoy and the suspension is removed" said the Sudanese official.
Half an hour later, Sudan Tribune published a fresh reprint entitled Sudan lifts suspension of UN operations in Darfur.
Here's another peeve about the Sudan Tribune: not knowing who is behind it and why they feel the need to remain anonymous. Simply listing themselves as "Sudan Tribune.com Ltd," their "About us" says:
"SudanTribune is a non profit web site based in France. Its goals are to promote plural information, democratic and free debate on Sudan. Contacts: More information, comments ... please contact us [they simply provide an email address contact@sudantribune.com]I am noting this issue now because it has niggled me for a few years and I'm starting to notice biases in their selection of reports, especially when it comes to particular rebel groups. I hate propaganda. This is a personal weblog, I can say whatever I wish. I do not claim to be a writer, journalist, whaterver. I'm not trying to manipulate news. I'm simply interested in learning the truth of matters and, as far as is possible, to know what is really going on. I do not care to be indoctrinated by people with hidden agendas and/or a religious and/or political bent.
Webhosting information:
Agence des Medias Numerique
AMEN
12-14 Rond Point Des Champs Elysees
75008 Paris
Tel: 0033 892 55 66 77
Southern Sudan is emerging as a strong contender for investors interested in emerging markets
Copy of article at The Standard - Business News Propertywatch 22 June 2006 - Boom across the border:
As peace returns to Southern Sudan, a property market boom is in the making. Kenneth Kwama was there to find out who's in the race
Charles Anyama has always wanted to move opposite the crowd.
In 2000, when most investors were still hesitant to venture in war-torn South Sudan, he decided to set up an investment and property company there.
The company -- Nile Bay General Works -- now has a dominant presence in Juba's real estate scene and is one of Southern Sudan biggest developers.
Southern Sudan is emerging as a strong contender for investors interested in emerging markets.
Business was not good until last year when Sudanese leaders signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) treaty, giving both business and peace a chance.
"Since then many Kenyans have flocked in here to invest in the real estate business," Anyama says. "Just like in Nairobi, the commercial property market in Southern Sudan is alive and booming."
The change in fortunes is attributed to an influx of United Nations staff, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and relief agencies-all competing for housing and office space. An Sh14 billion multi-donor trust fund, set up by the international community, to aid the reconstruction of the war-ravaged region, has aided the process.
Exorbitant monthly rents
The region should be a strong contender for investors interested in emerging markets. It's biggest city, Juba, has a winning combination of what valuers price. Liberal tax regimes, good return on investment and now, security.
Lack of expertise among locals has left Kenyan property developers, including construction companies and sub-contractors, competing among themselves. Hundreds of up-coming construction sites dot downtown neighbourhoods. In most places, the houses under construction have either been booked or paid for.
Prospective tenants and buyers have been forced to offer sweetheart deals to developers and landowners, exorbitant monthly rents, with several years of contracted stay.
Some Kenyans with extra bucks to spare are in there big time, hoping to fetch quick returns. The majority are property developers who have either been edged out of the Kenyan market by stiff competition or are simply looking for quick returns on their investments.
One Kenyan investor, Rose Nyamunga, is running a restaurant with cottages that cost between US$120 and US$150. Her immediate plan is to built apartments in the 20-acre plot that she co-owns with a native Sudanese in Juba.
"The good thing about building in Juba is that you are guaranteed of tenants," she says. This is because demand is not only higher than the supply but is growing at a faster pace.
International attention
Nyamunga says a number of businesspeople, especially from the US are settling in Southern Sudan with the result that housing and rent prices are skyrocketing.
Her desire to build apartments has been fired by the fact that most rental property in Juba is either temporary or semi-permanent. She gives the example of her restaurant, Rock City that has had to operate in tents. Even the cottages have been constructed from this material.
"I think it would make more business sense to have something more decent and durable," she says.
But while most investors may be dreaming of a property market that will offer high yields and capital growth at the same time, Anyama says identifying the right market is vital to realising such dreams.
"With so much international attention on Sudan as an emerging property market, it is difficult to know where to begin," he says. Anyama says this is the reason he and his partners decided to set up the company to guide investors on the Sudanese property market.
Anyama says the requirement by Sudanese investment law that any foreigner wishing to own property should partner with a Sudanese is spoiling the party.
Big gamble
This has left the vast market to a few daring real estate developers, mostly from Kenya, Uganda and Eritrea. To some extent, the small number of investors in real estate has meant that demand for housing has outstripped supply and is driving up rental yields.
"Others say it's risky to invest here, but I think the risk is worth taking," he adds.
"What you need to do is to seek professional advice, work with reliable agents and always be willing to do your homework."
Though Sudan's property market could be a bit difficult to navigate, Anyama says it is possible to link up with locals as required by law and start on a property that is sure to yield high returns.
Investing in such property markets can be a big gamble but this comes along whenever one is investing in any new territory. For those daring enough to take the risk, the returns are far higher than what one could dream of in more secure markets such as Kenya's.
A one-bedroom apartment, just 10 minutes drive outside Juba, where some Eritreans have put up residential houses goes for about US$1000.
"The rental yields are very high and one is almost guaranteed healthy returns compared to what property of that kind could yield in Nairobi," says Anyama.
Speculators' market
The downside, however, is that constructing a house in Juba is not an easy task.
The cost of building materials, which are mainly sourced from Kenya and Uganda, is high. Labour is also expensive and one needs about US$70 (about Sh5,000) to hire a plumber for just one day.
Part of these costs are, however, set to come down with the entry of Kenyan firms such East African Portland Cement Company (EAPCC) into the market. EAPCC's Managing Director Zakayo Ole Mapelu says the company is exploring ways of reducing overhead costs to make its products competitive.
One major concern with Juba is that it is a speculators' market with various investors teaming up with locals -- as is required by the country's investment law -- to put up houses.
"The biggest impediment to owning property in Southern Sudan is that land belongs to the community," Anyama says.
Good research
This means you can't buy from an individual, but developers are allowed to lease for long periods and even renew the leases. One should, however, understand that all property markets, not just those that are emerging, carry risks.
The key to success of any investment is good research. Patrick Jakino, a Kenyan investor, who owns a construction company-Building Concepts and has been working for the regional government as a consultant, says gathering as much information as possible and keeping up to date with market trends is vital to making a smooth investment.
Gathering of such information would also help one move smoothly into other towns like Rumbek and Yei, which are also magnets for traders and other workers.
"It is important to get the facts right. While the potential to make immediate returns on investment is always there, there is also possibility of business getting disrupted by sporadic violence," warns Jakino.
Despite these fears, developers are optimistic.
They speculate that 10 years down the road, Sudan's property market will also take off in much the same way as Kenya's has over the past five years. But the rewards, it seems, will only be there for those brave enough to start early.
Further reading
2nd International Investment & Trade Conference for Sudan 12 - 14 September, 2006, Khartoum.
East Standard article - Society: Sudan here we come by Kenneth Kwama.
June 26 2006 IPS - South Sudanese teenager transforms pain into art: A repatriation exercise started by the UNHCR in December has seen only 1,500 refugees head home - a fraction of the total number of Sudanese in Kenya. Kakuma camp in the north-west of the country has over 90,000 refugees, mostly from Sudan. "There is no infrastructure, no schools, and the international community needs to be involved in these development projects," UNHCR head Antonio Guterres said of the situation in Sudan while addressing reporters in Nairobi, June 18.
As peace returns to Southern Sudan, a property market boom is in the making. Kenneth Kwama was there to find out who's in the race
Charles Anyama has always wanted to move opposite the crowd.
In 2000, when most investors were still hesitant to venture in war-torn South Sudan, he decided to set up an investment and property company there.
The company -- Nile Bay General Works -- now has a dominant presence in Juba's real estate scene and is one of Southern Sudan biggest developers.
Southern Sudan is emerging as a strong contender for investors interested in emerging markets.
Business was not good until last year when Sudanese leaders signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) treaty, giving both business and peace a chance.
"Since then many Kenyans have flocked in here to invest in the real estate business," Anyama says. "Just like in Nairobi, the commercial property market in Southern Sudan is alive and booming."
The change in fortunes is attributed to an influx of United Nations staff, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and relief agencies-all competing for housing and office space. An Sh14 billion multi-donor trust fund, set up by the international community, to aid the reconstruction of the war-ravaged region, has aided the process.
Exorbitant monthly rents
The region should be a strong contender for investors interested in emerging markets. It's biggest city, Juba, has a winning combination of what valuers price. Liberal tax regimes, good return on investment and now, security.
Lack of expertise among locals has left Kenyan property developers, including construction companies and sub-contractors, competing among themselves. Hundreds of up-coming construction sites dot downtown neighbourhoods. In most places, the houses under construction have either been booked or paid for.
Prospective tenants and buyers have been forced to offer sweetheart deals to developers and landowners, exorbitant monthly rents, with several years of contracted stay.
Some Kenyans with extra bucks to spare are in there big time, hoping to fetch quick returns. The majority are property developers who have either been edged out of the Kenyan market by stiff competition or are simply looking for quick returns on their investments.
One Kenyan investor, Rose Nyamunga, is running a restaurant with cottages that cost between US$120 and US$150. Her immediate plan is to built apartments in the 20-acre plot that she co-owns with a native Sudanese in Juba.
"The good thing about building in Juba is that you are guaranteed of tenants," she says. This is because demand is not only higher than the supply but is growing at a faster pace.
International attention
Nyamunga says a number of businesspeople, especially from the US are settling in Southern Sudan with the result that housing and rent prices are skyrocketing.
Her desire to build apartments has been fired by the fact that most rental property in Juba is either temporary or semi-permanent. She gives the example of her restaurant, Rock City that has had to operate in tents. Even the cottages have been constructed from this material.
"I think it would make more business sense to have something more decent and durable," she says.
But while most investors may be dreaming of a property market that will offer high yields and capital growth at the same time, Anyama says identifying the right market is vital to realising such dreams.
"With so much international attention on Sudan as an emerging property market, it is difficult to know where to begin," he says. Anyama says this is the reason he and his partners decided to set up the company to guide investors on the Sudanese property market.
Anyama says the requirement by Sudanese investment law that any foreigner wishing to own property should partner with a Sudanese is spoiling the party.
Big gamble
This has left the vast market to a few daring real estate developers, mostly from Kenya, Uganda and Eritrea. To some extent, the small number of investors in real estate has meant that demand for housing has outstripped supply and is driving up rental yields.
"Others say it's risky to invest here, but I think the risk is worth taking," he adds.
"What you need to do is to seek professional advice, work with reliable agents and always be willing to do your homework."
Though Sudan's property market could be a bit difficult to navigate, Anyama says it is possible to link up with locals as required by law and start on a property that is sure to yield high returns.
Investing in such property markets can be a big gamble but this comes along whenever one is investing in any new territory. For those daring enough to take the risk, the returns are far higher than what one could dream of in more secure markets such as Kenya's.
A one-bedroom apartment, just 10 minutes drive outside Juba, where some Eritreans have put up residential houses goes for about US$1000.
"The rental yields are very high and one is almost guaranteed healthy returns compared to what property of that kind could yield in Nairobi," says Anyama.
Speculators' market
The downside, however, is that constructing a house in Juba is not an easy task.
The cost of building materials, which are mainly sourced from Kenya and Uganda, is high. Labour is also expensive and one needs about US$70 (about Sh5,000) to hire a plumber for just one day.
Part of these costs are, however, set to come down with the entry of Kenyan firms such East African Portland Cement Company (EAPCC) into the market. EAPCC's Managing Director Zakayo Ole Mapelu says the company is exploring ways of reducing overhead costs to make its products competitive.
One major concern with Juba is that it is a speculators' market with various investors teaming up with locals -- as is required by the country's investment law -- to put up houses.
"The biggest impediment to owning property in Southern Sudan is that land belongs to the community," Anyama says.
Good research
This means you can't buy from an individual, but developers are allowed to lease for long periods and even renew the leases. One should, however, understand that all property markets, not just those that are emerging, carry risks.
The key to success of any investment is good research. Patrick Jakino, a Kenyan investor, who owns a construction company-Building Concepts and has been working for the regional government as a consultant, says gathering as much information as possible and keeping up to date with market trends is vital to making a smooth investment.
Gathering of such information would also help one move smoothly into other towns like Rumbek and Yei, which are also magnets for traders and other workers.
"It is important to get the facts right. While the potential to make immediate returns on investment is always there, there is also possibility of business getting disrupted by sporadic violence," warns Jakino.
Despite these fears, developers are optimistic.
They speculate that 10 years down the road, Sudan's property market will also take off in much the same way as Kenya's has over the past five years. But the rewards, it seems, will only be there for those brave enough to start early.
Further reading
2nd International Investment & Trade Conference for Sudan 12 - 14 September, 2006, Khartoum.
East Standard article - Society: Sudan here we come by Kenneth Kwama.
June 26 2006 IPS - South Sudanese teenager transforms pain into art: A repatriation exercise started by the UNHCR in December has seen only 1,500 refugees head home - a fraction of the total number of Sudanese in Kenya. Kakuma camp in the north-west of the country has over 90,000 refugees, mostly from Sudan. "There is no infrastructure, no schools, and the international community needs to be involved in these development projects," UNHCR head Antonio Guterres said of the situation in Sudan while addressing reporters in Nairobi, June 18.
Libyan leader to meet Darfur rebel groups July 2, 2006
Unsourced article (Tripoli) at Sudan Tribune dated June 24, 2006 says Libyan leader to meet Darfur rebel groups next month - excerpt:
The Libyan leader invited the different Darfur rebel groups in a bid to convince opposed groups to sign the African Union brokered Darfur Peace Agreement signed in Abuja on 5 May.
Reliable sources confirmed the participation of the three Darfur rebel groups saying delegations are heading to Tripoli to attend a meeting convened by the Libyan leader Muammer Gadhafi to discuss the reasons of their refusal to sign Darfur Peace Agreement. The meeting is planned for Sunday 2 July.
The rebel SLM al-Nur faction and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) refuse to sign Darfur Peace Agreement, saying Khartoum has to meet crucial demands related to militias' disarmament, power sharing and individual compensations for Darfur affected civilians.
Rebel sources said "without genuine guaranties from Gadhafi on how Khartoum will meet their demands" the two rebel groups will reject the Libyan initiative.
The holdout rebel groups, particularly SLM-al-Nur, intend to exploit the after 5 May mounting popularity and the regular protests organized by the Darfurians in western Sudan and Khartoum against the signed peace deal, to demand full satisfaction to their demands.
Minawi approves the Libyan move as he is in difficulty with the rejection of a deal that he signed without the approval of his delegation and faces probable troubles within his group.
Earlier in June, the Sudanese First Vice-President Salva Kiir tried to hold such meeting but the holdout rebel groups rejected his initiative only Minawi went to the meeting in southern Sudan.
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