Monday, March 21, 2005

US contracted Brian Steidle and two other Americans to work as AU monitors in Darfur, Sudan

Brian Steidle, who served four years in the US Marine Corps, recently spent six months working for a US State Department contractor as a ceasefire monitor with the African Union force in Darfur. His sister, Gretchen Steidle Wallace, assisted in the writing of this piece. I am copying it here below in full, for future reference, incase the link becomes broken.

Apart from the fact that the US State Department contracts Americans to work for the African Union as neutral observers, and allows one of them to freely use the media [which I find most strange] in a way that could create difficulties for aid workers currently in Sudan, what I also find odd about the piece is that it appears to be a conglomeration, both in tone and content, of almost every piece on Darfur I have read at The Washington Post. I stopped linking to the Post a while back because of inaccuracies in its reports that appeared politically motivated, were more emotive than fact and, in my view, naive and not at all balanced. [Note how Samantha Power's sensational reports on Darfur are not so frequent since Senator John Kerry failed in his bid for the US Presidency]. Last year, even Khartoum complained about The Washington Post and its reporter Emily Wax. I don't blame them. Such reports seem like American propaganda and make one wonder why the Americans need to produce propaganda when it comes to such serious issues as Darfur and the Sudan.

UPDATE: I have just googled Gretchen Steidle Wallace and found that Brian Steidle is now working with his sister, Gretchen Steidle Wallace, founder of Global Grassroots, a non-profit organisation founded in 2004, who is also currently working on a documentary film to profile the hardship and innovation of women in the refugee camps in and surrounding Darfur, Sudan.

The point I am getting at in this post is the regime in Khartoum read The Washington Post. High profile reports by Brian Steidle could impact on aid workers who risk their lives trying to reach those in the Sudan who are suffering the most dismal of lives on this planet. [Further update below].

"In Darfur, my camera was not nearly enough" By Brian Steidle, The Washington Post, March 20, 2005:

Our helicopter touched down in a cloud of camel-brown sand, dust and plastic debris. As the cloud gradually settled into new layers on the bone-dry desert landscape, we could make out the faces of terrified villagers. "Welcome to Sudan," I murmured to myself, grabbing my pen and waterproof notebook.

A former Marine, I had arrived in Sudan's Darfur region in September 2004 as one of three U.S. military observers for the African Union, armed only with a pen, pad and camera. The mandate for the A.U. force allowed merely for the reporting of violations of a cease-fire that had been declared last April and the protection of observers. The observers sometimes joked morbidly that our mission was to search endlessly for the cease-fire we constantly failed to find. I soon realized that this was no joke.

The conflict had begun nearly 1 1/2 years earlier and had escalated into a full-scale government-sponsored military operation that, with the support of Arab militias known as the Janjaweed, was aimed at annihilating the African tribes in the region. And while the cease-fire was supposed to have put a stop to that, on an almost daily basis we would be called to investigate reports of attacks on civilians. We would find men, women and children tortured and killed, and villages burned to the ground.

The first photograph I took in Darfur was of a tiny child, Mihad Hamid. She was only a year old when I found her. Her mother had attempted to escape an onslaught from helicopter gunships and Janjaweed marauders that had descended upon her village of Alliet in October 2004. Carrying her daughter in a cloth wrapped around her waist, as is common in Sudan, Mihad's terrified mother had run from her attackers. But a bullet had rung out through the dry air, slicing through Mihad's flesh and puncturing her lungs. When I discovered the child, she was nestled in her mother's lap, wheezing in a valiant effort to breathe. With watery eyes, her mother lifted Mihad for me to examine.

Most Sudanese villagers assume that a khawadja -- a foreigner -- must be a doctor. And my frantic efforts to signal to her to lay her struggling daughter back down only convinced her that I had medical advice to dispense. It broke my heart to be able to offer her only a prayer and a glance of compassion, as I captured this casualty with my camera and notepad. I pledged, with the linguistic help of our team's Chadian mediator, that we would alert the aid organizations poised to respond.

"This is what they do," the mediator -- a neutral party to the conflict -- screamed at me. "This is what happens here! Now you know! Now you see!" I was unaware at that time that when the aid workers arrived the next day, amid continued fighting, they would never be able to locate Mihad.

Mihad now represents to me the countless victims of this vicious war, a war that we documented but given our restricted mandate were unable to stop. Every day we surveyed evidence of killings: men castrated and left to bleed to death, huts set on fire with people locked inside, children with their faces smashed in, men with their ears cut off and eyes plucked out, and the corpses of people who had been executed with gunshots to the head. We spoke with thousands of witnesses -- women who had been gang-raped and families that had lost fathers, people who plainly and soberly gave us their accounts of the slaughter.

Often we were the witnesses. Just two days after I had taken Mihad's photo, we returned to Alliet. While talking to a government commander on the outskirts of the town, we heard a buzz that sounded like a high-voltage power line. Upon entering the village, we saw that the noise was coming from flies swarming over dead animals and people. We counted about 20 dead, many burned, and then flew back to our camp to write our report. But the smell of charred flesh was hard to wash away.

The conflict in Darfur is not a battle between uniformed combatants, and it knows no rules of war. Women and children bear the greatest burden. The Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps are filled with families that have lost their fathers. Every day, women are sent outside the IDP camps to seek firewood and water, despite the constant risk of rape at the hands of the Janjaweed. Should men be available to venture out of the camps, they risk castration and murder. So families decide that rape is the lesser evil. It is a crime that families even have to make such a choice. Often women are sexually assaulted within the supposed safety of the IDP camps. Nowhere is really safe. If and when the refugees are finally able to return home and rebuild, many women may have to support themselves alone; rape victims are frequently ostracized, and others face unwanted pregnancies and an even greater burden of care.

The Janjaweed militias do not act alone. I have seen clear evidence that the atrocities committed in Darfur are the direct result of the Sudanese government's military collaboration with the militias. Attacks are well coordinated by Sudanese government officials and Arab militias, who attack villages together. Before these attacks occur, the cell phone systems are shut down by the government so that villagers cannot warn each other. Whenever we lost our phone service, we would scramble to identify the impending threat. We knew that somewhere, another reign of terror was about to begin.

Helicopter gunships belonging to the government routinely support the Arab militias on the ground. The gunships fire anti-personnel rockets that contain flashettes, or small nails, each with stabilizing fins on the back so the point hits the target first. Each gunship contains four rocket pods, each rocket pod contains about 20 rockets and each rocket contains about 500 of these flashettes. Flashette wounds look like shotgun wounds. I saw one small child's back that looked as if it had been shredded by a cheese grater. We got him to a hospital, but we did not expect him to live.

On many of the occasions we tried to investigate these attacks, we would find that fuel for our helicopters was mysteriously unavailable. We would receive unconvincing explanations from the Sudanese government's fuel company -- from "we are out of fuel" to "our fuel pumps are broken." At the same time, government helicopters continued to strafe villages unimpeded.

Those villagers who were able to escape flocked to existing IDP camps, where they would scrounge for sticks and plastic bags to construct shelter from the sun and wind. In even these desperate situations, however, the Sudanese government would not give up its murderous mission. First it would announce the need to relocate an IDP camp and assess the population of displaced people, often grossly underestimating the numbers. Then after international aid organizations had built a new, smaller camp, the government would forcibly relocate the population, leaving hundreds to thousands without shelter. It would bulldoze or drive over the old camps with trucks, often in the middle of the night in order to escape notice. It would then gather up and burn the remaining debris.

The worst thing I saw came last December, when Labado, a village of 20,000 people, was burned to the ground. We rushed there after a rebel group contacted us, and we arrived while the attack was still in progress. At the edge of the village, I found a Sudanese general who explained why he was doing nothing to stop the looting and burning. He said his job was to protect civilians and keep the road open to commercial traffic and denied that his men were participating in the attack. Then a group of uniformed men drove by in a Toyota Land Cruiser. The general said they were just going to get water, but they stopped about 75 yards away, jumped out, looted a hut and burned it. The attacks continued for a week. We have no idea how many people died there but tribal leaders later said close to 100 were missing.

Since I left Darfur last month, I have tried, in press conferences, newspaper interviews and congressional testimony, to publicize conditions there in the hope that the international community will intervene more vigorously instead of watching the atrocities run their course. That way we won't look back years from now and ask why we didn't stop another genocide.

I believe this conflict can be resolved through international pressure and international support of the African Union. Weapons sanctions and a no-fly zone throughout Darfur are critical. I have seen that the mere presence of A.U. forces can discourage attacks and, with more support, they could stop the conflict.

In December, the Sudanese general at Labado had told us that his mission was to continue clearing the route all the way to Khartoum, hundreds of miles away. The next town in line was Muhajeryia, roughly twice the size of Labado. The African Union placed 35 soldiers into Muhajeryia, not to protect the village, but to protect the civilian contractors who were establishing a base camp. Yet this small force alone was able to deter the government of Sudan, with a force of a few thousand soldiers and Janjaweed militiamen, from attacking. Shortly after that, the A.U. was able to deploy 70 more soldiers from the protection force and 10 military observers to the scorched village of Labado. Within one week, approximately 3,000 people returned to rebuild. In addition, the A.U. negotiated the withdrawal of Sudanese government troops from the area.

To secure and protect all villages in Darfur, the African Union needs several things: an expanded mandate that would allow it to protect civilians and ensure secure routes for humanitarian aid, advanced logistics and communication support, and an increase in the size of the protection force by tens of thousands.

The attention paid to Darfur in Congress and at the United Nations hasn't been enough. For the first time, we might be able to stop genocide in the making. We must not fail the men, women and children of Darfur.

During my time in Darfur, as I listened to the victims, I was astounded at their composure. Their unwavering faith provides some rationale to what seems to me an inexplicable horror. By handing over their lives to God, somehow each day is a gift, despite the massacres. "We're going to die," they acknowledge with fear, "but we hope to survive . . . Inshallah [God willing]." Unfortunately, they just don't have a choice.

We do.

Author's e-mail: steidlebs@globalgrassrootsnetwork.org

[End of report via http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=8637]
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Brian Steidle: One eyewitness [out of 9,000 on the ground in Sudan]

On Friday, Eugene Oregon of Coalition for Darfur blog, attended a presentation by Brian Steidle hosted by the US Holocaust Memorial Museum's Committee on Conscience. Please see Eugene's post on the presentation.

Note also the following excerpt from a March 17 post at Passion of the Present:
Brian Steidle understands the anatomy of a genocide. As one of three American State Department contractors on the African Union’s (AU) monitoring team in Sudan, the 28-year-old former Marine captain witnessed the systematic destruction of villages in south Darfur in late 2004. He’s now working with Gretchen Steidle Wallace (his sister), who runs a nongovernmental organization (NGO) called Global Grassroots Network to raise awareness about the government of Sudan’s complicity in the Darfur genocide. On March 15, between meetings with Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick and an appearance on Wolf Blitzer Reports, Captain Steidle sat down with American Prospect writing fellow Mark Leon Goldberg at a coffee shop in Arlington, Virginia.
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Returning to the Washington Post report, it seems that, apart from the evidence of castrations, Brian Steidle says nothing much that has not already been reported by mainstream media during the last year. There are 9,000-10,000 aid workers on the ground in Sudan. Some have lost their lives. Many experience difficulties gaining entry into Sudan and timely access to people in need of aid. Doctors Without Borders and other aid agencies go to great lengths to be neutral and not get involved politically or publicise details and photos incase it breaks trust, hinders access and affects reaching those in need of aid.

Over the past few days, I have wondered why Khartoum recently made a point of complaining to the press about aid workers and entry into Sudan. One wonders what agencies like MSF, Oxfam, Save the Children UK and others, including UN and AU workers, are thinking about Brian Steidle and his sister who appear either irresponsible or dangerously naive. There are ways of getting news into the press but publicising already reported news and showing photos [which not even the UN has done] obtained through working for the US State Department, US contractors in Sudan and the African Union is something that aid workers and others concerned over Sudan go to great lengths not become involved with. It's no wonder Khartoum does not trust any foreigners entering Sudan, even those from the African Union. Last year, the British government warned that one needs to be careful because Khartoum could take it upon themselves to deny access to anyone entering Sudan and dismiss aid workers from the country as it has done in the past. You have to wonder if the US government has given Brian Steidle the green light. But why? Could oil have anything to do with it? Nothing would surprise me about what goes on in Africa these days.

I've only recently discovered that Marathon Oil company, based in Houston, Texas, USA [the home state of US President George W Bush] is a partner of the French Total Corp., which holds longstanding oil leases in a southern area of Sudan marked by fierce fighting throughout a 21-year war. Associated Press reported recently that Marathon, a major contributor to the Bush re-election campaign, has resumed payments to the Khartoum government and will be part of Total's operations in the oil fields.

John Garang and his Southern Sudan rebels recently negotiated an oil agreement, involving the same area assigned to French Total, with a new British oil company called White Nile. It looks like the deal is in the midst of being settled - or not. Khartoum says Sudan's contract with French Total still stands and that the former South Sudan rebels SPLM, soon to installed in charge of Southern Sudan, are not authorised to agree oil contracts for South Sudan, that supersede existing agreements, without first going through and getting approval within central government. More on this at a later date.

And then there is the business of bringing Sudan's war criminals to court. The UN Security Council may, within the next week, announce a new resolution on Sudan. The weeks of delay could be all part of the strategy, adding pressure on Khartoum anticipating billions of dollars in aid and development funding. Thing is, I have yet to read one word about how anyone will physically get Sudan's war criminals to whatever court is decided. It would be best if the regime in Khartoum stepped down before it is overthrown. Pressure needs to be put on the individual war criminals, name and shame them all, in particular Sudan's President Bashir, recently listed as the world's worst dictator, and his Vice-President Taha.

Sunday, March 13, 2005

Sudan: Darfur Mortality 380,000 + 15,000 deaths per month

During an intermission of posting at this blog, please read a March 11 report by an American academic and Sudan expert, Prof Eric Reeves, whose Darfur updates and analyses over the past year have proved extremely accurate. It is an analysis of the situation to date and is a must read. Here is an excerpt:

"Building on eleven previous assessments of global mortality in Darfur, this analysis finds that approximately 380,000 human beings have died as a result of the conflict that erupted in February 2003, and that the current conflict-related mortality rate in the larger humanitarian theater is approximately 15,000 deaths per month. This monthly rate is poised to grow rapidly in light of famine conditions now obtaining in various parts of rural Darfur and threatening the entire region."

Full Story via Sudan Tribune, March 12, 2005.
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UK to mediate between Sudanese government, rebel Beja Congress

The following material is provided by the BBC Monitoring Service via Sudan Tribune Mar 12, 2005:

The secretary-general of the Beja Congress, Abdallah Kunah, has disclosed that his organization and that of the Free Lions have accepted to go into peace negotiations with the government in the framework of the British initiative. He said that the talks will commence after the conclusion of the conference of the Beja Congress on 17 March.

In a statement to the Khartoum based Al-Sahafah newspaper via telephone from his residence in Eritrea, Kunah further said that the British ambassador in Asmara has proposed an initiative to sponsor the talks between the government and the Beja Congress and the Free Lions.

He said that during his meeting with the leaders of the two groups recently, the British diplomat asked the two groups the possibility of holding a procedural meeting between the three sides on 15 March.

He further said that the Beja Congress excused itself on the proposed date because it is preoccupied in its annual general meeting which will start on 17 March in the areas under its control. He also confirmed the acceptance of the Beja Congress and the Free Lions to participate in the talks at the said date.

Kunah further said he requested the British diplomat to give his organization copy of the written initiative in order to assess and respond to it.

Kunah also disclosed that Jan Pronk, the UN secretary-general's representative in Khartoum, has proposed holding of a general conference on the problems in east and west of the country after the formation of the a transitional government which will include the Sudan People Liberation Movement.
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AU to assess Darfur

11 March Reuters (SA) report 11:

The African Union sent a delegation to Sudan's Darfur on Friday on a 10-day mission to assess the political, security and humanitarian needs in the troubled region.

The delegation is headed by AU Commissioner for Peace and Security Said Djinnit, includes AU mission in Sudan chief Baba Gana Kingibe, as well as officials from the United States, United Nations and European Union, the AU said in a statement.

Before leaving Khartoum, the delegation held talks with Sudanese officials and UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's Special Representative in Sudan Jan Pronk about how to bolster the AU's peacekeeping role in Darfur.

The statement said the AU has 2,061 monitors and military observers in addition to 112 civilian police personnel deployed in Darfur, a region in western Sudan around the size of France.

On its first major peacekeeping operation, the pan-African body has been struggling to deploy troops rapidly and has failed to stem the violence on the ground.

Several rights groups have charged the AU force lacks broad international support and financial backing.
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Sudan urges int'l community to press Darfur rebels for peace talks

12 March (Xinhua) via Sudan Tribune:

The Sudanese government on Saturday urged the international community to press Darfur rebels for the resumption of peace talks.

[In my view, resumption of talks is the fastest and only way to stop the violence in Sudan. The regime in Khartoum and Sudan's rebels could, if they wished, stop the killing and violence. The UN ought to demand the warring parties cease their violence and the leaders of all sides - including tribal leaders - get together and keep talking until they have agreed a peace pact ... or else.]

Darfur rebels listen to radio
A member of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA), listens to a radio at Dorsa village in west Darfur , October 10, 2004. (Reuters).
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Hoping for a Sudanese golden age

To get an idea of what is happening in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, please see March 12, 2005, report by the BBC's correspondent in Khartoum, Jonathan Fryer, that explains why the locals are upbeat about Sudan's prospects.

[Note, the report says the Chinese and Malaysians have both built smart residential hotels for their nationals on the banks of the Nile. A son of Libyan leader Colonel Gaddafi is constructing a huge five-star establishment alongside, ready for the day when Khartoum becomes the new boom-town. And, next to the sleepy old Sailing Club, where Lord Kitchener's rusting gunboat is preserved as a surreal reminder of the 1898 Battle of Omdurman, the Chinese have built a social club called Oil House.]
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World Bank poised to re-engage in Sudan

13 March, 2005 Bank Information Center USA report extract:

Absent from Sudan since 1993, the World Bank plans to start lending to the country again this year in anticipation of huge reconstruction efforts.  Just months after a peace agreement was signed between the government in Khartoum and rebels in southern Sudan, the World Bank is preparing an assessment of the country's reconstruction for a meeting of donors in April and discussing plans to manage foreign aid to Sudan through trusts funds.  Debt relief for the war-torn country is a priority concern; according to some reports, the country has a $25 billion debt which would have to be reduced to $6 billion before relations with the World Bank could resume.

This apparent "rush to reengage" must be viewed in the context of a likely increase in oil production in Sudan in the coming years and the economic impacts of a new revenue-sharing arrangement for oil proceeds, which will sharply increase resource flows to southern Sudan, as well as ongoing conflict in Darfur and regional instability.

For more information, see the following articles:

World Bank considers relations with Khartoum (Sudan Tribune, March 12, 2005)

World Bank, Sudan seen resuming relations within year
(Katie Nguyen (Reuters) Sudan Tribune, March 9, 2005)

World Bank returns to Sudan as donors plan comeback
(Lesley Wroughton, Reuters, Sudan Tribune, January 18, 2005)
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The Third World's Odious Debt

Note Africa Commission report analysis by BBC News March 11, 2005.
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Rape and Sexual Violence Ongoing in Darfur

11 March, 2005, report by Doctors Without Borders (MSF), extract:

Women and girls in Darfur are continuing to suffer a high incidence of rape and sexual violence, according to a report issued today by Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF). Stories of rape survivors told to MSF are a horrific illustration of the daily reality of the ongoing violence that has displaced two million people in Darfur.

Between October 2004 and mid-February 2005, MSF doctors in numerous locations in South and West Darfur treated almost 500 women and girls who were raped. MSF believes that these numbers reflect only a fraction of the total number of victims because many women are reluctant to report the crime or seek treatment. Almost a third (28%) of the rape survivors who sought treatment from MSF reported that they were raped more than once, either by single or multiple assailants. In more than half the cases, the rape was accompanied by additional physical abuse. Women told MSF that they were beaten with sticks, whips or axes before, during or after the act of rape. Some of the raped women were visibly pregnant, as much as five to eight months, at the time of the assault.

The majority of survivors of rape and sexual violence tell MSF that the attacks occurred when women left the relative safety of villages and displaced camps to carry out activities indispensable of the survival of the families, such as searching for firewood or water.

81% of the 500 rape survivors treated by MSF reported being assaulted by militia or military who used their weapons to force the assault. In Darfur, as in other conflicts, rape has been a regular and deliberate tool of war. It is used to destabilize and threaten a part of the civilian population, often a particular group.

Rather than receiving appropriate medical and psychosocial care, women and child survivors of rape and sexual violence in Darfur often face rejection and stigma. In some cases, victims of rape have even been imprisoned while the perpetrators of the crime go unpunished, adding to an appalling pattern of neglect and abuse.

"Despite its devastating consequences, rape in Darfur and in other conflicts has not received the attention that the scale of the crime or the gravity of its impact call for," said Kenny Gluck, director of operations for MSF in Amsterdam. "This has to change. It is time to end this vicious crime, which is a clear breach of international humanitarian law. Perpetrators should be prosecuted not tolerated."

MSF urges local government and other health care providers in Darfur, as elsewhere, to ensure full and appropriate treatment for victims of sexual violence and to help end the stigma and rejection faced by victims of rape.
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FT breakfasts with Dallaire: Everything humanely possible

See Financial Times report by Craig Offman, March 11, 2005.
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Fear Drives Long Trek to Kenya from Darfur

Note the last few lines of the following Reuters report, dated 12 March, 2005, by C. Bryson Hull in Kenya:

Fear propelled Mohammed Ahmed Osman's two-year, 1,120-mile flight from Sudan's Darfur region to Kenya, but anger, he says, will bring him home.

The farmer never imagined Kenya, to where thousands of fellow Sudanese from the south fled in a 21-year civil war, would be his first taste of safety after marauders slaughtered most of his village in a separate conflict in western Sudan in November 2002.

But by foot, plane, train, truck and donkey, Ahmed and 21 friends and family criss-crossed Sudan and arrived in Kakuma camp in northwestern Kenya, the dusty desert home to 86,000 refugees from eight African countries.

Nearly 60 percent are Sudanese, but Ahmed's group makes up just over half of the 42 refugees in Kakuma from the Darfur crisis that has pitted non-Arab rebels against Arab militias. Nearly all the Sudanese in Kakuma fled the civil war in nearby southern Sudan.

"If I go back to Darfur, I will kill the Arabs. If I had power, I would go. We have no power here," he said, standing in front of his home of just a few weeks in Kakuma Three, the last built of three mud-hut complexes set atop red-tinged sands.

"We did not want to come to Kenya. We did not know about it," Ahmed said.

Terror sparked his flight in November 2002, when marauding militiamen known as Janjaweed torched his north Darfur village, Masmaji, killing his two brothers, his parents, three nieces and dozens of neighbors.

"They came at night and burned the houses and they went back and shot anyone who ran away from the fire. They took children around the back and shot them," he said.

"NOT THE TRUTH"

Ahmed, his wife and three children were out in their sorghum fields when the raiders came, and they only returned to their razed, lifeless village two days later.

They fled for nearby Habila but, warned of impending Janjaweed attacks, they moved again.

"I decided to go to Chad, because it was near, but the Janjaweed cut the way," he said.

Their next stops were the larger Darfur towns of El Fasher and Nyala, but a few months in each with no fields to tend left the farmer in Ahmed frustrated, and his family hungry.

He bought train tickets for Khartoum, looking to go to its squalid squatter camps. Police at the train station had different ideas. Ordered to give his reasons for traveling, Ahmed replied that there was war at home.

"The security said 'That is not the truth. You must go back to Darfur."'

They ordered him to take the next train home, in two days, or go to prison. But luck rumbled into town. "We stopped a lorry and the driver we knew from Darfur," he said.

Taking sympathy, the driver arranged to pick up Ahmed's family 1 mile out of town that night. Driving only in the darkness for two nights, the trucker drove them 145 miles to Kadugli, near the Nuba mountains in south Sudan.

A day later, Ahmed and his starving companions, among them his severely malnourished 3-year-old son, arrived by truck in Kauda, a stronghold of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement.

It was just two weeks after the former rebel group had signed a landmark peace agreement with the government, ending Africa's longest-running civil war.

"We've just stopped the war here. We have nothing to give you," Ahmed said the SPLM told him. But they arranged for his group's passage to Kakuma, where many thousands of southern Sudanese had fled the long war in their region.

Ahmed said he wishes for an end to the violence racking his homeland, but his anger now is greater than his capacity to forgive.

"We, the black man and the Arab, cannot live together. If the war stopped, we cannot live together, because they did bad things. If I went back to Darfur, I would kill all Arab people," he said, his hand trembling.

Wednesday, March 09, 2005

The case of Darfur, Sudan makes clear the limits of media attention alone

Gareth Evans, president of Belgian-based thinktank International Crisis Group, writes the following for AlertNet March 9, 2005, titled "Media short-sightedness is truly staggering":

To find many of the world's "forgotten" humanitarian emergencies, one only need look at some of the world's forgotten conflicts. In some cases, it is truly staggering what the mainstream media are missing.

As an organisation working to prevent and reduce deadly conflict worldwide, the International Crisis Group spends a good deal of effort trying to bring international attention to the conflicts that cause so many avoidable humanitarian emergencies.

For some conflicts this is easier than for others, especially over the last two or three years.

One television news producer we met in the U.S. summed the situation since spring 2003 this way: "Look, we've got three foreign news priorities these days: Iraq, Iraq and Iraq".

And Iraq is not simply an American obsession: we've heard a similar refrain from news producers and newspaper editors again and again throughout Europe and elsewhere.

Of course, few would say Iraq doesn't deserve the top foreign news spot; it has been the main international news story not only because of its daily violence but also because of post-Saddam Iraq's long-term implications for the rest of the region.

Iraq is not the only story, however, as the average mass media consumer could almost be forgiven for thinking over the past two years. The world's obsession with Iraq has pushed to the margins many other scenes of mass violence.

A BLIP ON THE RADAR SCREEN

One good example is Nepal, home of the deadliest conflict in Asia, with some 10,000 killed over the past few years. Before the coup on 1 February 2005, how often did television crews bother to cover the expanding Maoist insurgency there?

How many articles did the Western press carry about the widespread human rights abuses and disappearances at the hands of the Royal Nepalese Army?

Nepal has simply been off the radar screen of the world media, and even now, the coup story itself seems to have appeared only as a rapidly fading blip.

Another under-reported conflict is in Uganda, where the rebel Lord's Resistance Army -- half guerrilla movement, half cult -- has fought government forces and made repeated brutal raids against civilians, displacing 1.6 million people and forcing thousands of abducted children to serve as their rank-and-file soldiers.

Uganda is now set to be the subject of the International Criminal Court's first full investigation into crimes against humanity.

And the media coverage of this ongoing tragedy internationally? Almost nothing.

The Deomocratic Republic of the Congo is another long-standing conflict in Central Africa that gets very little international attention apart perhaps from a single story in the quality broadsheets when Rwanda threatens to invade its massive neighbour.

This is a country, remember, where some three million people died as a result of the 1998-2000 war -- mostly due to the resulting hunger and disease -- and where the failure to demobilise former combatants and the failure to stick to the calendar of a transitional political process threaten the country with a return to all-out war.

WAR IN PEACETIME

In fact, for the eastern part of the country, the war is still really going on, and the human cost of violence is reliably reported at 1000 deaths a day (in combatant deaths and indirect "excess" deaths due to the war).

Still, the world media have by and large shown no interest in the Congo whatsoever.

And then there are the potential conflicts and humanitarian crises in Central Asia and the frozen conflicts in the Caucasus that could always hot up at any time.

The lack of international attention in such places only allows the precursors of mass violence to continue festering.

When things explode, foreign correspondents will no doubt be parachuted in to ask why no one saw this coming, when the truth is, quite a number of us in the international community have long been calling for more attention and more concerted effort to defuse the coming conflict.

The media had simply chosen to point their cameras elsewhere.

No one should get the impression this is only a problem of the Western media; it is universal.

The Arabic-language media, for example, have consistently ignored or under-reported the underlying causes of the conflict in Darfur, Sudan, and the massive humanitarian catastrophe that has resulted.

A UNIVERSAL PROBLEM

With very few exceptions, the national television stations and even the freer international newspapers simply toe the Sudanese government's line, not mentioning at all Khartoum's strong backing of the Janjaweed militias who have destroyed hundreds of villages, killed tens of thousands of people, and driven millions more from their homes.

But the case of Darfur also makes clear the limits of media attention alone. In the Western world, the situation in Darfur is now relatively well-known: compared to one year ago, when news reports were only just a few threads, we now see the full fabric of Darfur's horrors on television and in print almost daily.

This hard-won international attention has been essential for getting additional humanitarian relief into Darfur's IDP camps and the refugee camps in neighbouring Chad, but it has done nothing to stop the ongoing killing or return people to their homes.

Three feeble U.N. Security Council resolutions over the past year applied no serious pressure on the government of Sudan to stop its support of those committing the most brutal atrocities.

There are clearly conflicts that deserve more international media than they get, but we also have to be realistic: sometimes, media attention is not enough.

http://www.alertnet.org/thefacts/reliefresources/111039372281.htm

UN joins African Union to assess peacekeeping needs in Darfur, Sudan - Bracing for Bolton

New York, 8 March - See UN news centre report and this excerpt from the Secretary-General's off the cuff remarks:

Reporter's question to Secretary-General Kofi Annan: On Sudan, you called the Security Council members. The UN is doing a lot of hand-wringing on the subject, but you called Security Council members into a meeting. Can you tell us why you did that, what you discussed, and what specifically are you advocating right now, whether it's the African Union, at one point you mentioned NATO? Get more specific maybe on what it is you think needs to be done.

Mr Annan's answer: I think, basically, what I discussed with the Council is something that everybody was aware of, that we are concerned that we are not moving fast enough in Darfur. We are concerned that the atrocities have not stopped. We are concerned that we are not gaining access to all those in need. We are concerned that the parties are not respecting the ceasefire. The question is what measures should be taken to create a secure environment. And we looked at various options. Of course, the African Union forces are on the ground. From all accounts, they are effective where they are, but there are very few of them. So we need to increase the numbers either by helping the African Union to strengthen the force and also give them logistical and financial support. They need communications. They have very few trucks, planes, cars. And we need to sort of help them to do the work if we expect them to do it. And if we come to the conclusion that they need additional help and they are not provide it themselves, what should be the responsibility of the international community? Should the UN send in troops to co-deploy with them, to cover Darfur? Should the UN eventually take over that operation? Should eventually a multinational force be considered? These are all options that were on the table. Of course, we know the pros and cons of each of the options. And of course, I also indicated that we are sending a mission which will be led by the African Union to Darfur to assess the situation on the ground. The European Union and US would also have members on the team. And after that mission, we'll do a serious reassessment of what needs to be done.

And I also indicated that we were all very happy when the Naivasha agreement was signed, but we do not have enough money to help the returning refugees. They are returning spontaneously. We have asked for $500 million and we got five percent of that amount. So we have managed to get a political agreement, but we are not doing enough on the ground to make sure the agreement holds. So we also did appeal for additional resources generally, and of course, we are going to deploy the 10,000 UN troops in the south.

And I was also concerned that if we did not take measures to strengthen the operations in Darfur, it's going to look very awkward that you have 10,000 troops in the south where it is safe, but you don't have enough troops in Darfur where the fighting is going on and protection and security of the people is urgent. So these are some of the issues that we discussed.
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Bracing for Bolton - Dismay as US sends hawk to UN

The shock appointment of hardline neo-conservative John Bolton as US ambassador to the UN stunned the diplomatic community yesterday and raised questions about George W. Bush's commitment to work constructively for reform of the world body in its 60th anniversary year. His appointment must be ratified by the US Senate, where there is sure to be some opposition.

"Why would (President Bush) choose someone who has expressed such disdain for working with our allies?," said Senator John Kerry, who lost last year's election to Mr Bush. Full Story - 9 March, 2005 - Herald Sun - by David Nason in New York.
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The U.S. cannot act effectively if it acts alone

During the 2004 election, President Bush's refusal to acknowledge having made any missteps during his first term was seen as shrewd politics.  The appointment of Bolton suggests that it is something more:  that Bush really does dismiss the concerns of critics around the world, that he believes the US. can and should go it alone.  The UN will be one casualty.  US interests will be another. Full Story 8 March - Center for American Progress - by Suzanne Nossel in New York.

Suzanne Nossel served as Deputy to the Ambassador for UN Management and Reform at the US Mission to the United Nations in 1999-2001. Nossel is currently an executive at a media company in New York City, and writes frequently on foreign policy issues.

Further reading: Who Is John Bolton? [Oh dear ... how disappointing ... and scary ... he sounds like a disaster]
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UPDATE: 9 March: FT in America Firster says today: Mr Bolton is hardly likely to re-invent himself as a born-again multilateralist. But if US policy were to be changed in that direction by the decision-makers in Washington, it would carry more weight with the UN's many critics on the Republican right if it came out of the mouth of Mr Bolton. The dispatch of one of Washington's staunchest unilateralists to the UN may yet turn out an inspired decision. But the onus will be on Mr Bolton and his masters in Washington to prove this so. [Let's hope it turns out an inspired decision]

Tuesday, March 08, 2005

Sudan: U.S. will agree to allow Darfur cases go to the ICC

Following yesterday's one-hour Security Council meeting held behind closed doors, a report today in the Guardian by its diplomatic editor Ewen MacAskill, says:
"The British government is to back punitive measures against the Sudanese government after losing patience over the worsening humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Until now the Foreign Office has argued that persuasion was more productive than sanctions and other measures. But a British government source said: "We have run out of patience. It would be incredible if the international community continued to just wave a finger."
Well, it looks like the international community is continuing to just wave a finger. Read the report carefully and you will see why the Guardian's headline "Britain backs UN sanctions after losing patience in Sudan crisis" is not as action packed as it sounds. However, it seems the one big thing to come out of the meeting is about sending the accused war criminals to the International Criminal Court in The Hague. The Guardian report states:
"The most important measure in a United Nations security council resolution this week will be to send those accused of crimes against humanity to the International criminal court, according to diplomatic sources. In a big concession to international opinion, the US will agree to allow Darfur cases to go to the ICC, the sources add. The US has strenuously opposed the court, but is now prepared to abstain in the security council.

Other measures include the setting up of a sanctions committee to target individuals in the Sudanese government, as well as some rebels. But the proposed sanctions have been watered down in horsetrading between Britain, the US, China and Russia.

The US, backed by Britain, circulated a draft resolution to extend an arms embargo, freeze assets of individuals accused of major crimes and impose travel bans on the same individuals. China and Russia, which have economic ties to the Sudanese government, have agreed to the setting up of a UN sanctions committee to identify those who should be targeted. But, in return, plans for the extended arms ban and freeze on assets have been dropped, with only the travel ban remaining."
Note, a travel ban on those who are on the UN's sealed list of suspected Darfur war criminals [reportedly, the list includes ten members of Bashir's genocidal regime] is unlikely to be imposed because Khartoum has in the past threatened reciprocal measures. Who knows, banning entry into Sudan could include UN officials, and even aid workers, even though the UN is currently in the process of setting up offices in Southern Sudan. [Not to mention the attendance of oil deal meetings .... more on oil dealings in Sudan in a forthcoming post.

"Men and women are two wheels of a chariot"

Education, leadership crucial for refugee girls and women UNHCR says on International Women's Day.
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My thoughts on the following opinion piece by Margaret Vuchiri are about why there is such a thing as a "Women's Day" and why there appears to be no need for a "Men's Day." If there was such a thing, and you phoned a male friend to ask how he intended to spend Men's Day, what would you expect him to say? I'd expect most would treat it like some sort of Fathers Day, and give themselves a pat on the back and go eat, drink and play and make some more mess somewhere, or do a bit of wheeling and dealing, hooting and hollering, fighting, bombing, mugging, pillaging, looting, killing and raping ... Heh. You guys are something else [which is why you don't deserve a Men's Day!]

For Women's Day March 8, please click here to read an Op-Ed by Margaret Vuchiri in Kampala, titled "Has Feminism Failed to Feminise Society?"
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The following three items are a copy of one of my favourite posts that I published at this blog on September 14, 2004:

TUTU'S MESSAGE OF WISDOM: Women should rule the world

Desmond Tutu, in his message of wisdom, writes:

"When we heard the revelations of unspeakable atrocities committed during the apartheid era we were appalled at how low we human beings can sink, that we had this horrendous capacity for evil, all of us.

Then we heard the moving stories of the victims of those and other atrocities relating how despite all they had suffered they were willing to forgive their tormentors, revealing a breathtaking magnanimity and generosity of spirit, then we realised that we have a wonderful capacity for good.

Yes people are fundamentally good. They, we, are made for love, generosity, sharing, compassion - for transcendence.

We are made to reach for the stars."

Desmond Tutu.

[Source: Courtesy "Tutu's handwritten message of wisdom" Hands That Shape Humanity]
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'WOMEN SHOULD RULE THE WORLD' -
Desmond Tutu suggests a "feminine revolution" takes place

Women should rule the world said Desmond Tutu speaking at a signing ceremony between the Desmond Tutu Peace Trust and the City of Cape Town.

Former Anglican archbishop of Cape Town Desmond Tutu on Tuesday waxed lyrical about women, suggesting that a "feminine revolution" take place so that the fairer sex can rule the world.

Tutu was speaking at a signing ceremony between the Desmond Tutu Peace Trust and the City of Cape Town which brought a step closer the erection of a building bearing his name in the city CBD.

"Some of the best initiatives are those that occur because women are involved... It is almost a tacit acknowledgement of the crucial role that women play in nurturing, nurturing life," said Tutu in his tribute to women a day after Women's Day.

Tutu, who was seemingly mentally spurred on by Cape Town's sobriquet "Mother City", said that men had been given centuries to rule the world, but "have made a heck of a mess of things".

Tutu said the revolution he referred was one of women who were not afraid to be feminine, and who did not ape men in, for example, the stereotypical aggression.

"This revolution... is the last, best chance for making this globe hospitable to peace, to make this globe hospitable to compassion, hospitable to generosity and caring," he said. [More]
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Here's a snippet found on the internet:

" ... A billionaire media baron has taken a step to demonstrate his belief that women should run the world because men have "mucked it up" with too much warfare and military spending.

The United Nations Foundation Ted Turner established six years ago to distribute the £1 billion he pledged to UN causes has a new female-dominated board of directors.

"I've said for years and I'm really serious about it, I think men should be barred from holding public office for 100 years. The men have been running the world for too long and they've made a mess of it. ..."

Monday, March 07, 2005

Tens of thousands raped in Darfur, Congo, Uganda. In honour of Women's Day, please take a stand for crimes against humanity

Today, March 8, is International Women's Day and there is no let up in sexual violence in Darfur says MSF.

People around the world must take action on behalf of the tens of thousands of women suffering from continued violence in places such as Darfur, DRC and Uganda. Please read a report at the Sudan Tribune, by Natalie Spicyn and Cathy Sweetser, Yale Daily News, March 5, 2005.

Note, when reading the report, please bear in mind Reuters reported yesterday that tens of thousands have been raped in East Congo and the victims were aged between 4 months and 80. Some rapists in Sudan use razor blades to cut the clitoris and vaginas of their victims immediately before raping.
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Note, a post at my Congo Watch blog features today's report by Reuters titled "Tens of thousands raped in East Congo" and highlights the plight of Congolese rape victims aged between 4 months and 80.

The men of this world just do not seem to be listening or helping enough. Perhaps the most effective way to get the message across real quick to men that they must do everything possible to protect women and children from such horrific violence, is for females to silently protest by withholding love and sex from their male partners. Heh. Listen up guys, I'm serious. In the olden days there were eunuchs you know ...

Sunday, March 06, 2005

UN to discuss South Sudan and Darfur on Monday 7 March

The UN Security Council is set to meet tomorrow to discuss a comprehensive UN resolution that includes south Sudan, and Darfur in west Sudan.

France, Britain and other council members from Europe have demanded the resolution be amended to include provisions referring the crimes in Darfur to the International Criminal Court but the request was rejected by the US, a strong opponent of The Hague-based court, says China View on 4 March.

Plans to deploy troops from Jordan and Malaysia as part of a force of 10,000 UN peacekeepers to monitor the ceasefire were unacceptable to the south Sudan SPLM/A group and had been dropped, SPLM/A chief commander told Reuters late on Friday.

Troops from Egypt, India, Zambia, Bangladesh, Nepal and Kenya had been accepted but the force should come with a full peacekeeping mandate rather than one simply to monitor the ceasefire, he added.

The SPLM/A would prefer separate UN resolutions on south Sudan and Darfur, rather than the comprehensive one being debated, he said.
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UN's humanitarian chief visits Southern Sudan and Darfur

On Thursday March 3, the UN's top humanitarian official, Jan Egeland, arrived in Sudan on a five-day visit to assess the situation in south Sudan and Darfur in west Sudan.

The next day, Mr Egeland visited Rumbek in southern Sudan, where he spoke to officials with UN aid agencies and partner non-governmental organizations. He met members of the SPLM/A, visited the town of Malualkon in Northern Bahr el Ghazal state, and met African Union reps during his visit to South Darfur state, as well as local authorities, aid workers and affected civilians.

On his visit to the south, Mr Egeland said the needs were overwhelming. He said just 5% of the required funds required have so far been given. Southern Sudan is one of the poorest places on earth. Life expectancy is just 42 years and only a quarter of the population can read. Any infrastructure that did exist was destroyed by the long civil war between the black African south and the Arab north. With the ending of that war in January, hopes were high that the south would begin to put the conflict behind them, and roads, hospitals and schools would all be built.

Sudan asked for over $500m from the international community but so far they have given just $24m.

"I fear the world is making a historic mistake here in southern Sudan," the BBC quotes Mr Egeland as saying during his trip to the region: "Now we have a peace agreement. Now we have three, four months of cementing that peace agreement. We are not getting the money, neither for the refugees returning to southern Sudan or to the impoverished war stricken population in this area." "The world has to respond. It is unbelievable that they are waiting," he added.

The BBC report explains that other humanitarian appeals have diverted money away. The Asian tsunami and the Darfur crisis have both been much more successful at raising funds. A donor conference for the south is due to be held in Norway next month. Having pushed hard for the civil war to end, the people of southern Sudan will hope the international community has not forgotten them in times of peace. - BBC http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4322751.stm
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UN's top envoy says Sudan's army and Janjaweed remain linked

In a report from Berlin on Thursday 3 March, the UN's top envoy for Sudan, Jan Pronk, was quoted as saying the Sudanese army and the Janjaweed militia it had backed had stopped open cooperation. But they remain linked, he said. "And the result is (ethnic) cleansing, and that has to stop."

The report also quotes a German official saying that Chinese oil interests are a problem in the Security Council. And that both China and Russia oppose sanctions against the Khartoum regime, which is a major oil source.
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Ambassador denies Sudan backed atrocities

On Thursday March 3, Sudan's ambassador to the US, Khidir Haroun Ahmed, told reporters that his government "has never given any license to kill or to burn or to loot in that part of the country."

Mr Ahmed also warned the US to drop threats to impose sanctions against Sudan unless the government cracks down on the Janjaweed and other militia groups.

He said the threatened sanctions encouraged the rebels. The rebel groups "will never negotiate ... if there is a sword hanging over the head of the government. This is not the way of making peace," Ahmed said.

Instead of threatening sanctions, he said, the US should pressure rebel groups to negotiate and press Western nations to follow through on pledges of aid to Darfur.
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Darfur attacks 'led by Khartoum'

On Thursday March 3, the day after the US envoy to Sudan, Charles Snyder, left Khartoum, Human Rights Watch, a New York-based human rights group, issued a press release saying that Musa Hilal, a leader of an Arab militia operating in Darfur, said in a videotaped interview, "All the people in the field are led by top army commanders." Full Story by Bill Nichols, USA Today 3/3. Also, the BBC reports:

Musa Hilal, named by the US as a Janjaweed leader, told the [HRW] group that militia attacks on ethnic Africans were directed by Sudanese army commanders.

"These people get their orders... from Khartoum," he said in an interview transcript released by the group.

The Sudanese government has strongly denied supporting the militias.

Human Rights Watch said Mr Hilal made the allegations during a videotaped interview in Arabic, conducted in September last year. The group released part of the interview on Wednesday, saying that translation and formatting of the tape had delayed its publication.

Mr Hilal is one of seven people accused by the US state department of being leaders of the Arab Janjaweed militia. But in a BBC interview in November last year, he said he was simply a mayoral figure with no links with the military.

The Janjaweed are alleged to have killed thousands and used mass rape against non-Arab groups. Sudan's government and the Arab militias are accused of war crimes against the region's black African population, although the United Nations has stopped short of terming it a genocide.

Further reading

March 3 Independent UK: Sudan ordered death squads, says warlord Musa Hilal
March 3 allAfrica.com Op-Ed by Peter Deselaers in Berlin: EU Fails to Agree Steps to End Killing
March 2 New York Times Op-Ed by Nicholas D. Kristof: "The American Witness"
March 2 Daily Kos: What is more important than stopping genocide?
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US envoy visits Sudan on bilateral ties, peace deal

On Tuesday March 1, US envoy to Sudan Charles Snyder arrived in Khartoum for talks with Sudanese officials.

Mr Snyder met with Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Othman Ismail Wednesday March 2 on bilateral ties, the implementation of the peace deal for southern Sudan, and the situation in Darfur.

Ismail expressed hope that his meeting with the US envoy would be fruitful and successful. Full Story at China View, March 1, 2005.

Charles_Snyder3.jpg
Photo: US envoy to Sudan Charles Snyder

On Wednesday March 2, US envoy to Sudan Charles Snyder announced in Khartoum that Washington "is looking for promoting its diplomatic representation in Khartoum to ambassador level by the coming autumn following improvements of the situations in Darfur."

Mr Snyder concluded his two-day visit to Sudan on Wednesday evening after meeting with a number of Sudanese officials including Sudanese First Vice President Ali Osman Mohamed Taha. Full Story at China News, March 2, 2005.
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Khartoum 'astonished' by US push for sanctions over Darfur

On Wednesday March 2, the Sudanese government voiced its displeasure at the latest US proposition for UN sanctions over Khartoum's handling of the crisis in Darfur.

"We have communicated ... our astonishment over the US administration's position of seeking to impose sanctions on Sudan and, at the same time, considering normalisation of ties," an official said after a visit by US State Department Adviser for Sudan Charles Snyder.

Sudanese foreign ministry official Mohammed Amin al-Karib that during his visit Snyder had promised that the draft resolution proposing sanctions would be "mitigated". Full Story AFP Geneva, March 2, 2005.
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Obasanjo meets Sudan's VP over Darfur crisis

On Monday Feb 28, African Union chairman, Nigeria's President Olusegun Obasanjo, met Sudan's first vice president Ali Taha over the crisis in Darfur. The meeting was a follow-up to the one that Obasanjo had with Sudan's President Bashir on February 16 at Abuja.

Taha's delegation presented to Obasanjo a report of the National Commission of Inquiry on Darfur, prepared by the government in Khartoum. Obasanjo and the delegation "discussed ways of adjudication, criminal justice and reconciliation in Darfur.

After talks with Bashir last February 16, Obasanjo said that he had been convinced by the Sudanese leader that the situation in Darfur was improving. "Things are looking greatly better in Darfur," Obasanjo said, adding he hoped that AU-sponsored peace talks, which are to resume in Abuja, would bear fruit and that settlement would be reached.

Obasanjo has made it clear that he hopes that Africa can resolve the crisis without outside intervention. - via AFP report Feb 28, 2005.
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African Union says Sudanese officials may not be behind North Darfur abuses

On Monday Feb 28, Reuters reported that the African Union said Sudanese officials may not be behind North Darfur abuses.

"It is believed that these banditry activities might have been perpetrated by some unscrupulous members of all the groups ... that are outside the control of their leadership," said Colonel Awwal Usman Mohammed, an AU commander in North Darfur state.

Janjaweed militias, who aid workers and the rebels say are supported by the government, have been accused of attacking civilians.

"I believe there is a total lack of control ... Even the Janjaweed, I don't think the government of Sudan actually sanctions what they do," Mohammed said.

Camel_riders_pass_in_front_of_a_Rwandan.jpg
Photo: A Rwandan African Union soldier patrols at Abushouk camp near El Fasher in North Darfur, Nov 3 (AFP).
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Boschwitz chosen as Human Rights Ambassador

On Saturday March 5, American news reports said US Senator from Minnesota, Rudy Boschwitz, has been chosen as Ambassador to the UN Commission on Human Rights. According to one report, "he would try to steer the Commission on Human Rights in a direction more favourable to the United States."

0534205724_boschwitz-rudy-250.jpg

[More favourable to the United States? One wonders what other people outside of America think, when they read such a statement]
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Chinese attitudes towards the USA

EastSouthWestNorth blog reports on an opinion poll on the attitudes of Chinese towards America. Some highlights:

How satisfied are you with Sino-American relationship:
- 52% somewhat satisfied
- 18% satisfied
- 1% very satisfied

How do you like the American people?
- 53% somewhat like
- 13% like

What is America to China?
- 49% a competitor
- 26% a cooperative partner
- 12% an example to emulate
- 10% a friendly country

Do you think America is trying to contain China?
- 57% yes

What is the biggest problem that will affect the Sino-American relationship?
- 61% Taiwan

What is the likelihood of conflict between America and China over the Taiwan issue?
- 41% somewhat likely
- 12% likely

What don't you like about the American government?
- 38% selling arms to Taiwan
- 32% starting the war in Iraq under false pretenses
- 8% strenghtening military ties with Japan

Why is America so concerned about human rights in China?
- 49% to disrupt the stability of China
- 19% Americans just don't understand China
- 15% to promote democracy in China
- 10% to denigrate China

What do you admire about America?
- 44% science and technology
- 21% system of government and law
- 18% economic prosperity

Do you accept American cultural products?
- 32% can accept, but too far removed from own lifestyle
- 28% enjoy very much

How do you find out about America?
- 64% media
- 21% American movies
- 7% direct contact with Americans

[Source: Blood & Treasure: what the Chinese think]

Further reading:

6 March The Korea Times Will China Cause Trans-Atlantic Rift? by Philip Dorsey Iglauer: The embargo never kept dangerous weapon systems from the possession of China's military.

European arms sells are not nor will they ever be the source of the proliferation of lethal weapons going to China. Lifting the ban will only finally normalize relations between Europe and China. And that is a good thing, a boon to America's long-term interests in the region.

The US must not allow this to become another rift in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The real danger lies with the neo-cons and Francophobes in the Bush administration sounding fire alarms where no fire exists. Moreover, it is misperceptions like those that will in fact hurt NATO, creating differences with Europe when the US should instead be soliciting its help to meet real challenges in Iraq and in the war on terror.

7 March Australian news, China correspondent report, says China hopes EU-supplied firepower will make US think twice.
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Great new blog: "Coalition for Darfur"

Here's wishing American bloggers Eugene Oregon and Feddie best of luck fundraising for Save the Children in their new blog Coalition for Darfur.

As Eugene has posted regular Darfur updates over the past year at his blog Demagogue, he has good in-depth knowledge of what has gone on in Darfur during the past two years. I had linked to Demagogue in my blog, and at Passion of the Present, in the past and look forward to reading and pointing to more posts in the future, like the snappy titled Khartomb.

[via http://passionofthepresent.org]
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Quotation of the Day

Stanford University held a panel discussion on US/UN/Africa relations:

"Most American attitudes on Africa are not deeply fixed in any African reality," Devlin-Foltz said. "When they are lacking information, people will fall back on general principles."

He said he blames television news for the widely-held American view that the world is full of unrelated catastrophic events and that the United States is the only nation that can make a difference.

[Source: Coalition for Darfur]

Sudan: Darfur dead between 200,000 and 300,000

Independent estimates from the Brookings Institution and others now reveal that between 200,000 and 300,000 people have died in Darfur from starvation, disease and violence over the past two years.

via Toronto Star - March 5, 2005 by Simon Rosenblum, Director Public Policy, Canadian Jewish Congress, Toronto.

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BBC photo: Average life expectancy in southern Sudan is just 42 years
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Chad: Work begins on new camp for Sudanese

A British government official recently said the crisis in Darfur will continue for another 18-24 months - which means the Dafuris imprisoned in Chad shan't be going home for a few more years.

Note the UN's figure of 200,000 refugees in Chad has not changed in almost a year, despite a steady influx of thousands of new refugees each month.

Six months ago the UN referred to the death toll in Darfur as totalling 70,000 since March 2003 but fails to update the figure even though at least 5,000-10,000 refugees are dying in the camps each month. How the publicly funded UN gets away with not updating figures is amazing.

The following is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Rupert Colville -- to whom quoted text may be attributed -- at a press briefing, on 1 March 2005, at the Palais des Nations in Geneva:

UNHCR and its partners are starting work this week on a new refugee camp in eastern Chad to accommodate Sudanese refugees who have fled the strife-torn Darfur region. The camp will be the 12th established in eastern Chad, where UNHCR has been searching intensively for sites with sufficient water resources to sustain large numbers of people -- a daunting task in this arid region.

The new camp -- called Gaga -- is located east of the main town of Abeche. Initially, it will accommodate 15,000 refugees who are currently living at the overcrowded camps of Farchana and Bredjing. The new site could also take in refugees who are still living at the border, some 1,500 of whom have expressed the desire to move to a camp.

If the initial estimates of water supply at Gaga are confirmed, the camp could eventually shelter up to 30,000 refugees. But already, preliminary results from drilling done in recent weeks show that the water supply is sufficient to start building a new camp. Local Chadian authorities and traditional leaders have also agreed for a camp to be built in Gaga. UNHCR hopes that the new site will welcome its first refugees in April, before the onset of the rainy season.

In all, more than 200,000 Sudanese refugees live in camps in eastern Chad. The vast majority of the refugees were transferred by UNHCR from the volatile border zone in a major logistics operation over the past year. The two-year-old conflict in Darfur has also uprooted another 1.8 million people within Darfur itself. - via ReliefWeb March 1, 2005.
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Irish aid agency GOAL chief urges Ireland to withdraw from UN

On March 4, the chief executive of the well regarded Irish aid agency GOAL, John O'Shea, called on the Government to withdraw from the United Nations in protest at its lack of action in Darfur.

Mr O'Shea said that the UN was acting cowardly and the Government should make a point by withdrawing from the body.

"We've got to find courage from somewhere and I think if Ireland was to take this stand, maybe one of the bigger governments would applaud it," he said. - IOL March 4, 2005.
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Egyptian actor calls on the Arab world to help Darfur

Here is a rare piece of news: an Arab calls on the Arab world to help Darfur.

thumb.sge.pqq46.030305192737.photo00.photo.default-255x384.jpg

Mahmud Qabil, a prominent Egyptian actor and goodwill ambassador for the UN children's fund shown here in 2002, called on the Arab world to offer more assistance to suffering children in Darfur. (AFP/File/Amro Maraghi) Mar 3

Sudan: Mendez says a "non-consensual" military intervention in Darfur will not improve things

In an interview with IPS, the UN's Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Juan Mendez, discussed the situation in Darfur as well as other aspects of his job. Here is an extract from the transcript published March 2, 2005:

IPS: What is your evaluation of the situation in Sudan?

JUAN MENDEZ: I think it's getting worse. Since September the threat has grown for those displaced by the violence, and there is a greater danger of massive attacks. The military presence of the African Union (AU) has increased, but the local forces that are fighting are getting used to the presence of foreign troops, and are largely able to avoid them. In some cases they have even attacked them.

There have also been attacks on aid workers from humanitarian groups, which is bad enough in and of itself, besides giving rise to the possibility that humanitarian workers could withdraw and leave the people they are helping at even greater risk.

I believe this is a very important time for making decisions, because if we fail to curb the spread of violence, another catastrophe in Darfur could occur, as serious as the one the region suffered from mid-2003 to early 2004, and with unpredictable consequences.

IPS: Have you classified the situation in Darfur as a case of genocide?

JUAN MENDEZ: No, because my task is prevention. It is not up to me to decide on definitions. I am to act when I observe a situation that can lead to genocide if something is not done. If I were to classify the situation as genocide, that means I have arrived too late.

Besides, the task of determining whether or not what is occurring in Darfur amounts to genocide was assigned by the U.N. Security Council to an international commission of inquiry.

IPS: Are you in favour of a military intervention in that region?

JUAN MENDEZ: Despite the gravity of what I have seen, I'm not convinced that a non-consensual military intervention will improve things. On the contrary, it could make them much worse.

I do believe that in some cases the only solution is to send troops. But it must be a last resort, and the possible consequences must be gauged.
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U.S., NATO troops not likely to be sent to Darfur, says Gen. Jones

Yesterday, the top commander of NATO and U.S. forces said it is unlikely alliance troops will be dispatched to Darfur any time soon.

Marine Gen. James Jones told Stars and Stripes that although some key leaders have been pressing for action, no plans are in works to help in Darfur. Full Story at European and Pacific Stars & Stripes, March 5, 2005.
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Ugandan troops on standby for deployment to Darfur

The UPDF has been put on standby for deployment in Darfur, says a report out of Kampala via Sudan Tribune, March 6, 2005.

On March 4, military sources said a battalion-size military force of 1200-1500 soldiers from Uganda has been put on alert for immediate deployment in Darfur. The final decision will come after the conclusion of talks between the UN and the Ugandan Ministry of Defence.

"About 30 officers have been put on standby to lead the mission to Darfur," a reliable military source said, March 4. An assistant chief of staff was said to be handling the operation on behalf of the ministry. And an army and defence spokesman neither confirmed nor denied the Darfur deployment. "I can't tell you its true or not true until I have been briefed," he said.

A military source conversant with the UPDF operations said some of the selected leading UPDF officers have already undergone briefing on the military exercise.

[Note, At the moment there are 1,800 African Union troops in Darfur. A further 1,500 AU troops were expected months ago. The Ugandan soldiers mentioned in the report could be the long awaited battalion. If the report is true, we will find out soon enough]
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Southern Sudan: militia attack former southern rebels SPLM/A?

5 March Rumbek, Sudan (Reuters) report -- Southern Sudanese rebels said militia fighters allied to the northern Khartoum government had attacked them despite a peace deal.
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Southern Sudan rebel leader hopes to solve Darfur crisis ... in July

In July, John Garang, leader of southern Sudan's former rebels SPLM/A will replace President Bashir's right hand man Taha as Sudan's First Vice-President. Mr Garang talked to Reuters yesterday re Darfur, after speaking at an international conference in Brussels. Here is what he said:

"At the end of the day, humanitarian assistance (and) protection of the civilian population will not be enough -- you need a political solution. When the SPLM becomes part of the government ... I believe there is every reason to be optimistic that there will be a solution to Darfur," he said. "You cannot make peace in the south and make war in Darfur," he said. "It is untenable."

Meanwhile, in Sudan, a SPLM/A chief commander told Reuters late on Friday that militia fighters allied to the Khartoum government had attacked positions held by the former rebels, warning it could undermine the peace agreement.

A senior US official said on Wednesday March 2 that Sudan's government and Darfur rebels have a "reasonable chance" of securing an effective ceasefire at African Union-sponsored talks due to start this month.

But Garang voiced doubt about the current government's sincerity. "The government of Khartoum is complicit in the events in Darfur," he said. "You cannot turn around and ask the same government to solve the problem."

Garang called in February for the creation of a neutral force of up to 30,000 troops from the government, the SPLM and other countries to stop the fighting in Darfur. He said the proposal was under discussion but that the Khartoum government was "not comfortable" with it.

International aid agency Oxfam has said only half of the 3,320 personnel promised by the African Union have arrived in Darfur and their efforts have been hindered by shortages of funding and a lack of logistical support.
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Darfur rebels demand Government withdrawal before peace talks

Today, March 6, the Darfur rebels demanded that the Sudanese government withdraw its troops before the next round of peace talks due sometime this month.

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Reuters photo: Teenage Sudan Liberation Army fighters in the rebel held village of Bodong in North Darfur.

Friday, March 04, 2005

Iraq pulls out of International Criminal Court

One can't help wondering who is all behind the decision of Iraq's interim government to pull out of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Excerpt from Agence France Presse report via RF Europe March 2:
Iraq's interim government has revoked its decision to adhere to the International Criminal Court, which it had announced just two weeks ago.

State television says that Iraq pulled back from the court today. It offered no explanation.

The ICC, based in The Hague, is the first permanent court mandated to try charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. It began operating in July 2002.

Several members of the former regime of Saddam Hussein, including the ousted president himself, are due to face trial in Iraq for war crimes.
Note, almost 100 countries have ratified the Rome treaty recognising the ICC. Notable exceptions are China and the Bush administration, which oppose the court. US President Bill Clinton signed up to the court, but his successor, President George W Bush, revoked the signature.

Monday, February 28, 2005

War crimes indictment could save Sudanese lives

Here is a copy of an easy to read report at Radio Netherlands that explains the US position on the International Criminal Court. Louise Arbour, the top United Nations' human rights official, says that indicting and arresting people suspected of committing war crimes could save lives and protect victims. She is urging the UN Security Council to refer the case of Darfur to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and says,

"The ICC could be activated immediately. With an already existing set of well-defined rules of procedure and evidence, the Court was the best institution to ensure speedy investigations leading to arrests and demonstrably fair trials."

Contentious issue
This is a contentious issue - especially for the United States. Though the US has been at the forefront of recommending tough action on Sudan, it opposes the international court in The Hague, fearing that one day, Americans could be put on trial there.

David Scheffer was the top US negotiator for the ICC under the Clinton administration; he says the US has nothing to fear and everything to gain by referring this case:

"Even if you're the greatest sceptic of the ICC - and there are many of them in the Bush administration - there simply is no strong argument they can come up with as to why the ICC should not be seized with the Darfur situation. An ICC investigation of Darfur need not expose any US national, or the US government, to any criminal liability whatsoever before the ICC."

US doesn't want it
But this argument is unlikely to sway opponents of the ICC. Nicholas Rostow is the General Counsel at the US mission to the United Nations in New York:

"Our position is that we don't need it, we don't approve of this particular court and we don't wish to be faced with questions - as we are all the time at the United Nations - having to do with how to vote or deal with language implying US support for an institution which we do not support. Beyond that, if the parties to the court want to use it for themselves ... that's fine."

Not straightforward
But the case of Darfur is not that straightforward. Sudan is not party to the treaty on which the ICC is founded - therefore war crimes committed in Sudan can only be prosecuted if the Security Council refers the case. The irony is that America fought for the court to work in exactly this manner:

"When we were negotiating the statute for the ICC back in the 1990s, this was our dream case. And this was the dream case of everyone in the Pentagon, and on Capitol Hill. A case in which the Security Council would have exclusive power of referral to the court and would be able to shape the court's role through a Security Council resolution. This case of Sudan presents that possibility, and only that possibility."

Sharing the burden
But instead, the US has proposed the creation of an ad hoc court to bring perpetrators of war crimes to account. Nicholas Rostow says:

"We have an idea for the creation of an African Criminal Court which would become a permanent fixture of the African landscape ... They need such an institution, and as I understand it, they want it. That's the position the US favours. It's not an attack on the ICC. It's not an alternative to the ICC. It's a regional sharing of the burden, so that it could be an African institution, supported by others, which would address horrific crimes which have recently occurred in Africa."

But it's not clear who would be willing to share this burden. The majority of members Security Council members support the International Criminal Court. It's doubtful whether they would be willing to bypass an institution they helped to create and fund, in order to satisfy American demands. It's also not clear what kind of mandate an ad hoc court would have: all that would have to be negotiated.

Heart of independence
Money is another concern, says David Scheffer:

"It will be a significant cost and even if the current administration is willing to pay it, I'm not so sure Congress is. And furthermore, it goes to the very heart of the independence of that tribunal if the US is the only funder of that court. What does it say about the independence of that court?"

Meanwhile, as the haggling continues, so does the violence in Darfur. It's estimated that some 300,000 people have died in the conflict to date. In her presentation to the Security Council, the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, highlighted recent atrocities. Further delays in intervention will mean more victims.

End to the conflict
The US has pushed hard for a end to the conflict in Sudan. But critics now say that America's dislike of the court is overriding its strong commitment to achieving peace in the region. David Scheffer says:

"I think an American veto [of a resolution to refer the case of Darfur to the ICC] would be the final evidence of what has been occurring over the past four years under the Bush administration, which is that the US is relinquishing what it used to have leadership in. A veto would send a strong signal to the rest of the world that the US is stepping back from the challenge of international justice."
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African leaders should lean on Sudan

Here is an article by Chicago Tribune foreign correspondent Laurie Goering Feb 27, who writes about the African Union, Sudan, Togo and Zimbabwe and explains that analysts are saying African leaders appear increasingly unwilling to stand for undemocratic seizures of power on the continent, but remain reluctant to act against established regimes that commit atrocities or flout democratic principles. Here is an excerpt relating to the Sudan:

"When African leaders really want to lean on somebody, they do. The peer pressure is enormous," said John Prendergast, an Africa analyst with the International Crisis Group in Washington. "There's a consensus that's developed that any kind of non-democratic transition of power, or military coup, will be vociferously opposed and overturned."

But the same leaders "bristle at anyone who tries to tell a government in Africa how to govern," Prendergast said, and that means that the African Union has hesitated to take any action on Darfur without the Sudanese government's approval.

In Sudan, the African Union has staged "an impotent, irrelevant intervention that doesn't have an impact on people's lives on the ground," even as the World Heath Organization reports 10,000 people a month dying in Darfur and a growing threat of famine, Prendergast said. That inaction, he said, threatens to compromise the African Union's standing as a body capable of dealing with Africa's problems.

As the U.S. Congress puts growing pressure on the Bush administration to take stronger action in Darfur, the United States may soon "start twisting arms in the [UN] Security Council," Prendergast said. "Then you'll see something start happening."

Specifically, he believes growing U.S. pressure and a new threat of some type of Security Council-mandated international troop intervention in Darfur could push Sudan's government to at least accept a larger contingent of African Union troops in Darfur, one with a mission to protect civilians.

"For the government of Sudan to be influenced sufficiently to accept a mandate that is much more interventionist, it has to see the larger international community, particularly countries like the U.S., pushing for that stronger mandate," Prendergast said.

If the UN Security Council fails to threaten strong action against Sudan, he said, "Sudan gets the message loud and clear that there is no cost" to continuing its campaign of what has been called ethnic cleansing against African peasants living in a region that has spawned a rebel uprising against Khartoum.
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Rwandan president calls for more troops in Darfur

28 Feb article by China News quotes Rwandan President Paul Kagame today as saying:

"The issue of numbers of the troops will have to be critically examined by the African Union. If they had more troops on ground covering many positions, then you are likely to have fewer violations of the ceasefire and other agreements on the ground. I think this is a matter that the African Union would like to review," said Kagame, who was in Sudan for three days last week.

"We will give the AU information that we came with based on what we heard and saw and felt on the ground," he added.
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African leaders work on new summit for Darfur crisis

28 Feb AFP report from Cairo confirms African leaders are working to set a date for a new summit in Egypt, sponsored by the African Union, to try again to solve the crisis in Darfur, the Egyptian president's office said Monday.

"The various parties involved are currently engaged in negotiations to set a new date for the Darfur summit initially slated for March 5 in Aswan" in southern Egypt, presidential spokesman told the official MENA news agency. The leaders of Sudan, neighbouring Egypt, Chad and Libya, as well as Nigeria -- which chairs the African Union -- are due to take part.

A similar meeting on the troubled west Sudan region of Darfur was held in Libya in October 2004, but yielded little result on the ground. Another summit grouping several other African leaders was held in Chad earlier this month and outlined new steps to ensure that a moribund ceasefire was being respected in Darfur.

Violations of the April 2004 ceasefire by the Sudanese government, its militia allies, and the Darfur rebels had led to the collapse of the Abuja peace talks in December last year.

The Abuja talks -- the only direct negotiations between warring parties -- have yet to resume, despite an earlier announcement from Khartoum that the process could restart by the end of February.
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The Secret Genocide Archive

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Photos courtesy Nicholas D. Kristof's report in New York Times re-published online today via Venezuela and Italy.
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For an American city's Sudanese, Darfur hits home

27 Feb report by Beth Quimby, Portland Press Herald Writer - excerpt:

Abdelrahim Khamis was one of about 65 tribal Fur refugees and 30 others who gathered at the Darfur Unity Conference in Portland, USA at the weekend to discuss the plight of their countrymen and try to find some solutions.

They flew in from across the country, joining many from Portland's own 70-member tribal Fur community, the largest in the country. They are part of the city's roughly 400-member Sudanese community.

"Unity is needed, much more than ever before," said the conference chairman. He told the gathering that it took only a few years for the militias to rid Darfur of its tribal people, but it could take 100 years for them to return unless Darfurian refugees and the international community join together.

"We worry about them," said Abdel Abkar of Portland. He said he wanted to help people learn about the genocide taking place in his homeland.

Mohamed Ahmed of Baltimore said the African Union cannot save the people of the Darfur region alone.

Amanda Moore of Cape Elizabeth said she read about the conference in Saturday morning's newspaper and felt compelled to attend. She had never done anything similar before. "It seems the very least we can do is hear the story," she said.
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Kofi Annan heads For London on a visit headlined by Middle East situation

26 Feb The situation in the Middle East dominates the agenda of a day-long visit to London tomorrow by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, his second trip to the British capital in a month.

Mr. Annan will address the London Meeting on Supporting the Palestinian Authority, which is being hosted by the UK's Prime Minister Tony Blair, on Tuesday morning.

Sunday, February 27, 2005

Four million face starvation as war brings famine to refugees of Darfur, Sudan

A news report in today's Telegraph quotes a UN WFP officer for south Darfur, as saying: "If no more assistance is forthcoming it will be a disaster."

When the UN makes such statements, don't you wonder who they are aiming them at? Regular Sudan Watchers will have noticed that such emotive one-line statements are regularly made by the UN and aid agencies at monthly and three-monthly intervals during the run-up to UN Security Council meetings. Note too how they never put forward a proper case for the funding or give any explanation as to why AU troops are so thin on the ground in Darfur, despite the fact that the African Union has received over two hundred million dollars for 3,000 soldiers. Also, no UN figures are provided on how much Darfur costs in terms of lives lost or how many billions of dollars have been spent/will be needed, and for how long, to provide what the UN terms as a "Band-Aid" to prop up genocidal dictators in Khartoum and cushion relations between members of the UN Security Council.

Where are all the African and Arab voices around the world shouting genocide, clamouring for food, water, aid, and jumping up and down calling for action and justice for Darfur? Americans hoot and holler about genocide and human rights in Darfur but are relatively silent when it comes to anything that does not involve throwing money at Darfur. American bloggers don't seem to have much to say about the US delaying Security Council action on bringing Darfur war criminals to court asap. Another 10,000 Sudanese have died since the US started arguing against using the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Unlike many other countries, America stands alone with China and several other rogue states in not supporting the ICC. The US refuses to join the ICC incase it harms US personnel. And the US refuses to join in with everyone else and sign up to the Kyoto agreement to help protect the environment, incase such a move harms US industry. America is bound to end up with another bloody nose like 9/11 if it does not start learning humility and listen to the rest of the world.

There are many ancient cultures around the world that need to be respected. Countries with long histories of wars. Centuries of knocks to inhabitants from strong stock with long-held traditions and faiths. America is only 200 something years old. Westminster Abbey in London is going on 800 years old. Only 10% of Americans are passport holders. America is like a baby trying to run before it can walk and got its first knock on 9/11.

What I am saying here is that America, whether it likes it or not, still has a lot to learn to fit in with the rest of the world. If the US continues to think it can go it alone and refuses to see itself the way the rest of the world sees it [talking pre 9/11 here, about America's gross consumerism and being the new loud kid on the block] it does so at its peril. It has few friends and needs to respect the ones its got while learning to grow up.

According to the UN, Darfur continues to be the world's greatest humanitarian disaster. And the British government say the crisis in Darfur will go on for another two years. It looks like members of the UN Security Council, especially China, are simply counting on the West to continue pouring billions of taxpayers' dollars into aid and development for the Sudanese so countries like China can carry on their business as usual in the Sudan while millions of Sudanese are homeless or imprisoned, for years on end, in concentration camps provided by the West. Even the UN says 10,000 refugees continue to die each month from malnutrition or disease.

Note, the following excerpt from today's Telegraph points out how Khartoum are still not providing unimpeded access for aid, despite demands by UN Security Council resolutions over the past ten months:

In the nearby mountains of eastern Jebel Mara, Janjaweed attacks have hampered even the aid agencies' food deliveries. Last week, however, the first convoy for four months ventured into the area and distributed 14 lorry loads of grain to desperate villagers.

Local leaders complain that the government is thwarting efforts to get food through. "The government blocks the roads that people use for trade," complained Omar Abido, the traditional ruler of Muhajeria. "Sugar used to be 1,000 dinars a bag. Now it is 1,500. Benzine used to be 30,000 dinars a barrel. Now it is 70,000.

"The government diverts all commercial lorries that are supposed to come through here," he said. "There have been no trucks from Khartoum for three months."

For Halim Osman, pausing to stare in blank reproach through the woven grass fence before wandering dejectedly away from the feeding station, the outlook is bleak: compounding problems on the ground, the World Food Programme has so far received only 55 per cent of the £274 million that it appealed for last year.

Aloys Sema, the WFP officer for south Darfur, said: "If no more assistance is forthcoming it will be a disaster."

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At 16 months, Mohammed must be fed via a tube