Thursday, February 26, 2009

U.S. Government's 2008 Human Rights Report on Sudan

Note that the below copied report by the U.S. Government refers to a 22-year "civil war" between North Sudan and South Sudan but states that the country experienced several "violent conflicts" during the year while civilians in Darfur continued to suffer from the effects of "genocide". Since when was Darfur declared genocide? And why does the report not make mention of SLM-Nur, I wonder. 

Correction: the full pdf version states this:
Child Soldiers
Recruitment of child soldiers remained a serious problem in Darfur.
A 2007 UN report cited the SAF, police including the CRP, janjaweed, government-aligned PDF, and Darfur rebel groups JEM, the SLA/Gasim, the SLA/Free Will, the SLA/Minni Minawi, the SLA/Abdul Wahid, and the SLA/Shafi as recruiting or using child soldiers. The UN report also cited recruitment or use of child soldiers by Chadian rebel forces operating inside Sudan. Darfur rebel groups also recruited
child soldiers in the Sudanese refugee camps in Chad.
For the record, copied here below is the report via ReliefWeb followed by pdf report in full.

2008 Human Rights report: Sudan
Source: Government of the United States of America
Date: 25 Feb 2009 (via ReliefWeb)
Sudan, a republic with an estimated population of 40.2 million, is governed according to a power-sharing arrangement established by the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended the 22-year civil war between the north and south and established an interim Government of National Unity (GNU). The CPA calls for national elections to be held in 2009. The GNU is composed of the National Congress Party (NCP), dominated by Islamists from the north and ruled by authoritarian President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and his inner circle, and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), the political wing of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) led predominantly by Christians and practitioners of traditional indigenous religions from the south. The most recent national elections were held in 2000; Bashir was reelected, and his political party won 340 out of 360 seats in the parliament in deeply flawed elections boycotted by all major opposition parties. The SPLM is the ruling party of the autonomous Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), established in 2005. The GOSS ratified a separate constitution in 2005. A referendum to determine whether the south will become an independent entity is scheduled for 2011. The country experienced several violent conflicts during the year. While civilian authorities in the north generally maintained effective control of the security forces and government-aligned militia outside of Darfur, there were frequent instances in which elements of the security forces and government-aligned militia acted independently in Darfur. In the south, civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of security forces, but there were frequent instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently.

Conflict in Darfur continued despite the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) between the government and Minni Minawi's faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A). Civilians in Darfur continued to suffer from the effects of genocide. Government forces bombed villages, killed civilians including internally displaced persons (IDPs), and collaborated with janjaweed militias and tribal factions to raze villages and perpetrate violence against women. The government supported Chadian rebel groups. During January and February, violence in West Darfur displaced tens of thousands of persons; approximately 12,000 persons were displaced to Chad. Darfur rebel groups continued to commit serious abuses. On May 10, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), a Darfuri rebel movement, mounted an attack on Omdurman, near the capital. Intertribal conflict also killed civilians. According to the UN, nearly 2.7 million civilians have been internally displaced, and approximately 250,000 refugees have fled to neighboring Chad since the conflict in Darfur began in 2003. During the year approximately 315,000 civilians were displaced within Darfur and to Chad. Estimates on the number of deaths vary. In 2006 the UN estimated that 200,000 persons had died as a result of the conflict.

Tensions over CPA implementation persisted between the north and the south. Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the SPLA forces engaged in open combat in the disputed Abyei region from May 14 until May 22. Intertribal violence in the south continued. The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), a rebel movement formerly-based in Uganda, made incursions into Southern Sudan and attacked and killed civilians.

The government's human rights record remained poor, and there were numerous serious abuses, including: abridgement of citizens' right to change their government; extrajudicial and other unlawful killings by government forces and other government-aligned groups throughout the country; disappearances, including of hundreds of Darfuris in Omdurman and Khartoum following the May 10 JEM attack; torture, beatings, rape, and other cruel, inhumane treatment or punishment by security forces; harsh prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, incommunicado detention of suspected government opponents, and prolonged pretrial detention; executive interference with the judiciary and denial of due process; obstruction of the delivery of humanitarian assistance; restrictions on privacy; restrictions on freedom of speech; increased restrictions on the press, including direct censorship; restrictions on freedoms of assembly, association, religion, and movement; harassment of IDPs and of local and international human rights and humanitarian organizations; violence and discrimination against women, including female genital mutilation (FGM); child abuse, including sexual violence and recruitment of child soldiers, particularly in Darfur; preventing international human rights observers from traveling to/within Sudan; trafficking in persons; discrimination and violence against ethnic minorities; denial of workers' rights; and forced and child labor.

In Southern Sudan, serious human rights abuses were reported during the year, including extrajudicial killings and physical abuse of persons by the SPLA; poor prison and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrest; lengthy pretrial detention; use of child soldiers; abduction of women and children; and child labor. Interethnic violence was a problem.

In Darfur government-aligned militias killed and injured civilians, including during attacks on villages; raped women and children; destroyed and looted civilian property; and used child soldiers.

Rebel factions and bandits in Darfur killed and abducted persons, including civilians, humanitarian workers, and United Nations--African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) peacekeeping troops and workers; beat and raped civilians; recruited and used child soldiers; and restricted humanitarian access.

The LRA attacked villages and killed and abducted civilians in the south.
- - -
Copy of Full Report (from pdf format - 194.4 Kbytes):

2008 Human Rights Report: Sudan
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
February 25, 2009

Sudan, a republic with an estimated population of 40.2 million, is governed according to a power-sharing arrangement established by the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended the 22-year civil war between the north and south and established an interim Government of National Unity (GNU). The CPA calls for national elections to be held in 2009. 

The GNU is composed of the National Congress Party (NCP), dominated by Islamists from the north and ruled by authoritarian President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and his inner circle, and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), the political wing of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) led predominantly by Christians and practitioners of traditional indigenous religions from the south. The most recent national elections were held in 2000; Bashir was reelected, and his political party won 340 out of 360 seats in the parliament in deeply flawed elections boycotted by all major opposition parties. 

The SPLM is the ruling party of the autonomous Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), established in 2005. The GOSS ratified a separate constitution in 2005.  A referendum to determine whether the south will become an independent entity is scheduled for 2011. 

The country experienced several violent conflicts during the year. While civilian authorities in the north generally maintained effective control of the security forces and government-aligned militia outside of Darfur, there were frequent instances in which elements of the security forces and government-aligned militia acted independently in Darfur. 

In the south, civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of security forces, but there were frequent instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently. 

Conflict in Darfur continued despite the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) between the government and Minni Minawi's faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A). 

Civilians in Darfur continued to suffer from the effects of genocide. Government forces bombed villages, killed civilians including internally displaced persons (IDPs), and collaborated with janjaweed militias and tribal factions to raze villages and perpetrate violence against women. 

The government supported Chadian rebel groups. During January and February, violence in West Darfur displaced tens of thousands of persons; approximately 12,000 persons were displaced to Chad. Darfur rebel groups continued to commit serious abuses. 

On May 10, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), a Darfuri rebel movement, mounted an attack on Omdurman, near the capital.

Intertribal conflict also killed civilians.
2008 Human Rights Report: Sudan
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2008 Human Rights Report: Sudan

According to the UN, nearly 2.7 million civilians have been internally displaced, and approximately 250,000 refugees have fled to neighboring Chad since the conflict in Darfur began in 2003. During the year approximately 315,000 civilians were displaced within Darfur and to Chad. Estimates on the number of deaths vary. In 2006 the UN estimated that 200,000 persons had died as a result of the conflict.

Tensions over CPA implementation persisted between the north and the south. Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the SPLA forces engaged in open combat in the disputed Abyei region from May 14 until May 22. Intertribal violence in the south continued. 

The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), a rebel movement formerly-based in Uganda, made incursions into Southern Sudan and attacked and killed civilians.

The government's human rights record remained poor, and there were numerous serious abuses, including: abridgement of citizens' right to change their government; extrajudicial and other unlawful killings by government forces and other government-aligned groups throughout the country; disappearances, including of hundreds of Darfuris in Omdurman and Khartoum following the May 10 JEM attack; torture, beatings, rape, and other cruel, inhumane treatment or punishment by security forces; harsh prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, incommunicado detention of suspected government opponents, and prolonged pretrial detention; executive interference with the judiciary and denial of due process; obstruction of the delivery of humanitarian assistance; restrictions on privacy; restrictions on freedom of speech; increased restrictions on the press, including direct censorship; restrictions on freedoms of assembly, association, religion, and movement; harassment of IDPs and of local and international human rights and humanitarian organizations; violence and discrimination against women, including female genital mutilation (FGM); child abuse, including sexual violence and recruitment of child soldiers, particularly in Darfur; preventing international human rights observers from traveling to/within Sudan; trafficking in persons; discrimination and violence against ethnic minorities; denial of workers' rights; and forced and child labor.

In Southern Sudan, serious human rights abuses were reported during the year, including extrajudicial killings and physical abuse of persons by the SPLA; poor prison and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrest; lengthy pretrial detention; use of child soldiers; abduction of women and children; and child labor. Interethnic violence was a problem.

In Darfur government-aligned militias killed and injured civilians, including during attacks on villages; raped women and children; destroyed and looted civilian property; and used child soldiers.

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Rebel factions and bandits in Darfur killed and abducted persons, including civilians, humanitarian workers, and United Nations--African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) peacekeeping troops and workers; beat and raped civilians; recruited and used child soldiers; and restricted humanitarian access.

The LRA attacked villages and killed and abducted civilians in the south.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were numerous reports that the government and its agents committed arbitrary and unlawful killings. Government forces, government-aligned militias, and rebels killed civilians in connection with the conflict in Darfur (see section 1.g.). Civilians were also killed in connection to conflict in Abyei (see section 1.g.).

Fighting between government forces and JEM rebels killed civilians during the May 10 JEM attack on Omdurman. A UN report cited the government as asserting that 57 civilians were killed, but the actual number of civilian casualties was believed to be far higher.

In the aftermath of the May 10 JEM attack, National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) forces committed three confirmed extrajudicial killings in Khartoum and Omdurman. NISS forces killed one woman as she tried to prevent the arrest of her brother; one Darfuri student; and beat one man who later died of his injuries.

The police and army killed demonstrators.

On May 21, students undergoing mandatory military training at Ed Damazin Camp protested violently against harsh training techniques and the death of a fellow student. SAF soldiers shot at the students, killing two and injuring 15 of them.

On July 27, police killed two demonstrators in White Nile after local farmers gathered to protest government land confiscation.

The UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) continued to receive reports that SPLA soldiers committed
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extrajudicial killings.

Civilians were killed and injured as a result of fighting between the SPLA and civilians during a GOSS disarmament campaign. 

For example, on June 5, in Iloli and Loguruny villages in Eastern Equatoria, eight civilians were killed and an estimated 1,410 persons displaced by fighting; the incident was not under investigation by year's end. 

On September 8, the SPLA injured persons during a disarmament activity in Rumbek.

Approximately 50 civilians reportedly died due to landmines in the south during the year, although some observers believed the number to be much higher since only a small percentage of deaths were actually reported to the UN. The government continued to cooperate with the UN Mine Action Group to remove landmines in the south.

On January 1, diplomat John Granville and driver Abdelrahman Abbas Rahama were killed in Khartoum. By August authorities had arrested five suspects in connection with the killings and commenced to try them; the trial was ongoing at year's end.

Interethnic conflict throughout the country resulted in deaths during the year (see section 1.g.).

The LRA committed numerous arbitrary killings in Southern Sudan throughout the year. 

For example, on January 30, in Central Equatoria State, four civilians were killed in an LRA attack. In February an LRA incursion into Western Equatoria resulted in the deaths of 136 persons. On June 5, in Nabanga in Western Equatoria, an LRA attack on an SPLA base killed an estimated 12 civilians. 

In December the governments of Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Southern Sudan began a joint military operation against the LRA. 

b. Disappearance

The government was responsible for hundreds of politically and ethnically-motivated disappearances, particularly of Zaghawas living in Khartoum and Omdurman. The NISS arrested hundreds of Darfuris in May and June following the May 10 attack, detaining pedestrians and car passengers who appeared to be Zaghawa. Released detainees reported that the NISS continued to hold up to 2,500 detainees at several detention locations in the weeks following the
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attack. Several reported that they were beaten while in custody. By year's end fewer than 300 persons had been charged with participating in the May 10 attacks. Human rights organizations claimed that while most of the detainees were released, the government continued to hold several hundred without charges at year's end.

Prominent Darfuri lawyers and activists arrested by the NISS in Khartoum remained unaccounted for by year's end. For example, in May, Abdelillahi Widaa, cofounder of the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Darfur Forum for Reconciliation and Peaceful Coexistence, fled Khartoum following repeated visits by NISS officers to his home and place of work, as well as a reported threat by the NISS to kill him. On May 19, Widaa turned himself in to NISS headquarters for questioning and subsequently disappeared; as of year's end his whereabouts were unknown.

From May 11 to 21, NISS officers arrested six Darfuri lawyers from the independent Darfur Bar Association, including Abdelshakur Dirar.   On June 6, Dirar's wife and nine-month-old baby were also arrested and taken to NISS headquarters.  On August 20, Dirar's wife and baby were released. All six lawyers were released by year's end.

An estimated 15,000 Dinka women and children were abducted, mainly from 1983 to 1999; thousands of them remained unaccounted for.  In contrast to 2007, the government's Committee to Eradicate the Abduction of Women and Children (CEAWC) reportedly returned 228 previously abducted Dinka to their ancestral villages in Southern Sudan during the year. During the year CEAWC received four million Sudanese pounds (approximately $180 million) in government funding. The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) estimated that 4,000 Dinka abductees remain in South Darfur.

Rebel forces in Darfur abducted persons, including humanitarian aid workers (see section 1.g.). 

Intertribal abductions of women and children in the south continued. The LRA abducted persons, including children in Southern Sudan. On April 20, LRA members abducted women and children during an attack on villages in Western Equatoria State. On December 22, the LRA attacked Lokurubanga village in Central Equatoria State, and abducted 12 persons. In late December the LRA abducted persons, including children, from Luro village in Western Equatoria.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

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The Interim National Constitution prohibits such practices; however, government security forces continued to torture, beat, and harass suspected political opponents and others. In Darfur and other areas of conflict government forces,rebel groups, and tribal factions committed torture and abuse (see section 1.g.). SPLA forces sometimes abused persons in the south.

In accordance with Shari'a (Islamic law), the Criminal Act provides for physical punishments, including flogging, amputation, stoning, and crucifixion--the public display of a body after execution. Under the Interim National Constitution, the government exempts the 10 southern states from Shari'a, although its application in the south still occurred on an ad hoc basis, and traditional customary law was frequently applied against convicted defendants. Northern courts routinely imposed flogging, especially for production of alcohol.

Government security forces beat and tortured persons in detention, including members of the political opposition, civil society activists, and journalists. These persons were often subsequently released without charges.

On May 11, NISS officers arrested Abdelaziz Sam, Secretary of Legal Affairs for the Transitional Darfur Regional Authority (TDRA), and three members of his family. The men were bound together and beaten for five hours, then later released without charge.

On May 18, NISS officers arrested Al-Ghali Shegifat, journalist for the independent Rai Al-shaab newspaper and head of the Darfur Journalist Association; he was detained for 60 days without charge, during which time he was regularly beaten.

On November 24, the NISS detained human rights activists Abdel Moniem El Gak, Osman Hummaida, and Amir Suleiman. Suleiman was released the same day. El Gak was released on November 26, after having been released and detained again on November 25. Hummaida was released on November 28. Security forces physically abused El Gak and Hummaida, and threatened Suleiman that he would be tortured. El Gak and Suleiman fled the country following their release. 

Police and NISS officers forcibly dispersed student protestors, which resulted in serious injuries.  On June 12, at the University of Khartoum, police forcibly dispersed Darfuri students who were peacefully protesting the arrest of a fellow student the previous day. NISS officers followed the students to their dormitory, where they beat several of them and threw two students from windows,
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severely injuring them.

Unlike in 2007, there were no reports that police conducted sporadic raids on houses occupied by Ethiopian and Eritrean refugees or migrants.  SPLA military police detained eight third-country nationals suspected of stealing SPLA payroll funds. All of the detainees were taken to SPLA headquarters in Juba. Four detainees were released a week later. The remaining four were transferred to a detention facility known as the customs market, then to another location; during detention they were reportedly caned, shackled, and allegedly subjected to psychological abuse. The four were released under house arrest in June, and by year's end were permitted to continue working and living in the country.  

In June the SPLA reportedly detained one of its captains for beating a foreign national.

According to a UN report, on March 9, guards at an unofficial SPLA detention facility known as Jail 1 shot an SAF soldier when he tried to escape. There were cases in which Southern Sudan Police Services (SPSS) officers and SPLA officers reportedly
raped women, often with impunity.

In Darfur, government forces, government-aligned militias, rebel groups, and tribal factions killed, injured, and raped civilians (see section 1.g.).

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison conditions throughout the country remained harsh and overcrowded. Almost all prisons lacked basic facilities such as toilets and showers. Health care was primitive; prisoners usually relied on family or friends for food. Officials continued to arbitrarily deny visits to prisoners. 

The government routinely mistreated persons in custody. There were credible reports that security forces held detainees incommunicado; beat them; deprived them of food, water, and toilets; and forced them to sleep on cold floors. Prisoners died from lack of health care and poor prison conditions. Juveniles often were held with adults in the north.
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Government authorities detained 109 children in connection with the May 10 JEM attack. Most of the children were sent to a detention facility for children after having been initially held with adults for several days. UN officials described the conditions in the separate facility as good. However, some children were not sent to the separate facility and remained detained with adults. Ninety-nine of the children were pardoned and released; four were tried, acquitted and released; five had ongoing trials and remained detained; and one, who was given a death sentence, was going through an appeal process. Unlike the previous year, the government allowed some restricted visits to prisons by human rights observers in the north.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) had limited access to government prisons during the year; however, released prisoners reported that officials hid high-profile detainees during visits. Prisons in Southern Sudan provided inmates with at least one meal per day. The Prisons Directorate of Southern Sudan (SSPD)provided separate quarters for male and female prisoners and usually housed juveniles in separate cells. Prison labor was used for the construction of private residences for SPLM officials.

Pretrial detainees were generally held in jails separate from convicted prisoners in the south. Detention centers in Southern Sudan were under the control of local tribal or state authorities, and were uniformly substandard. Some were holes dug in the ground around a tree, with detainees shackled to the tree. Sanitary and medical facilities were uniformly inadequate.

The SSPD permitted monitoring of prison conditions by the ICRC and other observers. SLA/Minni Minawi continued to operate detention centers in North Darfur, including in Dar al Salaam, Zam Zam, and Shagil Tobaya. UNAMID reported that detainees were held in poor conditions. The SLA and other rebel groups allowed the ICRC access to some detainees during the year.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The Interim National Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention without charge; however, the government continued to arbitrarily arrest and detain persons, often under the National Security Act. In Southern Sudan, arbitrary arrests and detention were common. While the law does not provide the SPLA with arrest powers, the SPLA arrested and detained persons.
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Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

Several government entities have responsibility for internal security including the police, the NISS, the Ministry of Interior, and the Ministry of Defense; all had active security forces. Government security forces committed serious and widespread abuses against civilians with impunity, including in connection with the conflict in Darfur (see section 1.g.). The NISS maintains security officers in major towns and cities throughout the north, including Darfur, and also has a presence in the south. The NISS also controlled the Central Reserve Police (CRP). The CRP committed abuses in Darfur, including, for example, the August 25 killings of 33 IDPs at Kalma Camp. The SAF, under the Ministry of Defense, attacked civilian targets in Darfur. The Ministry of Defense's Border Intelligence Force (BIF), a loosely- organized force composed of former janjaweed fighters in Darfur, also committed abuses. Fighting between BIF and other security forces in Darfur resulted in civilian deaths. Police corruption was a problem, and some police officers supplemented their incomes by extorting bribes.

The SPSS has responsibility for law enforcement in the south under the interim GOSS constitution. The SPSS lacked resources and capacity. Police reports were often incomplete, if used, files frequently misplaced, and suspects frequently detained based on accusations rather than official investigations.

Police corruption, impunity, and lack of effectiveness were problems. There were reports of retaliation against persons who complained about police abuses. The SPLA does not have law enforcement authority under the interim GOSS constitution, except when requested by civil authorities due to necessity; however, the SPLA detained persons, including in SPLA- run detention facilities.

UNMIS regularly trained SSPS and SPLA personnel on a wide-range of security-related subjects during the year, butlimited GOSS resources hampered the effectiveness of the training programs.

Arrest and Detention

Warrants are not required for an arrest. The Criminal Code permits authorities to detain individuals for three days without charge, which can be extended for 30 days by order of the director of security and another 30 days with the approval of the prosecuting attorney. Under the National Security Act, which
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superseded the Criminal Code, an individual accused of violating national security may be detained for three months without charge, and the director of security may extend this period for another three months. In practice, indefinite detentions were common. The law provides for the individual to be informed of the charges at the time of arrest and for judicial determination without undue delay, but these provisions were rarely followed.

The law allows for bail, except for those accused of crimes punishable by death or life imprisonment, and there was a functioning bail system in the north. Southern Sudan had no functioning bail system; suspects granted bail in exceptional cases were generally required to post exorbitant amounts as bond.

Although the law provides for access to a lawyer, government security forces often held persons incommunicado for long periods in unknown locations without access to lawyers or family members.

Following arrests of an unknown number of Darfuris in Khartoum and Omdurman after the May 10 JEM attack, lawyers belonging to the Darfur Bar Association volunteered to represent the detainees, but authorities severely restricted their access to the detainees and arrested some defense lawyers.

Southern Sudan had fewer than 60 practicing defense lawyers, and no system of legal assistance. Individuals were arbitrarily arrested and detained. The NISS committed numerous arbitrary arrests. Authorities often detained persons for a few days before releasing them without charge, but many persons were held for much longer.

Foreigners in Southern Sudan, generally Ugandans or Kenyans, were held for long periods without trial; authorities required the families of juveniles to sign for their release, resulting in indefinite detention for some juveniles from foreign countries. Journalists and NGO members were arrested, detained, and tortured during the year.

Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of religious leaders being arrested and beaten.

There were reports that some businessmen were held in detention without due process for failure to pay back large loans to Sudanese financial institutions.

Security forces in the north often targeted southern women in IDP camps because they produced and sold traditional home•brewed alcohol beverages; these women were arrested and imprisoned for up to
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six months under Shari'a.

Women in Southern Sudan were frequently arrested and detained on suspicion of adultery. Lengthy pretrial detention was common. Trial delays were caused by large numbers of detainees and judicial inefficiency, such as the failure of judges to appear for court. In Southern Sudan, trial delays also resulted in unreasonably lengthy pretrial detentions, and persons were not provided prompt access to lawyers. The government routinely imposed house arrest without due process.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

Although the Interim National Constitution and the law provide for an independent judiciary, the judiciary was largely subservient to the president or the security forces, particularly in cases of alleged crimes against the state. The judiciary was inefficient and subject to corruption.

An executive-level judiciary committeerecommends and the president appoints the chief justice and justices of the Supreme Court. The president appoints the Constitutional Court's seven members. On occasion courts displayed a degree of independence. However, political interference with the courts was commonplace.

The judicial system includes four types of courts: regular, military, special, and tribal. In the regular court system, there are civil and criminal courts, appeals courts, and the Supreme Court. Military courts tried only military personnel and did not provide the same rights as civilian and criminal courts. Special courts existed in Darfur under the state of emergency to try crimes against the state. There were three such courts, one in each Darfur state capital; however, the courts did not function during the year. Tribal courts functioned in rural areas to resolve disputes over land and water rights, and family matters.

In August the Ministry of Justice appointed a special prosecutor for crimes in Darfur, Nimr Ibrahim Mohamed. Human rights observers asserted that the special prosecutor was biased in favor of the ruling party, and that the process was not credible.

The special prosecutor did not begin judicial proceedings against any persons for crimes in Darfur by year's end.

Antiterrorism courts were set up to try persons arrested in connection with the May 10 JEM attack on Omdurman. Persons tried under these courts did not have the same rights as those tried in regular
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courts.

In the south the GOSS employed a judicial system of traditional chiefs' courts, payam (district) courts, county judges, regional judges, and a court of appeals. Traditional courts have been formalized and integrated into the judicial system. The court system did not function in many areas due to lack of infrastructure, communications, funding, and an ineffective police force. The GOSS recognized traditional courts or courts of elders, which applied customary law to most cases in remote and rural areas of the south, including domestic matters and criminal cases.

Trial Procedures

The Interim National Constitution and law provide for fair and prompt trials as well as a presumption of innocence; however, this was often not respected. Trials were open to the public at the discretion of the judge. In cases of national security and offenses against the state, trials were usually closed. Juries are not used. The accused normally has the right to an attorney, and the courts are required to provide free legal counsel for indigent defendants accused of crimes punishable by death or life imprisonment. Defendants and their attorneys generally had the right to present evidence and witnesses; to be present in court; to confront accusers; and had access to government-held evidence relevant to their cases. However, there were reports that defendants frequently did not receive legal counsel, and that counsel in some cases could only advise the defendant and not address the court. There were reports that the government sometimes did not allow the calling of defense witnesses. Defendants have a right to appeal, except in military trials, where there is no appeal. In both the north and south, women were usually not allowed to testify as witnesses without the backing of three men.

Lawyers wishing to practice were required to maintain membership in the government-controlled Sudanese Bar Association.

The government continued to arrest and harass members of the legal profession whom it considered political opponents, and did not allow the Darfur Bar Association to register as an NGO.

Military trials, which sometimes were secret and brief, did not provide procedural safeguards. For example, the defendant's attorney could advise the defendant, but could not address the court. Witnesses may be permitted to appear at military trials.
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During the year the Ministry of Justice tried suspects, including children, in connection with the May 10 JEM attacks inantiterrorism courts under the Terrorism Act of 2001. Authorities did not permit defense lawyers consistent access to their clients; frequently changed venues and admission procedures at the last minute; and did not fully identify all the suspects. In August the court sentenced 42 defendants to death on charges of subverting the state and engaging in terrorism, and trials of 87 additional suspects were ongoing at year's end. Defense lawyers for the accused claimed that two were mentally ill. Nine children were tried in the courts: four of them were acquitted and released; the trials of five were ongoing; and one was sentenced to death and had on ongoing appeal.

The Special Courts Act created special three•person security courts to deal with violations of constitutional decrees, emergency regulations, and some sections of the Penal Code, as well as drug and currency offenses. Special courts, composed primarily of civilian judges, handled most security•related cases.

Shari'a is applied in the north, but not in the south, under the Interim National Constitution. However, some judges in the south reportedly continued to follow Shari'a legal procedures. In the south, traditional or customary law was often used.

In Southern Sudan, according to the UN, most persons sentenced to death had not had adequate legal representation.

In parts of the south and the Nuba Mountains, where civil authorities and institutions did not operate, there were no effective judicial procedures beyond customary courts. According to credible reports, military units in those areas summarily tried and punished those accused of crimes, especially of offenses against civil order.

Political Prisoners and Detainees

The government held an undetermined number of political detainees. Security forces detained without charge, abused, andheld incommunicado political opponents.Detentions of such persons often were prolonged.

The NISS arrested and detained large numbers of Darfuris in May and June following the May 10 JEM attack on Omdurman. Human rights organizations claimed that while most of the detainees were released, the government continued to hold several hundred detainees without charges at year's end.
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Several members of SLA/Minni Minawi were arrested at their homes, beaten, and detained overnight following the May 10 JEM attack. Hassan al Turabi, leader of the Popular Congress Party (PCP), was also arrested and detained for 12 hours after the attack.

PCP members were detained for short periods of time; members arrested in previous years remained in detention. Journalists and lawyers active in the PCP were also detained. The government arrested and detained journalists. The government did not permit international humanitarian organizations to have access to political detainees.

Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies

There was access to a court for lawsuits seeking damages for human rights violations; however, the judiciary was not independent. There were problems enforcing domestic court orders.

Property Restitution

There were numerous ongoing disputes between the government and various churches involving confiscated church property. There were no reports of court-ordered property restitution or compensation.

There were reports that the government's Merowe Dam Implementation Unit did not compensate nomads for land it took in 2006. During the year the government closed the dam's flood gates, causing the water level to rise and civilians to be displaced.By year's end approximately 21,000 persons remained without adequate shelter or access to humanitarian assistance after refusing to settle on land provided for them, which they claimed was substandard and distant from their ancestral homelands along the Nile. In March the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Sudan was denied access to Northern State, where she had planned to meet with communities affected by the Merowe and planned Kajbar dams. On August 23, on Sai Island, police reportedly beat persons while dispersing a protest regarding the dams.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

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The Interim National Constitution and law prohibit such actions, but the government routinely violated these rights in practice.

Security forces frequently conducted searches without warrants and targeted persons suspected of political crimes.

In Darfur, throughout the year, government armed forces and aligned militia continued to bomb and burn villages, loot property, and attacked IDPs (see section 1.g.).

Police often entered IDP areas without a warrant in search of illegal alcohol brewing and often seized property unrelated to brewing. Police also extorted money from illegal alcohol brewers by threatening them with prison.

The government monitored private communication and movement of individuals without legal process. A wide network of government informants conducted surveillance in schools, universities, markets, workplaces, and neighborhoods.

In several areas the government sought to forcibly resettle or displace local populations. There were no developments in the case of 12,000 persons displaced during the 2006 demolition of a squatter camp in Gezira State.

The use of child soldiers in Darfur was a problem (see section 1.g.).

Under Shari'a, a Muslim man may marry a non•Muslim, but a Muslim woman cannot marry a non•Muslim unless he converts to Islam; this prohibition was not observed or enforced universally in the south or among the Nubans. Non•Muslims may adopt only non•Muslim children; no such restrictions apply to Muslim parents.

The government detained persons for alleged violations by a member of their family.

The GOSS generally did not interfere with privacy, home, or correspondence in the south; however, there were reports that rural detention centers held family members of accused persons who had fled before they could be arrested in the south.
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The use of child soldiers in the south was a problem (see section 1.g.).

g. Use of Excessive Force and Other Abuses in Internal Conflicts

Darfur
In Darfur fighting involving government, government-aligned militias, rebel groups, and ethnic groups continued during the year, and insecurity increased. The government and government-aligned militias continued to attack villages; aerial bombardment of villages by the government continued.

Humanitarian access was restricted by the government, and rebels attacked and abducted humanitarian workers. On May 10, JEM rebels attacked Omdurman, near Khartoum. On November 12, President Bashir announced a cease-fire in Darfur; however, government and rebel attacks continued. Intertribal violence also continued.

A UN Panel of Experts report found that Chadian armed groups operate openly in Darfur, and are supplied and supported by Sudanese authorities. The panel noted that the NISS reportedly provides vehicles, weapons, and fuel to Chadian rebels and that Chadian rebels receive training in Darfur, including in SAF-controlled areas. Several Chadian rebel groups were observed operating openly in West Darfur. The panel frequently saw vehicles of the Chadian rebel group Union of Forces for Democracy and Development entering and leaving government installations.

Attacks and other acts of violence by all parties to the conflict resulted in widespread civilian deaths and injuries, displacement, and property destruction. The use of rape as a weapon of war and recruitment of child soldiers continued to be widespread.

Killings

Government forces and government-aligned militias engaged in the deliberate killing of civilians, including continued aerial bombardment of civilian targets, such as homes, schools, and markets.

According to several UN reports, the government painted white the aircraft used to conduct bombing raids and transport arms to Darfur, the same color as UN aircraft, in violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1591. The aerial bombardment of villages was often followed by ground attacks by janjaweed and SAF vehicles. The SAF bombed rebel-held villages in West Darfur, displacing tens of thousands of civilians and killing
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many others. 

For example, on January 7, 12, and 24, the SAF and supporting militias attacked and burned Seraf Jidad village, killing 26 civilians. On February 8, the SAF bombed the towns of Abu Suruj, Silea, and Sirba--SAF and militia ground attacks followed; at least 115 persons were killed. In Silea attackers also killed two NGO workers. A UN report noted that the SAF and armed militias committed "violations of international humanitarian and human rights law against the civilian populations of Seraf Jidad, Sirba, Silea, and Abu Suruj." In February the SAF also conducted several aerial bombings of JEM positions in and around Jebel Moon, displacing thousands, including some to Chad, and killing at least 20 civilians.

During the year aerial bombardments of villages in North Darfur killed civilians. For example, government bombing of Madu and Mou on March 29, and of Shegeg Karo on May 4, killed civilians. On September 3, SAF aircraft bombed the villages of Birmaza and Diza; the bombings and follow-up ground attacks killed at least 20 civilians.

The government attacked IDPs, killing and injuring many. On August 25, at Kalma IDP Camp, South Darfur, the CRP killed 33 IDPs and injured 108 IDPs when they opened fire on a group of IDPs assembled to prevent a search of the camp. On October 9, government forces attacked Nertiti IDP Camp, injuring civilians.

There was no evidence that the government prosecuted or otherwise penalized attacking militias. Government forces provided support, weapons, and ammunition to government-aligned militias. Government security forces frequently fired on uniformed rebels in civilian areas, including those of DPA signatories. During a two-week period in May, 14 fighters with SLA/Minni Minawi were killed in North Darfur, including seven at a police checkpoint near the village of Dar Al Salaam. Conflicts between different government security forces resulted in civilian casualties.

On April 9, janjaweed working in the BIF rode into the El Fasher market on horseback to protest unpaid salaries, and killed one civilian in the ensuing gun battle with local police.

In July fighting between BIF and CRP forces in South Darfur killed one civilian.

On August 28, fighting between the CRP and BIF in the South Darfur town of Mershing killed one civilian and wounded eight.
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Conflicts among different rebel groups in Darfur resulted in civilian casualties throughout the year. On May 21, in Kafoud, North Darfur, fighting between SLA/Minni Minawi and SLA/Free Will killed 13 civilians and injured eight.

There were developments in the September 2007 case of several hundred unidentified rebels who attacked an African Union Mission in Sudan camp in Haskanita, South Darfur, killing 10 peacekeepers and wounding many more. On November 20, the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor requested an arrest warrant for three rebel commanders for war crimes pertaining to this attack; the names of the rebel commanders were not released by year's end. On December 9, the ICC pretrial chamber requested that the prosecutor first submit additional information.

Unknown assailants killed 12 UNAMID peacekeeping troops during the year. For example, on July 8, hundreds of well-armed fighters ambushed a UNAMID convoy east of Shagil Tobaya in an attack lasting several hours; seven peacekeepers and police officers were killed and 22 wounded. By year's end no suspects had been arrested and no specific rebel groups had been formally accused of attacking the convoy.

On July 10, a UNAMID officer was killed in his vehicle in West Darfur by unknown assailants.

Intertribal fighting also resulted in the killings of civilians, particularly in South Darfur. For example, fighting in June between the Tarjam and Benihalba Arab tribes in South Darfur resulted in more than 100 deaths, including of a Benihalba sheikh who had attempted to mediate between the two parties. SAF aerial bombardment of Benihalba villages following the fighting resulted in an unknown number of deaths.

In July and August, in South Darfur, fighting between the Rizeigat and Misseriya Arab tribes killed at least 60 persons.

In October, near Abu Dangal village and Muhajeria town, in South Darfur, interethnic fighting and ethnic militia attacks destroyed villages, killed persons, and displaced thousands.

Physical Abuse, Punishment, and Torture

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All parties to the conflict perpetrated acts of torture and abuse. The government abused persons detained after armed conflict as well as IDPs suspected of having links to rebel groups. 

There were continued reports that janjaweed, rebels, and government security forces raped women and children. In 2005 the UN noted the "widespread and systematic" prevalence of sexual violencein Darfur directed against women and girls, and this trend continued during the year. Women and girls in IDP camps frequently reported rapes by "men in uniform," and their assailants generally beat them and threatened to kill them. For example, there were reports that janjaweed raped children during the February 8 SAF attacks in West Darfur. In March, in Nyala, government soldiers raped two 14-year-old girls. On August 19, an IDP spokesman reported that janjaweed raped two girls and one woman after they left the camp to gather firewood. UNAMID reported that armed men in uniform raped two girls, age 11 and 12, in November in North Darfur.

Authorities often obstructed access to justice for rape victims, and during the year only one person was convicted of rape in Darfur.

A report by the Darfur Consortium documented several cases from 2003 to 2007 in which the janjaweed abducted persons for varying lengths of time, and raped or used them for forced labor. The report also cites other such incidents involving the SAF and the Popular Defense Forces (PDF).

Child Soldiers

Recruitment of child soldiers remained a serious problem in Darfur.

A 2007 UN report cited the SAF, police including the CRP, janjaweed, government-aligned PDF, and Darfur rebel groups JEM, the SLA/Gasim, the SLA/Free Will, the SLA/Minni Minawi, the SLA/Abdul Wahid, and the SLA/Shafi as recruiting or using child soldiers. The UN report also cited recruitment or use of child soldiers by Chadian rebel forces operating inside Sudan. Darfur rebel groups also recruited child soldiers in the Sudanese refugee camps in Chad.

The JEM used child soldiers as part of the May 10 attack. Government authorities detained 109 children in connection with the attack. Most were sent to a detention facility for children after having been
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initially held along with adults for several days. UN officials described the conditions in the separate facility as good. However, some children were not sent to the separate facility and were detained with adults. Ninety-nine of the children were pardoned and released; four were tried, acquitted and released; five had ongoing trials and remained detained; and one, who was given a death sentence, was going through an appeal process.

In June 2007 UNICEF signed an action plan with SLA/Minni Minawi that committed the rebel group to identify locations of child soldiers; however, SLA/Minni Minawi continued to use child soldiers. In August UNAMID officers visited an SLA/Minni Minawi encampment and observed numerous boys bearing arms intermingled with older soldiers.

Other Conflict-Related Abuses

All parties to the conflict obstructed the work of humanitarian organizations, caused the displacement of approximately 315,000 civilians during the year, and abused IDPs.

The government continued to restrict and obstruct humanitarian assistance to Darfur, despite the March 2007 Joint Communique between the government and the UN. Government forces frequently harassed NGOs that received international assistance. The government often shut down NGO offices; restricted or denied humanitarian assessments; copied NGO files;
confiscated NGO property; questioned humanitarian workers at length; monitored humanitarian workers' personal correspondence; and publicly accused humanitarian workers of being "spies," "Western agents," and "workers for Israel."

The government frequently changed procedures pertaining to NGOs operating in Darfur. Government officials did not issue visas and travel permits for international humanitarian workers on a timely basis despite agreements to do so.

Policy discrepancies between Darfur state-level and Khartoum-based officials in the Humanitarian Affairs Commission (HAC) adversely affected humanitarian operations. The HAC continued to request that NGOs refrain from interviewing or selecting staff unless they used a five-person government selection panel and had HAC officials present, significantly delaying the hiring
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of new staff in Darfur.

The HAC also continued to impose new additional requirements on humanitarian organizations during the year, including for medical supply documentation, regional and local governmental approvals, and travel.

On January 7, near Tine, SAF personnel shot at a UNAMID convoy, injuring a driver and damaging an armored personnel carrier and diesel tanker.

Rebel forces and bandits obstructed humanitarian assistance, regularly attacked the compounds of humanitarian organizations, and seized humanitarian aid, assets, and vehicles. Attacks against humanitarian convoys increased during the year. Instability forced many international aid organizations to scale back their operations in Darfur.

According to the UN, bandits and other armed persons killed 11 humanitarian workers, abducted 189 staff, hijacked 261 vehicles, and broke into 172 humanitarian compounds during the year as of November 30.

In May increased attacks on humanitarian convoys forced the World Food Program (WFP) to cut food rations in Darfur by 50 percent. WFP was able to restore full rations by year's end due to relative improvements in the security situation and the opening of alternative road corridors with the end of the rainy season.

According to the UN, nearly 2.7 million civilians have been internally displaced, and approximately 250,000 refugees have fled to neighboring Chad since the conflict in Darfur began in 2003. Despite the signing of the DPA in May 2006, continued attacks and violence in Darfur, perpetrated by all parties to the conflict, resulted in 315,000 new displacements during the year, and some existing IDPs were displaced for the second or third time. Darfur IDPs did not return in any significant numbers to their places of origin, although small-scale spontaneous returns to certain villages occurred.

There were numerous reports of abuses committed by security forces, rebels, and militias against IDPs, including rapes, beatings, and attempts by the government to forcibly return relocated persons to other sites. There were credible reports that the government harassed IDPs in Darfur who spoke with foreign observers.
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Insecurity in Darfur, especially outside of IDP camps, restricted IDPs' freedom of movement; women and girls who left the town and camps risked sexual violence.

On May 12, the CRP burned the market and several homes in Rwanda IDP Camp, causing camp residents to flee. The government forced IDPs to relocate to alternative IDP camps or other sites.

Following several days of interethnic clashes inside Kalma IDP Camp, on October 20 the governor of South Darfur announced plans to divide the camp into nine smaller camps. At year's end, approximately 20,000 of the estimated 90,000 residents had left the camp as a result of the clashes.  According to the International Organization on Migration, Sudanese security forces and the government's Humanitarian Affairs Commission forcibly relocated approximately 500 IDP households between October 26 and October 28.  

Kalma Camp representatives accused the local government of shifting the course of a major river in Nyala, causing it to flow through the camp and displacing thousands of IDPs within the camp.

There were reports that the government forced or coerced IDPs to return to their villages by promising food and money; however, most IDPs who returned to the villages to receive the assistance later returned to the IDP camps. Government attempts to resettle IDPs were generally unsuccessful.

The government provided little assistance or protection to IDPs in Darfur. Most IDP camps had no functioning police force.

In October government authorities arrested a Khartoum journalist who translated an elderly IDP's statement from Zaghawa into Arabic for a visiting Qatari envoy; he was later released. International observers noted that criminal gangs aligned with rebel groups operated openly in several IDP camps, as well as operated back-and-forth across the border with Chad.

Southern Sudan

Tensions over CPA implementation persisted. Civilians were killed and displaced by fighting in Abyei from May 14 to 22 and from December 12 to 13; LRA attacks along the country's southern border; and
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regularly occurring intertribal fighting, including between police and SPLA soldiers of different tribes.

According to the UN, approximately 2.1 million persons returned to Southern Sudan and the Three Areas (Abyei, the Nuba Mountains, and Blue Nile) since 2005. These persons had been displaced as a result of conflict, famine, and fighting during the north-south conflict.

Fighting between the SAF and SPLA from May 14 to 22 destroyed much of the town of Abyei, caused hundreds of casualties among combatants and civilians, and displaced more than 50,000 persons.

On June 8, the presidency endorsed the Abyei roadmap agreement. The agreement includes provisions for the deployment of new joint integrated units (units composed of SAF and SPLA forces), the return of IDPs, administration and wealth sharing, and arbitration to resolve disagreements regarding the Abyei Boundaries Commission's findings (a commission established under the CPA to define Abyei's boundaries). Implementation of the agreement was slow. By December a tribunal to arbitrate the disagreement over the ABC report had been established, its members appointed, and the government and SPLA/M had submitted briefs. 

On November 11, a chief administrator of Abyei and five other administration members were appointed; however, the administration did not have an operating budget. New joint integrated units and police were put in place, but a small number of SPLA and SAF troops remained in the area.

On December 12 and 13, in Abyei town, clashes between joint integrated units and joint integrated police units killed approximately two civilians and caused thousands of civilians to flee the town. At year's end the joint integrated units were withdrawn from Abyei town, and the joint integrated police units were given responsibility for law enforcement. Few of those displaced by the May 14-22 and the December 12-13 fighting returned.

In previous years members of the government-allied PDF were responsible for the deaths of numerous civilians and returning IDPs; no specific information was available during the year.

Intertribal and intercommunal clashes also resulted in hundreds of civilian deaths and displacement.

On March 9 and 10, interethnic attacks in Tonj County, Warrap State killed 67, injured 117, and displaced 2,600 persons.
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On April 22, 92 persons were reportedly killed during fighting between Dinka Luach of Warrap State and Dinka Pakam of Lakes State.

In April and May, in the villages of El Sunnut and Abu Junuk in Southern Kordofan State, armed conflict between Misseriya Arab and Nuba ethnic groups displaced approximately 5,000 persons.

In February fighting in Jonglei State between the SSPS and the SPLA displaced more than 3,500 persons.

Child Soldiers

A 2007 UN report cited the SAF, South Sudan Defense Forces, including those of Major-General Gabriel Tang Ginyi, the SPLA, and the Pibor Defense Forces (a local militia in the south) as recruiting or using child soldiers.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press

The Interim National Constitution provides for freedom of thought, expression, and of the press "as regulated by law"; however, the government severely restricted these rights in practice. Restrictions on the media increased during the year. The government, through the NISS, continued to censor print and broadcast media, ban the printing of newspapers, and harass vocal critics of the government. The government controlled media through the National Press Council, which administered mandatory professional exams for journalists and editors. Journalists also practiced self-censorship.

Individuals who criticized the government publically or privately were subject to reprisal, including arrest. The government attempted to impede such criticism, and monitored political meetings.

The government directly controlled some print media outlets and exerted a great degree of control over the limited number of independent newspapers, including through direct censorship.

The government directly controlled radio and television and required that both reflect government policies. Some foreign shortwave radio broadcasts were available. A private FM radio station continued to operate, and UN radio operated throughout the country. In addition to domestic and satellite
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television services, there was a pay cable network, which directly rebroadcast uncensored foreign news and other programs.

The government restricted international media in the north. While some foreign journalists were denied visas, others had regular access to opposition politicians, rebels, and civil society advocates.

Journalists were subjected to arrest, harassment, intimidation, and violence due to their reporting.

In February the government detained overnight Sid Ahmed Khalifa and Adil Sid Ahmed, the editor and deputy editor of Al-Watan, after they published an article regarding the police.

On May 18, the NISS arrested Al Ghali Shegifat, a journalist for the independent Rai Al-shaab newspaper, and head of the Darfur Journalists Association. Shegifat was held for 60 days without charges, and was beaten regularly during his confinement.

On November 1, journalist Salah Bab Allah of Al Entibaha was reportedly arrested after he wrote an article on hemorrhagic fever; he was later released. On November 17, police arrested approximately 70 demonstrators, many of whom were journalists, during a protest against censorship. The protesters were subsequently released.

The government directly censored the media.

In March the NISS instituted a policy that required newspaper editors to bring their broadsheets to NISS headquarters for review before printing. Censors removed controversial articles before newspapers were printed at a government-controlled printing press.

In May three Arabic-language newspapers were shut down for refusing to comply with the NISS policy.

After several days of negotiations, the NISS instituted a new policy requiring newspapers to permit NISS censors to review newspapers each evening in their respective editorial offices. Human rights lawyers estimated that censors removed an average of five press articles each day.

Authorities similarly harassed English-language newspapers whose primary readership was southerners. According to editors of The Citizen and The Khartoum Monitor, two daily newspapers printed in Khartoum, in September authorities refused the newspapers permission to print in Khartoum
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after both printed articles critical of the government's policy in Darfur. The editors temporarily printed The Citizen and The Khartoum Monitor in Uganda. The Sudan Tribune was also banned from printing in Khartoum on September 1; the ban was lifted approximately one week later. By year's end all three newspapers had resumed printing in Khartoum.

Authorities in Southern Sudan generally respected press freedom, although there were some reports of harassment of journalists.For example, on October 10, in Juba, GOSS authorities arrested Nhial Bol, editor of The Citizen, after he published an article regarding corruption. On October 12, he was released on bail.

Internet Freedom

The government monitored Internet communications, and the NISS read e-mail messages between private citizens. Some Web sites deemed offensive to public morality were blocked by the National

Telecommunications Corporation, as were most proxy servers. While there generally were no restrictions on access to newsand information Web sites, authorities briefly blocked access to youtube.com. Internet access was generally available and widely used in urban areas, but it was limited by lack of infrastructure outside of cities.

Academic Freedom and Cultural Events

The government restricted academic freedom. In public universities, the government appointed the vice chancellors, who were responsible for administering the institutions. The government also determined the curriculum. Some universities requiredstudents to participate regularly in pro government rallies and other activities. Some professors exercised self-censorship.

The government frequently censored films, especially those imported from the West, if they were deemed offensive to public morality.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Freedom of Assembly

Although the Interim National Constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, the government severely restricted this right in practice. The government formally banned all rallies and public
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demonstrations in the country, although this was not always enforced.

Islamic orders associated with opposition political parties, particularly the Ansar (Umma Party) and Khatmiya (Democratic Unionist Party), continued to be denied permission to hold large public gatherings, but did hold regular opposition rallies on private property. Government security agents occasionally attended opposition political meetings, disrupted opposition rallies, and summoned participants to security headquarters for questioning after political meetings.

Police use of excessive force to disperse demonstrators resulted in deaths and injuries.

On May 21, SAF soldiers shot student protestors, killing two and injuring 15, at Ed Damazin SAF training camp.

On July 27, police killed two demonstrators in White Nile.

On November 17, police arrested approximately 70 demonstrators, many of whom were journalists, during a protest against censorship. The protesters were subsequently released.

Authorities took no action against security force members who used excessive force. In the south, on November 11, in Central Equatoria State, teachers and students violently protested the nonpayment of teachers' salaries. The UN reported that two student protestors were injured during clashes with GOSS authorities, one of whom later died as a result of his injuries. 

Freedom of Association

The Interim National Constitution and law provide for freedom of association, but the government severely restricted this right in practice. Although there were 20 officially registered political parties, the law effectively prohibits political parties linked to armed opposition to the government.

The government continued to harass some opposition leaders who spoke with foreign organizations or embassies.

The government did not allow the Darfur Bar Association the right to register as an NGO.

c. Freedom of Religion

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The Interim National Constitution and law provide for freedom of worship throughout the country; however, the government continued to place restrictions on non-Muslims, non-Arab Muslims, and Muslims from tribes or sects not affiliated with the ruling party. The NCP, which originally came into power with a goal of Islamization, treated Islam as the state religion, declaring that Islam must inspire the country's laws, institutions, and policies.

Religious organizations, including churches, were subject to the same restrictions placed on nonreligious corporations.

Although the law requires religious groups to register to be recognized or to assemble legally, registration reportedly was no longer necessary, and churches, including the Catholic Church, declined to register.

Blasphemy and defaming religion are punishable by imprisonment in the north, although these restrictions were rarely enforced.

The Commission for the Rights of Non-Muslims in the National Capital, a CPA mechanism for protecting religious freedom, issued regular reports and recommendations to the government.

The construction and use of houses of worship required government approval. Three new churches in Khartoum were under construction during the year.

Under the state-mandated curriculum, all schools in the north-– including private schools operated by Christian groups-–are required to teach Islamic education classes from preschool through university.

While the law permits non•Muslims to convert to Islam, conversion by a Muslim is punishable by death.

Authorities occasionally subjected converts to intense scrutiny, ostracism, or intimidation, or encouraged them to leave the country; however, there were no reports of conversion punished by death.

Foreign Christian religious workers, including priests and teachers, experienced lengthy delays in obtaining visas.

The NISS routinely monitored religious activities at mosques and churches.

Various governmental bodies have decreed that women must dress modestly according to Islamic
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standards, including wearing a head covering, and there were isolated instances in which police in the north and south arrested women for their dress. However, women often appeared in public wearing trousers or with their heads uncovered. In Khartoum persons known as religious police, who were not government officials, occasionally demanded that women pay on-the-spot fines for violating Islamic standards.

In the south, Christians, Muslims, and followers of traditional indigenous beliefs generally worshiped freely. The GOSS officially favored secular government. Christians dominated the GOSS. Local government authorities often had a close relationship with local Christian religious leaders.

Societal Abuses and Discrimination

Muslims in the north who express an interest in Christianity or convert to Christianity faced severe social pressure. Christians reported pressure on children in school; some teachers and media characterized non-Muslims as nonbelievers.

There were reports that some Muslims received preferential treatment regarding limited government services, such as access to medical care, and in court cases involving Muslim against non-Muslim.

Non-Arab Muslims and Muslims from tribes and sects not affiliated with the ruling party, such as in Darfur and the Nuba Mountains, stated that they were treated as second-class citizens and were discriminated against in applying for government jobs and contracts in the north and government- controlled southern areas.

The Jewish community remained small, and there were no reports of anti-Semitic violence during the year; however, government officials made anti-Semitic comments, and government-controlled newspapers featured anti-Semitic caricatures.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2008 International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/
g/drl/irf/rpt.

d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of Refugees, and Stateless Persons

The Interim National Constitution and law provide for freedom of movement, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, but the government restricted these rights in practice.
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While movement was generally unhindered for citizens outside conflict areas, foreigners needed government permission for domestic travel outside of Khartoum, which could be difficult to obtain and was sometimes refused. Foreigners were required to register with the police on entering the country, obtain permission to move more than 25 kilometers outside of Khartoum and from one city to another, and reregister at each new location within three days of arrival. The GOSS did not restrict the movement of foreigners in the south, and did not require foreigners to register upon entry.

The government continued to delay issuance of entry visas and work or travel permits for Darfur and the Three Areas to foreign NGO staff. The government delayed issuing humanitarian and diplomatic visas, and nationals of many countries encountered difficulties in obtaining visas to work with NGOs.

In contrast to previous years, there were no reports that the government detained persons, particularly opposition political figures, at the airport and prevented them from traveling, citing security concerns.

The government required citizens to obtain an exit visa to depart the country. While the issuance of exit visas was usually pro forma and not used to restrict citizens' travel, the government did deny some humanitarian workers exit visas.

Women cannot travel abroad without the permission of their husbands or male guardians; however, this prohibition was not applied in the south and was not strictly enforced for members of the NCP.

The law prohibits forced exile, and the government did not use it. Opposition leaders remained in self•imposed exile throughout northern Africa and Europe during the year.

Internally Displaced Persons

In Darfur, approximately 2.7 million civilians have been internally displaced since the conflict began in 2003. During the year approximately 315,000 civilians were displaced within Darfur and to Chad. Many persons were displaced for the second orthird time during the year (see section 1.g).

Since 2005 an estimated 2.1 million IDPs and refugees returned to the south. Approximately 28,500 IDPs returned to their places of origin and 62,000 refugees returned during the year either as a part of organized or assisted returns. Fighting in Abyei, intertribal and intercommunal fighting, and LRA attacks displaced persons during the year (see sections 1.a. and 1.g.)
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Approximately 379,000 Sudanese refugees resided in neighboring countries because of the conflicts in the south and Darfur.

Some 250,000 refugees from Darfur were in Chad. Others were in countries including Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Egypt.

There was a report that the government destroyed thousands of homes in an IDP settlement known as Mandela, located near Khartoum.

Protection of Refugees

The law provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 protocol, but the government has not established a system for providing protection to refugees. In practice the government did not provide protection against the expulsion or return of refugees to countries where their lives or freedom would be threatened.

The government granted asylum to a large number of asylum seekers, but there was no standard determination procedure or documentation. Government officials reportedly were unresponsive to applications for refugee status.

In previous years there were reports of abuses against Ethiopian refugees, although there was no specific information on such actions during the year.

The government also provided temporary protection to individuals who might not qualify as refugees under the 1951 convention and the 1967 protocol.

The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian assistance organizations in assisting refugees and asylum seekers in some cases; in others, the government defied agreements and targeted refugees and asylum seekers for abuse.

Child refugees did not receive free primary school education nor were they treated as citizens as required by the 1951 convention. Refugees were vulnerable to arbitrary arrests, harassment, and beatings because applicants did not receive identification cards while awaiting government determination of refugee status. Refugees could not become resident aliens or citizens, regardless of their length of stay. Refugees were not entitled to work permits.
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Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

Although the Interim National Constitution provides citizens the right to change their government peacefully, the CPA established an interim government; under the CPA, national elections are scheduled for 2009.

The Interim National Constitution provides for power sharing nationwide between the NCP and the SPLM. The DPA, which was incorporated into the interim constitution upon its signing, contains provisions for power sharing and the inclusion of Darfuris at all levels of government; however, the majority of the power-sharing provisions in the DPA remained unimplemented at year's end.

The Interim National Constitution established a three-member presidency to head the government, consisting of a president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir (NCP); a first vice President, Salva Kiir Mayardit (SPLM), the president of the GOSS; and a vice president, Ali Osman Taha (NCP), who was formerly the country's first vice president. The DPA created a fourth ranking member in the presidency, a senior assistant to the president, Minni Minawi, leader of the Darfur rebel group SLA/Minawi. Minawi returned to his troops in Darfur in July, citing lack of progress on DPA implementation, although he did not officially withdraw from the GNU; he returned to his position in Khartoum by year's end.

A bicameral legislature is composed of the 450-member National Assembly and 52-member Council of States. Legislative and cabinet positions are allocated by a CPA-specified formula that reserves 52 percent of the positions for the NCP, 28 percent for the SPLM, 14 percent for northern opposition parties, including those from Darfur, and 6 percent for southern opposition parties. GNU members took office in 2005, and in October of that year Salva Kiir Mayardit, the country's first vice president and president of the GOSS, appointed the GOSS cabinet. At the same time, Kiir appointed governors of the 10 states of Southern Sudan, and each southern state also formed its legislative assembly with 48 members allocated proportionally as stipulated in the CPA: 70 percent to the SPLM, 15 percent to the NCP, and 15 percent to other southern political groups. Southern Sudan's legislative assembly approved an interim constitution in 2005, which President Kiir signed in December of that year.

The DPA-mandated TDRA, headed by Minawi, and charged with implementing the DPA and promoting coordination and cooperation among the three Darfur states, was established in April 2007, but the government withheld 99 percent of its budget during the year.

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Elections and Political Participation Presidential and parliamentary elections were last held in 2000; they were marked by serious irregularities, including official interference, electoral fraud, insufficient opportunities for voters to register, and inadequate election monitoring. All major opposition parties boycotted the elections.

A national census, called for under the CPA to be held no later than July 2007, was conducted from April 22 to May 6. The CPA states that certain power sharing provisions of the agreement are to be adjusted based on the census results. The presidency scheduled the census for April 15 to 30, but it was further postponed until April 22 after the GOSS announced a delay due to concerns regarding the number of IDPs from the south who remained in the north, the exclusion of questions on ethnicity and religion, border demarcation, insecurity along the north-south border, and unexpected and heavy rainfall. According to the UN, the census was supported by most of the population; however, the UN noted that Darfur IDPs in several camps opposedthe census and did not participate; areas in West Darfur and Southern Darfur were not accessible due to insecurity; irregularities occurred in Southern Kordofan due to a deputy governor's decree to boycott; and insecurity and logistical problems limited access of enumerators to certain areas in the south. The census results were still pending at year's end.

On July 7, a new election law was signed, but opposition activists from smaller political partiesasserted that the law favored the NCP and SPLM. On November 25, the national electoral commission was formed.

The law permits the existence of political parties, but prohibits parties linked to armed opposition to the government, and the government routinely denied permission for, or disrupted, gatherings viewed as politically oriented. Security forces arrested, detained, and abused political opponents. Unlike in 2007, there were no reports that security forces raided the offices of political parties during the year.

Women had the right to vote. There were approximately 70 women in the 450-seat National Assembly, three national female state ministers, and one female minister in the GNU. The GOSS agreed to set aside 25 percent of all government positions forwomen, although in practice representation was far short of that goal. The DPA also includes provisions to ensure the representation of women at all levels of government; however, in practice, there were few women in government in Darfur.

Government Corruption and Transparency

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The law does not provide criminal penalties for official corruption, and the World Bank’s 2008 Worldwide Governance Indicators reflected that corruption was a severe problem. Government officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices. The government did not investigate officials suspected of corruption. Government officials were not subject to financial disclosure laws.

There were no laws providing for public access to government information, and the government did not provide such access.

In Southern Sudan GOSS officials often engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Corruption was a problem in all branches of the GOSS.

The GOSS granted access to government information for citizens and noncitizens, including foreign media.

Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

The government restricted and harassed domestic and international human rights organizations.

Various local human rights groups were active in the country, but they suffered from government harassment, particularly those groups reporting on sexual violence. The government was generally uncooperative with and unresponsive to domestic human rights groups. Members of local human rights organizations were subject to arrest and detention. Local human rights organizations include the Khartoum Center for Human Rights and the Sudan Development Organization.

The government did not allow the Darfur Bar Association the right to register as an NGO. 

Humanitarian NGOs operating in Darfur continued to face bureaucratic impediments to their work, especially in South Darfur state. All NGOs must register with the HAC, the government's entity for regulating humanitarian efforts. In 2005 the HAC assumed a role in hiring NGO national staff, which caused major delays in hiring new staff for Darfur and resulted in some NGO selections not being considered.

During the year the HAC often changed its rules and regulations without prior notification.

There were no developments in the 2007 case of more than 50 local human rights NGOs suspended by
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the South Darfur HAC.

The government continued to use bureaucratic impediments to restrict the actions of humanitarian organizations, despite the March 2007 Joint Communique between the government and the UN. Rebels and other armed bandits abducted NGO workers and contractors, particularly in Darfur. Banditry and armed robbery of humanitarian convoys by rebel groups in Darfur was common.

The UN continued to investigate the humanitarian situation in Darfur. The UNHCR and the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Sudan visited the country during the year. The special rapporteur was not permitted access to Northern State. The rapporteur reported to the UN on conditions in the country and concluded that, "Despite some steps by the Government of Sudan principally in the area of law reform, the human rights situation on the ground remains grim, with many interlocutors even reporting an overall deterioration in the country." UNMIS deployed observers to Darfur to monitor and investigate the human rights situation.

The government's Advisory Council for Human Rights did not respond to requests of international organizations for investigations into human rights violations, and did not provide lists of detained individuals to the international community.

In Southern Sudan, the South Sudan Council for Human Rights operated somewhat independently. Its members were appointed by the president of the GOSS. The council cooperated with international human rights advocates and submitted regular reports and recommendations to the GOSS.

In 2005 UN Security Council Resolution 1593 referred the situation in Darfur to the prosecutor of the ICC. The same year the ICC chief prosecutor opened an investigation into Darfur without the cooperation of the government, which refused to hand over any alleged perpetrators associated with the conflict.

On November 20, the ICC prosecutor requested an arrest warrant for three rebel commanders for war crimes pertaining to the 2007 attack on African Union peacekeepers at Haskanita. On December 9, the ICC Pretrial Chamber requested that the prosecutor submit additional information pertaining to the request for a warrant.

On July 14, the ICC prosecutor requested an arrest warrant for President Bashir for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in Darfur. On October 15, the pretrial chamber requested that the
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prosecutor submit additional information pertaining to the request for a warrant, and the prosecutor did so in November.

In April 2007 the ICC Pretrial Chamber issued warrants of arrest for Ahmad Muhammad Haroun, state minister for humanitarian affairs, and Ali Muhammad Abd al-Rahman, also known as "Ali Kushayb," a janjaweed militia commander, for the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur.

In September government officials announced they arrested Kushayb, but human rights advocates indicated that the information was not correct. Kushayb's whereabouts were unknown at the end of the year.

Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

The Interim National Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race and gender, but the government did not effectively enforce these provisions. The law does not address discrimination based on disability, language, or social status.

Women

The punishment for rape under the law varies from 100 lashes to 10 years' imprisonment to death; however, the government did not effectively enforce these provisions. In most rape cases convictions were not publicized; however, observers believed that sentences often were less than the legal maximum. Spousal rape is not addressed in the law. There was no information available on the total number of persons who were prosecuted, convicted, or punished for rape.

Rape of women and girls throughout the country, including systematic rape in Darfur, continued to be a serious problem (see section 1.g.). Authorities often obstructed access to justice for rape victims, and during the year only one person was convicted of rape in Darfur.

Many victims did not report their cases either to family or authorities for fear they would be punished or arrested for "illegal pregnancy." The police arrested unmarried pregnant women who claimed to have been raped. Unless a rape victim could provide proof of the crime, she could be charged with the capital offense of adultery.

The law does not specifically prohibit domestic violence. Violence, including spousal abuse, against women was common, although there were no reliable statistics on its prevalence. Women who filed
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claims were subjected to accusations of lying or spreading false information, harassment, or detention, which made many women reluctant to file formal complaints, although such abuse constituted grounds for divorce. The police normally did not intervene in domestic disputes. Statistics on the number of abusers prosecuted, convicted, or punished were not available. 
Prostitution is illegal but widespread throughout the country. 

While no law specifically prohibits sexual harassment, the law does prohibit gross indecency, which is defined as any act contrary to another person's modesty. The penalty for gross indecency is imprisonment of up to one year and 40 lashes.

Harassment reportedly occurred, although reliable statistics were not available. There were frequent reports of sexual harassment by police in Darfur and elsewhere.

Some aspects of the law discriminated against women, including many traditional legal practices and certain provisions of Shari'a as interpreted and applied by the government. In accordance with Shari'a, a Muslim widow inherits one-eighth of her husband's estate; of the remaining seven eighths, two-thirds goes to the sons and one-third to the daughters.It is much easier for men than for women to initiate legal divorce proceedings.

A Muslim woman cannot legally marry a non-Muslim unless he converts to Islam. This prohibition usually was neither observed nor enforced in areas of the south or among Nubans (most of whom were Muslim).

Traditional or customary courts in the south routinely imprisoned women for lengthy pretrial detention on allegations of adultery.

Women cannot travel abroad without the permission of their husbands or male guardians; however, this prohibition was not enforced strictly.

To obtain an exit visa, children must receive the permission of their father or a paternal uncle. Women cannot apply for exit visas for their children.

Various governmental bodies have decreed that women must dress modestly according to Islamic standards, including wearing a head covering, and there were isolated instances in which police in the north and south arrested women for their dress. However, women often appeared in public wearing trousers or with their heads uncovered. In Khartoum, persons known as religious police, who were not
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government officials, occasionally demanded that women pay on-the-spot fines for violating Islamic standards.

Women experienced economic discrimination in access to employment, credit, and pay for substantially similar work, and owning or managing businesses.

Women were accepted in professional roles; more than half the professors at Khartoum University were women.

Children

The government was somewhat committed to children's rights and welfare, but there were great disparities by region. The government cooperated with UNICEF on the issues of child health, FGM, and child soldiers; however, significant problems continued.

The government did not register all births immediately.

The law provides for free basic education up to eighth grade; however, students often had to pay school, uniform, and exam fees. In the north the primary school enrollment rate was approximately 68 percent in 2005. Boys and girls generally had equal access to primary education, although girls were more affected by early marriage and the fact that many families with restricted income chose to send sons and not daughters to school. In Darfur information on enrollment rates was unavailable, but few children outside of cities had access to primary education. Primary school enrollment in the south tripled since 2005, according to UNICEF; however, lack of schools remained a serious problem in the south, and girls in the south did not have equal access to education.

In 2005 UNICEF reported that in Southern Sudan, which has an estimated population of seven million, only approximately 500 girls completed primary school each year; the primary school completion rate for girls was estimated at 1 percent.

Many children were abused, abducted, or used as slaves. Child labor remained a problem.

Female genital mutilation (FGM) remained widespread, particularly in the north, where a 2005 UNICEF estimate put prevalence at 90 percent. The law does not prohibit FGM. While a growing number of urban, educated families no longer practiced FGM, there were reports that the prevalence of FGM in
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Darfur had increased as persons moved to cities. The government actively campaigned against it. Several NGOs worked to eradicate FGM.

The law establishes the legal age of marriage as 10 for girls and 15 or puberty for boys. There were no reliable statistics on the extent of child marriage, but child marriage was a problem.

Child prostitution, trafficking of children, and sexual abuse of children remained problems, particularly in the south. Children engaged in prostitution for survival, usually without third-party involvement.

Children were used as soldiers in armed groups (see section 1.g.).

Internally displaced children often lacked access to government services such as education.

The government operated "reformation camps" for vagrant children. Police typically sent homeless children who had committed crimes to these camps, where they were detained for indefinite periods. Health care and schooling at the camps generally were poor, and basic living conditions often were primitive. All of the children in the camps, including non•Muslims, must study the Koran, and there was pressure on non•Muslims to convert to Islam.

Trafficking in Persons

The law does not prohibit all forms of trafficking in persons, but does prohibit abduction, luring, and forced labor. The Interim National Constitution prohibits slavery. The State of Emergency Law prohibits all forms of sexual exploitation, and penalties include fines and imprisonment. However, internal trafficking for the purposes of forced labor, sexual exploitation, and domestic servitude occurred.

Women and girls were also possibly trafficked to Middle Eastern countries for domestic servitude.

Ethiopian women were trafficked to and through the country for domestic servitude. In the south, intertribal abduction of women and children continued.

There were no informed estimates on the extent of trafficking.

Government and other armed groups continued to recruit child soldiers (see section 1.g.).

The LRA, which used child soldiers, continued to operate in the south despite its 2006 signing of an agreement to cease hostilities. The LRA abducted adults and children in the south.
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In contrast to previous years, there were no reports of children being trafficked for use as camel jockeys.

A report by the Darfur Consortium documented several cases from 2003 to 2007 in which the janjaweed abducted persons for varying lengths of time, and raped or used them for forced labor. The report also cites other such incidents involving the SAF and the PDF.

Intertribal abductions of women and children continued in the south. Victims frequently became part of the new tribe, with most women marrying into, or being forcibly married into, the new tribe; however, other victims were used for labor or sexual purposes.

The government's Committee to Eradicate the Abduction of Women and Children (CEAWC) and its 22 joint tribal committees investigated a limited number of abduction cases involving Dinkas abducted by the Misseriya and Rezeigat tribes that dated back to the 1980s and 1990s, and repatriated 228 individuals to their home regions during the year. However, there were problems with the return process, including the insufficient provision of food, water, shelter, and reintegration services to the released abductees; these problems were not resolved by year's end. The government acknowledged that abductions occurred and that abductees were sometimes forced into domestic servitude and sexual exploitation.

In 2007 the governments of Sudan and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) signed an agreement establishing claims facilities to compensate former Sudanese child camel jockeys for their injuries.

UNICEF and the government's National Council for Child Welfare estimated that 219 former child camel jockeys were repatriated from the UAE during the year, and the government began compensation programs for them. A police task force assisted in repatriation efforts.

There were no prosecutions of trafficking cases during the year.

The government conducted antitrafficking public information and education campaigns at the national, state, and local levels.

The State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons Report can be found at www.state.gov/g/tip.

Persons with Disabilities

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While the law does not specifically prohibit discrimination against persons with disabilities, it does stipulate that "the state shall guarantee to persons with special needs the enjoyment of all the rights and freedoms set out in the constitution, access to suitable education, employment, and full participation in society." The government has not enacted laws or implemented effective programs to ensure access to buildings for persons with disabilities. Credible sources noted that prisoners with mental disabilities were chained 24 hours per day, and mentally disabled prisoners were not exempted from trial.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

The population is a multiethnic mix of more than 500 Arab and African tribes with numerous languages and dialects. Northern Muslims traditionally dominated the government. Interethnic fighting in Darfur was between Muslims who consider themselves either Arab or non-Arab (see section 1.g.). Interethnic and intercommunal fighting in the south continued (see section 1.g.).

The Muslim majority and the government continued to discriminate against ethnic minorities in almost every aspect of society in the north. Citizens in Arabic•speaking areas who did not speak Arabic experienced discrimination in education, employment, and other areas. There also were reports of discrimination against Arabs and Muslims by individuals in the Christian-dominated south.

Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

The law prohibits homosexuality, but there were no reports of persons being prosecuted on the charge. Societal, but not official, discrimination existed against homosexuals.

There were no reports of societal violence or discrimination based on HIV/AIDS status.

Incitement to Acts of Discrimination

The government and government•supported militias actively promoted hatred and discrimination, using standard propaganda techniques to incite tribal violence. Credible sources noted that the government supported one tribe over another, arming certain tribal militias against other tribes.

Section 6 Worker Rights

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a. The Right of Association

Although the law provides for the right of association for economic and trade union purposes, the government denied this right in practice. The Trade Union Act established a trade union monopoly under the government. Only the governmentc ontrolled Sudan Workers Trade Union Federation, which consists of 25 state unions and 22 industry unions, can function legally; all other unions were banned.

Strikes were considered illegal unless the government granted approval, which has never occurred. In most cases employees who tried to strike were subject to employment termination; however, workers went on strike during the year and were not terminated.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

The law denies trade unions autonomy to exercise the right to organize or to bargain collectively. The law defines the objectives, terms of office, scope of activities, and organizational structures and alliances for labor unions. The government's auditor general supervised union funds because they were considered public money.

There were credible reports that the government routinely intervened to manipulate professional, trade union, and student union elections.

Specialized labor courts adjudicated standard labor disputes, but the Ministry of Labor has the authority to refer a dispute to compulsory arbitration.

The law does not prohibit antiunion discrimination by employers.

There is one export processing zone, in Port Sudan, and it is exempt from regular labor laws.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, such practices continued.
Abduction, forced labor, and sexual slavery of women and children continued.

Although the government continued to deny that slavery and forced labor existed in the country,
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CEAWC acknowledged that abductions had occurredin the 1980s and 1990s,and that not all abductees had since been freed.

The forcible recruitment of persons into armed groups continued (see section 1.g.).
Forced prison labor was used for the construction of private residences for SPLM officials.

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

Although mandated by the Interim National Constitution to protect children from exploitation, the government did not effectively do so, and child labor was a serious problem. The legal minimum age for workers was 18 years, but the law was not enforced in practice. Child labor in the agricultural sector was common. Children were engaged in shining shoes, washing cars, street vending, begging, herding animals, construction, and other menial labor.

The use of child soldiers, child trafficking, and child prostitution were problems (see sections 1.g. and  4).

The Ministry of Social Welfare, Women, and Child Affairs has responsibility for enforcing child labor laws; however, enforcement was ineffective.

In the south, child labor laws were rarely enforced.

e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

The minimum wage was 124 Sudanese pounds (approximately $62) per month, which did not provide a worker and family a decent standard of living. The Ministry of Labor, which maintained field offices in most major cities, was responsible for enforcing the minimum wage, which employers generally respected. Due to a lack of capacity and difficulties in establishing the new government in the south, civil service workers, including teachers, often worked for long periods without getting paid.

The law, which was generally respected, limits the workweek to 40 hours (five eight-hour days), with days of rest on Friday and Saturday. Overtime should not exceed 12 hours per week or four hours per day. There was no prohibition on excessivecompulsory overtime.

Although the laws prescribe health and safety standards, working conditions generally were poor, and
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enforcement by the Ministry of Labor was minimal. The right of workers to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without loss of employment is not recognized.

In the south, the Ministry of Labor and Public Services is responsible for monitoring health and safety standards for workers; however, it did not do so effectively.

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UN's OCHA: 15,000 fled from south Darfur to Zam Zam camp in north Darfur

This curiously worded report by CNN says "Darfur government" has waged "counter-insurgency war against militias" for six years and that the Darfur violence erupted in 2003 after "rebel uprising" against Sudanese government. It's a strange choice of words at this late stage but at least the report refers to the Darfur crisis as a counter-insurgency war and not "genocide".

From CNN 26 February 2009:
U.N.: 15,000 flee southern Darfur
Fighting has prompted thousands of people in the southern part of Sudan's Darfur region to seek security and shelter at a refugee camp in the northern part of the war-torn area, according to the United Nations.

Sudanese rebel

Photo: A member of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) stands guard near the Sudan-Chad border in 2007.

The U.N.'s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported that fighting in Muhajeria and Shearia between Sudanese government forces, and the rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), drove over 15,000 people north to the Zam Zam camp.

The water supply to the camp is becoming strained with displaced people arriving there every day, OCHA said Wednesday.

The government of Darfur has waged a brutal counter-insurgency against militias for the past six years, a war that some international critics have characterized as genocide.

An estimated 300,000 people in the western Sudanese region have been killed through combat, disease or malnutrition, according to the United Nations. An additional 2.7 million people have been forced to flee their homes because of fighting among rebels, government forces and the violent Janjaweed militias.

Fighting continues in the region despite the JEM and local government signing a "goodwill and confidence-building" agreement earlier in February, according to the U.N.

The U.N.-African Union allied peacekeeping mission (UNAMID) will begin building a new community police center near Zam Zam in the next two weeks, the U.N. announced Saturday.

The violence in Darfur erupted in 2003 after rebels began an uprising against the Sudanese government. To counter the rebels, Sudanese authorities armed and cooperated with Arab militias that went from village to village in Darfur, killing, torturing and raping residents there, according to the United Nations, Western governments and human rights organizations. The militias targeted civilian members of tribes from which the rebels drew strength.

Last year, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir was charged with genocide by the International Criminal Court for the government's campaign of violence in Darfur.

Under pressure to end the fighting, Al-Bashir in November agreed to an immediate and unconditional cease-fire in Darfur. But the rebel Justice and Equality Movement was not included in the cease-fire talks.

Wednesday, February 25, 2009

Arrow boys confront LRA in Sudan's Western Equatoria State

From Miraya FM (Sudan) Wednesday, 25 February 2009:
Boys confront LRA in Western Equatoria
A group of fighters known as arrow boys that are spread in various parts of Western Equatoria State expressed readiness to fight the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) that has engaged in attacks against civilians lately in the State.

The Arrow boys are group of boys who use traditional weapons such as bows, arrows, spears and clubs, treated with poisonous to fight the Lord Resistance Army LRA.

The arrow boys are all over the Western Equatoria State but particularly from Maridi, Mundri, Ezo and Ibba counties.

Raphael Monuku the head of the Arrow boys in Manikakara Payam in Ibba county, said that, "LRA movement appears to be a defeated movement, it has no access to ammunitions and any warfare machinery after joint military attacks launched by the Ugandan, and Congolese troops in mid December 2008.

Reports said that the LRA are using axes, knifes, and woods, to kill the innocent civilians.

The recent attacks on Manikakara in Western Equatoria State caused a lot of destructions and deaths both in Ibba and Maridi Counties.

As a result the citizens especially in the LRA spotted areas don't sleep anymore in their houses, in fear for a surprise attack by the rebels.

But the question remains, can the arrow boys with their manner of fighting be able to defeat the LRA after the Government of South Sudan refused to arm the citizens of Western Equatoria to defend themselves for security considerations.
- - -

Arrow Boys: A Ugandan Militia Fights Off the LRA

After terrorising Uganda for 20 years, the LRA has met its match.
By Peter Eichstaedt in Soroti, Uganda (No. 51, 19-Jan-2006)
At the Thursday market in Arapai, about ten kilometres outside of Soroti on Uganda’s dry eastern plains, you can get just about anything.

You can buy a cow, a goat, a bicycle, fat stalks of fresh sugar cane, dried peanuts, handmade rope, or even have your machete sharpened.

Fifty kilos of dried kasava root can be ground by hand on a flat stone into flour for bread that will feed you for a month.

The most popular item in the market is malwa, the locally made brew. It’s a lightly fermented grain served in clay pots with hot water and sipped through a long reed.

You can sit in the shade of the thatched roofs for several hours and drink all you want for about 25 US cents. It’s the way locals spend the day, meet friends and catch up on the latest news.

That locals safely walk miles to crowd this market is due to a feared homegrown militia called the Arrow Boys formed less than three years ago.

These local fighters have quickly become the only organised force to defeat the infamous Lords Resistance Army, which for the past 20 years has terrorised northern Uganda, southern Sudan and eastern Congo.

The LRA has kidnapped thousands of boys and girls, converting them into vicious child soldiers and sex slaves. Those who resist are brutally killed or maimed and left to die.

But the Arrow Boys are inflicting serious losses on the LRA.

When the International Criminal Court in The Hague issued indictments this past fall against LRA leader Joseph Kony and four of his top commanders, one was already dead.

“We put him out of action,” said Robert Adiama, one of the militia founders who served as its top intelligence officer. He is now the district’s top government official.

“The LRA faced their first blow in Teso,” he said of the region around Soroti, adding that the Arrow Boys killed or captured more than 40 LRA commanders in the past couple of years.

The key to the Arrow Boys’ success against the LRA has been strong community support and an efficient intelligence network.

“When the LRA is going to move south from Pader,” said Adiama, “we know about it three days ahead of time.” Pader is one of Uganda’s northern districts where the LRA continues to cause havoc despite the presence of the Uganda military.

“We help the people,” he said. “We prepare the community to respond and ask the government for help in doing it.”

The government support comes in weapons distributed throughout villages. And, when an LRA attack occurs, the militia is quickly formed and pursues the rebels.

“The only way to control the situation is rapid response,” explained Adiama.

Because the Arrow Boys have been so successful, they have been incorporated into the ranks of the Ugandan military and have received training, weapons and pay.

The Arrow Boys also protect the region against raids by the Karamajong, the notorious neighbouring ethnic group that has a reputation as cattle rustlers.

“They kill our people when they come,” said Adiama. “They steal our cattle.”

One Arrow Boys commander recently ordered Karamojong cattle rustlers to be shot on sight. The order has resulted in three deaths, one by hanging and decapitation.

“We are not an aggressive people,” insisted Adiama. “If they (Karamajong) want our cows, they can buy them. If they think we have their cows, take us to court.” Otherwise, he says, “armed men stealing cows should be shot”.

Because of years of attacks by the LRA and the Karamajong, thousands of Teso people live in the protected refugee camps serviced by the World Food Programme.

But this, he says, has created social problems, “The people of Teso are not used to camp life. It is like being in prison.”

Although some in the Arrow Boys recently have been accused of selling weapons for cash, skimming money from payrolls and random violence, it has not dampened local enthusiasm for them.

“They rescued me from the LRA,” said Daniel Emoru, a 40-year-old who rides a bicycle and sells pottery.

His father-in-law was killed by rebels and children from his village were taken. But with the Arrow Boys, he says, “We feel safe because the rebels no longer roam the area.”

In the village of the Arasai, where just two years ago the LRA killed 20 villagers and kidnapped four children, one of whom is still missing, the Arrow Boys are admired.

“If possible, they should increase their numbers,” said one villager as he and others played the traditional African game of komweso.

“They have worked hard,” said Jackie Okurut, 45, who weaves rope in the shade of his tiny stall at the Arapai market. “We are now in peace because they did good. Let them continue their work because the Karamajong are still bothering us.”

Under the shady pavilions where they serve malwa, the sentiment is the same. “We are now safe,” said Celestion Elibu, one of the patrons, “but we are still haunted by the memory of our dead relatives.”

Most still turn a wary eye to the north where the LRA remains active. Because of them and the Karamajong, the Arrow Boys remains a vital regional defense force.

“I have a lot of hope the security will improve as long as the government remains stable,” said Adiama, but quickly added, “while the LRA is active, the region is vulnerable.”

Ugandan militia:  The Arrow boys

Villagers near the eastern Ugandan town of Soroti enjoy a game of omweso in a region cleared of LRA rebels the local militia called the Arrow Boys. Peter Eichstaedt photo.

Peter Eichstaedt is a senior editor with the Uganda Radio Network. URN correspondent Joseph Elunya contributed to this report.

Tuesday, February 24, 2009

Up to 5,000 rebels are congregating on the Sudan side of Chad border

With rebels from several rival factions congregating on the Sudan side of the border, there are worries that if Bashir is indicted, the bandits could form a united front and cross over into Chad.

Source: Irish Times 24 February 2009:
Irish army chiefs fear violence could spread to Chad
Irish army chiefs in Chad fear the impending indictment of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir for genocide could spark fresh violence in the troubled African country.

Sudan has long been trying to stop a possible International Criminal Court arrest warrant against Bashir on charges of genocide in Darfur, which borders Chad’s eastern flank.

Some 400 Irish troops are based around 40 kilometres from the Sudanese border, with a mandate to protect fleeing refugees.

Commandant Dan Harvey with the Eufor mission said military chiefs are concerned that if Bashir is arrested, a fresh wave of violence could be unleashed, spilling over into Chad.

“This is becoming a cornerstone issue,” Commandant Harvey said.

“It’s the aftermath, or the reaction to that, is what’s of concern. That could affect the regional situation.

“Who knows what the reaction is, it could create a spillover from the Darfur region into Chad, and that might affect Eufor.”

Up to 5,000 rebels are congregating on the Sudan side of the border, being closely monitored by Eufor.

With rebels from several rival factions congregating on the Sudan side of the border, there are worries that if Bashir is indicted, the bandits could form a united front and cross over into Chad.

“We are aware of groups of rebel factions inside the border in Sudan, with some of them up to 1,500-strong,” Commandant Harvey said.

But even if the groups fail to unite, there may still be an increase in skirmishes along the border if moves are made to indict Bashir.

The decision from the ICC is expected to happen in early March, potentially before Eufor hands over control of the mission to the United Nations on the 15th.

Sudan’s security chief has already warned foreigners that outlaws will target them if the President is indicted on war crimes.

Meanwhile, Defence Minister Willie O’Dea will visit Cam Ciara tomorrow as part of a whirlwind visit to the area.

Think of Sudan's children. Give peace a chance

Give peace a chance

Photo of US soldier carrying an Iraqi girl wounded in an SVBIED (Suicide Vehicle Borne Improvised Explosive Device) attack. (Source: Soldier of Africa blog post Power of compassion)

Sudan: Israel, France, Chad providing support to Darfur rebel groups SLM-Nur & JEM?

Some Sudanese tribes are calling for a jihad against SLM-Nur because they believe that they are a front for Israel in Darfur.

Darfur is the most 'Islamic' province in Sudan: for SLM-Nur to contact Israel shows that they don’t care for Darfur.

The Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has received considerably heavy military logistical support from Israel, Sudan's state media reported.

The shipment has been sent through France, which is in charge of training military personal inside neighboring Chad, the Sudanese Media Center, a news outlet with links to Sudan's security service said.

Sudan accuses Chad of providing military and logistical support for the rebel group's attacks on Southern Darfur.

Chad, however, blames Sudan for the creation of the Union of Resistance Forces, an umbrella group for the main Chadian rebel factions created in late January 2008.

Source: [two reports, copied here below]

Darfur in Israel
By Ismail Kamal Kushkush, IOL Correspondent, March 6, 2008.

Darfur in Israel

Photo: "This shows that the movement has no popular base," Shaarani told IOL.
KHARTOUM — The decision by the rebel Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) faction of Abd al-Wahid Nur to open a liaison office in Israel has infuriated most Sudanese, including Darfurians.

"This will create more divisions in Darfur," Salah al-Fadul Rijal, the current sultan-general of the Fur tribes, told IslamOnline.net over the phone from Nyala, Darfur.

"Some tribes are now calling for a jihad against the SLM because they believe that they are a front for Israel in Darfur. Even some associated with the SLM are denouncing this act."

Nur, himself a member of the Fur ethnic group, has announced opening a liaison office in Tel Aviv to help Darfurians who have sought refuge in Israel.

He praised Israel for "for protecting Darfur youth from genocide" and insisted that his rebellion will change norms and break taboos in Sudan, especially about Israel.

"Our vision of Sudan as we see it would allow for the opening of an Israeli embassy in Khartoum as long as it is in line with the interests of the Sudanese people," Nur told Sudan Tribune from his Paris residence.

Sudan, which does not have diplomatic relations with Israel over its occupation of Arab lands, described Nur's decision as evidence that the Darfur crisis has been manipulated by foreign hands.

Nur's SLM is one a few rebel groups that has refused to subscribe to the 2006 Abuja peace agreement. It has refused to date to participate in peace negotiations.

The Darfur conflict erupted in February 2003 after rebel groups attacked government targets, accusing Khartoum of neglect and discrimination.

Thousands have died because of fighting, drought and desperate humanitarian conditions but there are no accurate account with figure ranging from the government's 9,000 to the UN's 200,000.

Infuriated

Several Darfurian and Sudanese political parties, civil society and student groups have condemned Nur’s decision.

Mahmud Shaarani, a human rights lawyer and head of the Sudanese Center for Comparative Human Rights Studies, one of the first groups to bring the Darfur conflict to attention, has described Nur’s move as "non-sensical."

"This shows that the movement [the SLM-Nur faction] has no popular base," he told IOL.

"Darfur is the most 'Islamic' province in Sudan: to contact Israel shows that they don’t care for Darfur."

Sayed El-Khatib, the director of the Center for Strategic Studies in Khartoum, was shock by the SLM move.

"Even if people are divided on other issues, this is one issue where people have utterly rejected Israel because of its occupation of Arab lands."

The Darfur Organizations Network, a local network of humanitarian NGOs, has condemned Nur's decision "especially when Israel is currently involved in crimes against the Palestinian people."

A week-long Israeli onslaught has claimed the lives of more than 129 people, including more than 40 children, toddlers and newborn babies, as well as 13 women.

More than 400 Palestinians have also been injured in the Israeli air and ground blitz.

Affecting Talks

Darfur in Israel

Photo: "The international community needs to bring people who really represent Darfur," El-Khatib told IOL.

Some predict that Nur’s decision may affect attempts by the international community to unite the negotiating platform of the nineteen Darfurian rebel groups on the one hand and peace talks with the Sudanese government on the other.

"This will delay the attempts to unite these groups and open the door for foreign intervention," says Shaarani, the human rights lawyer.

Abdalla Adam Khatir, a Darfurian writer, disagrees.

He believes that this was an act out of "despair" on behalf of Nur who has not carefully calculated the political ramifications of his decision.

Khatir rules out any impact on the Darfur negotiations.

"This is a side effect of the crisis. The international community is working together to put a road map for peace in Darfur."

El-Khatib, the director of the Center for Strategic Studies in Khartoum, believes that Nur’s action, on the contrary, will help speed up negotiations.

"People are going to see the real face of some the rebel leaders; that they have personal agendas. The international community needs to bring people who really represent Darfur."

* Isma’il Kamal Kushkush is a Sudanese-American freelance writer currently based in Khartoum, Sudan.
- - -

Sudan: Israel arming Darfur rebels
From Press TV Iran February 02, 2009 via Global Research, February 04, 2009:
Israel has supplied a rebel group involved in the Darfur conflict in Sudan with a considerable amount of weaponry, a new report says.

The Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has received considerably heavy military logistical support from Israel, Sudan's state media reported on Sunday.

The shipment has been sent through France, which is in charge of training military personal inside neighboring Chad, the Sudanese Media Center, a news outlet with links to Sudan's security service said.

France maintains a 1,650 soldier mission to Chad as part of the EUFOR mission to protect refugees who have fled the conflict in Darfur in neighboring Sudan.

The JEM which seized the city of Muhageriya about two weeks ago is considered Darfur's most powerful rebel group.

The group managed to capture the city form forces loyal to the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) faction of Minni Minawi, which is the only rebel group to have signed a peace deal with Khartoum.

Sudan accuses Chad of providing military and logistical support for the rebel group's attacks on Southern Darfur.

Chad, however, blames Sudan for the creation of the Union of Resistance Forces, an umbrella group for the main Chadian rebel factions created in late January 2008.

The two neighbors broke off diplomatic relations last year, with each accusing the other of supporting rebel assaults on their capitals.

Although relations were re-established in November, ties still remain tense between the two central African nations.
torabi20090202115548187.jpg

Photo: An Israeli soldier covers his ears as a mobile artillery unit fires a shell towards Gaza in mid-January. Israel receives at least $2 billion a year in US weapons. (Photo and caption from Press TV Iran report:
Sudan: Israel arming Darfur rebels
- - -

From Sudan Tribune February 19, 2009:
Darfur SLM rebel leader confirms visit to Israel
February 18, 2009 (PARIS) — Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur, the founder of the rebel Sudan Liberation Movement, said today he visited Israel recently in a move to boost social normalization between the Sudanese and Israeli peoples, pledging for strategic relations between the two countries.

Abdelwahid Mohamed Nur

Photo: Abdel-Wahid al-Nur

The rebel leader confirmed reports published by Israeli press this week about his visit to Tel Aviv. The daily Haaretz had said he paid the visit at his own initiative with some French Jewish, to attend a security conference there. The report also said he met with a senior Israeli security official.

However Al-Nur, who opened an office in Israel since February last year, said that his visit to Israel is like any visit he pays to any country in the world and he wondered why people are focusing on it.

The rebel leader added they reject the hatred that the Sudanese government is teaching to the Sudanese about the Jewish people. He also hailed the positive attitude of the Israeli authorities for providing refuge to the Darfuri who fled the war in Darfur.

"I went there to meet my fellows from Sudan and Darfur particularly. Since the opening of our office there last year, I was thinking about this trip to meet the members of the movement there."

Al Nur also said he held a public meeting attended by more than one thousand of the Sudanese refugees from different parts of the country. He urged them to keep their ties with their families and follow closely the political situation there despite the difficulties of contact.

Sudan, which considers Israel as an enemy state, has no diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv and remains hostile to the Jewish state on the grounds that it is occupying Arab lands. Sudan also is seen by the Israeli government as one of the main supporters of the Islamist Hamas movement after Iran.

The Sudanese government informed Khartoum papers lately that several Darfur rebel movements are armed and supplied by Israel through France. The rebels dismiss this.

Al-Nur said his relation with Israel is founded on the principles of the SLM, which appeals for pacific coexistence between people and the mutual respect of religions and traditions.

"We did not go there to ask for mercy or support but because we deeply feel we have nothing that is preventing us in the SLM from that. Particularly we call for strategic relations between the two peoples in harmony with the interests of the two peoples."

The rebel leader praised the authorities there for giving Sudanese the opportunity to study in the Israeli universities and work there, describing these steps as social normalizations between the two peoples. He also pledged to work for the political normalization between the two countries in the future.

"We got rid of hatred and liberated ourselves from such negative slogans about the existence of Israel, and we want to live in peace with all the people. This would not affect our support for the creation of a Palestinian state besides Israel," he added.

In March 2008 a spokesperson of the SLA military reaffirmed to Sudan Tribune their support for the opening of an office in Israel. Commander Abdel-Rahman Adam Nimer slammed what he described as a "campaign of stigmatization led by the Sudanese government in the name of Islam." He added they "are in no need for religious lessons and are very well aware of the Islamic precepts and have no complex in this regard."

This week the Associated Press distributed pictures of a joint wedding ceremony in Tel Aviv where three couples from Darfur married there. They are part of hundreds of Darfuri who have sought refuge in recent years in the Jewish state, arriving across the border illegally from Egypt.

According to the UNHCR figures, there are some 600 Darfuri in Israel whom local authorities have granted all asylum and work permits. (ST)
- - -

From Sudan Tribune February 20, 2009:
France denies financial support to Al-Nur
February 19, 2009 (PARIS) — Responding to statements made Tuesday by Sudan’s representative to the UN, who criticized France for safeguarding Darfur rebel leader Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur, the spokesperson of the French Foreign Ministry voiced support for the Doha peace process and denied providing financial support to the rebel holdout.

Al-Nur, the chairman of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM), has resided in France since 2007. He refuses to participate in the latest round of peace talks in Doha requesting that Khartoum should disarm militias, implement ceasefire before to take part in any peace process.

"We are continuing our efforts to ensure that all the major stakeholders, including the movement led by Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur, are involved in the search for peace," said Eric Chevallier, the French spokesperson.

"As regards the statements of the Ambassador of Sudan to the UN … we wish to clarify that Abdel Wahid Al Nur does not receive any financial support from France for his stay in our country," he said.

Sudan’s Ambassador to the UN, Abdel-Mahmood Abdel-Haleem, had criticized France for sheltering Al-Nur amid ongoing talks with the JEM rebel movement in Doha, Qatar. Al-Nur refuses to participate in the talks until Sudan observes a ceasefire signed in April 2004, takes steps to disarm militias and allows IDPs to return safely to their homeland.

"We note that the French government is still holding a rebel leader from joining the peace process…. He is well protected by the French. We hold them also responsible for any sabotage to the peace process in the Sudan," said Abdel-Haleem.

According to Abdel-Haleem, French president Nicolas Sarkozy promised Sudanese president Omer Al-Bashir on two occasions to expel the SLA leader if he continues to refuse to go to the negotiation table.

"France is actively committed to peace in Darfur to put an end to violence against victims who are mainly civilians. We support the efforts of the Qatari government and the joint UN-AU mediator for Darfur, Djibril Bassolé," explained Chevallier.

Al-Nur commands forces in the Jebel Marrah of central Darfur and has significant support among Darfur civilians and displaced persons. (ST)
- - -

From www.rfi.fr February 23, 2009:
Two members of French aid organisation killed in south Darfur:
Two Sudanese members of a French aid group were killed at the weekend during an attack. Men on horses and camels attacked the people on a road between Kurunji and Khor Abeshe in south Darfur.

The two victims were health workers for the French humanitarian organisation Aide Médicale Internationale and were on their way back from a clinic.

“There was a truck carrying a lot of people and they were stopped by 24 armed men that came on camel and horseback, they were suspected to be militia men, but nobody could tell really what militia,” says Kamel Saiki, a spokesperson for the Unamid joint forces.

The French organisation, which is funded by the European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office and the Aid Delegation of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has 200 local staff members and is working to provide emergency support and access to healthcare for displaced people.

“Unfortunately, it is a typical case of being in the wrong place at the wrong time, they wandered into an ongoing act of banditry,” Saiki told RFI.

Highway robbery is a problem on the roads of Darfur and the UN says more than 200 vehicles were attacked last year.

Earlier in February, the government and rebel group, the Justice and Equality Movement signed an agreement in Qatar, which intends to act as the basis of a peace talks.

“I don’t think there was a deliberate targeting of these people […] this illustrates the conditions we have in this part of Sudan,” Saiki added.
- - -

From Sudan Online (SUNA) February 24, 2009:
President Al-Bashir reiterates Sudan's support to the Palestinian people
President of the Republic Field Marshal Omer Al-Bashir affirmed that Sudan will stand by the people of Palestine as well as rejecting any attempt to sow divisions among the Palestinian people.

This came when the President received at the Guest House Monday Azam Al-Ahmad, the Envoy of the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbass Abu Mazin. During the meeting, President Al-Bashir received a written message from the Palestinian President dealing with the general situations in the Arab world in the light of the relentless efforts to bring to an end the Arab differences and to unify the Arab ranks before holding the meeting of the Arab summit conference in Doha, the State of Qatar.

In this connection, President Al-Bashir stressed the necessity of bringing together the Palestinian factions and ending the differences as soon as possible.

The Palestinian Envoy, on his part, affirmed that the Palestinian people and President support the Sudan in the face of the attempts to intervene in its domestic affairs or targeting its unity and stability, especially from the International Criminal Court. He further lauded the efforts being exerted by President Al-Bashir with regard to unification of all the Sudanese people.
- - -

From Reuters February 24, 2009 TRIPOLI - excerpt:
Gaddafi says Israel, not Bashir, behind Darfur war
Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, the current African Union president, on Tuesday accused "foreign forces" including Israel of being behind the Darfur conflict.

Judges from the International Criminal Court are due to announce on March 4 whether they will issue a warrant for the arrest of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir over allegations that he masterminded genocide in Sudan's Darfur region. U.N. diplomats have told Reuters the warrant will be issued.

But Gaddafi, addressing a meeting on ways to expand cooperation between the United Nations and African Union, urged the Court to stop its proceedings against Bashir:

"Why do we have to hold President Bashir or the Sudanese government responsible when the Darfur problem was caused by outside parties, and Tel Aviv (Israel), for example, is behind the Darfur crisis?"

Gaddafi suggested, without presenting any evidence, that the Israeli military was among those stoking the conflict:

"It is not a secret. We have found evidence proving clearly that foreign forces are behind the Darfur problem and are fanning its fire," Gaddafi said, according to the Libyan state news agency Jana.

"We discovered that some of the main leaders of the Darfur rebels have opened offices in Tel Aviv and hold meetings with the military there to add fuel to the conflict fire." [...] (Writing by Lamine Ghanmi; Editing by Kevin Liffey)

Russia to send military hospital to Chad and engineers to CAR in support of UN missions

MINURCAT, the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad, numbers 300 police and 50 communications officers.

A Russian helicopter unit is already involved in a UN mission in Sudan, and Russia is also deploying another aviation group to participate in MINURCAT, Churkin said.

Source: Russian News and Information Agency NOVOSTI (UN) Feb. 24, 2009:
Russia to send military hospital to UN mission in Chad
Russia is to send a military hospital to Chad and engineers to the Central African Republic in support of UN missions, Russia's envoy has told a UN Assembly General peacekeeping committee.

Vitaly Churkin also said Russia was working to "expand its participation in operations to support peace." He noted that Russian peacekeepers were stationed in the Middle East, Africa, Haiti, and Kosovo.

The UN Security Council has repeatedly voiced its concerns over the activity of armed groups in Chad and the Central African Republic, as well as in the neighboring Sudanese region of Darfur.

The Council approved on 25 September, 2007 the establishment in Chad and the Central African Republic "of a multidimensional presence intended to help create the security conditions conducive to a voluntary, secure and sustainable return of refugees and displaced persons".

MINURCAT, the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad, numbers 300 police and 50 communications officers.

A Russian helicopter unit is already involved in a UN mission in Sudan, and Russia is also deploying another aviation group to participate in MINURCAT, Churkin said.

As of November 30, 2008, 276 Russians were involved in UN peacekeeping missions around the world.

Gabriel Tang's militia clash with south Sudan army in Malakal

"This (fighting) is because Tang arrived yesterday in Malakal. The U.N. tried to persuade him to leave but he refused," James Hoth told Reuters.

Source: Reuters report Tue Feb 24, 2009 JUBA, Sudan:
Militia clash with south Sudan army in Malakal:
South Sudan's army and militiamen traded heavy gunfire on Tuesday in the south Sudan town of Malakal, eyewitnesses and southern army officials said.

The fighting was between the southern army and members of a southern militia headed by Gabriel Tang, who was backed by Khartoum during Sudan's long civil war between the north and south, a senior commander from the south's army said.

"This (fighting) is because Tang arrived yesterday in Malakal. The U.N. tried to persuade him to leave but he refused," James Hoth told Reuters.

Hoth said the fighting had been heavy, but it was not yet known whether anyone had been killed or wounded.

Fighting between south Sudan's army and elements in Tang's militia killed 150 people in Malakal in 2006 and was a major threat to a fragile north-south peace deal signed in 2005.

A witness sheltering from gunfire said there had been two separate outbreaks of gunfire and explosions.

"There's been heavy shooting this morning from about 8 a.m. There have also been big explosions ... there are tanks on the streets," said the witness, who declined to be named.

After the 2006 fighting the south's President Salva Kiir issued an arrest warrant for Tang and he was barred from Malakal, Hoth said.

The southern army soldiers involved in the fighting are from a special joint unit of both northern and southern forces that control the south's towns and oil fields under the peace accord, Hoth said.

The northern army contingent contains former members of Tang's militia, Hoth said, but it is unclear whether they are involved in Tuesday's fighting.

Some 2 million people were killed in Sudan's north-south war and another 4 million displaced from their homes
- - -

From Sudan Radio Service 24 February 2009:
(Malakal) - Fighting broke out between SPLA and SAF members of a Joint Integrated Unit (JIU) in Malakal on Tuesday morning.

An eye-witness, speaking to Sudan Radio Service by phone from Malakal, said the tension started on Monday afternoon, when a SAF commander, Gabriel Gatwiech Chan, popularly known as “Tanginye” arrived at the airport.

The fighting started after SAF members of the Malakal JIU refused to return Tanginye to Khartoum.

The SPLA contingent in the Malakal JIU is alleged to have insisted that Tanginye should not be allowed to stay in Malakal. They accused him of being behind 2006 clashes in which over 300 people were killed.

Sudan Radio Service producer Koang Pal Chang spoke to an eye-witness who declined to be identified.

[Interview]

Koang: When did the shooting start?

Eye-witness: the shooting started in the morning yesterday at 8 and the tension began yesterday in the afternoon hours when general Tanginye.... (gunfire) You may be hearing the sounds of the guns?

Koang: Yeah

Eye-witness: He came (Tanginye) yesterday to visit his family but he was told to go back to Khartoum but he refused to go back to Khartoum saying that he should not be forced to go back to Khartoum. He said he was coming to visit his family and his seven days are not over. According to information I got last night, he was taken to UNMIS where he spend the night. But there was information that he refused to go to UNMIS and the shooting began at 8 this morning. It is between SPLA and another group; I do not know which group is that. At 10:30 they have managed to push one group to the other side of the town. You can hear the shooting. There is fighting now in the heart of Malakal Town.

Koang: Do you know who are the groups that are fighting?

Eye-witness: I do not know but what I know is that it is the group of Tanginye and the SPLA fighting.

Koang: where are you now exactly in Malakal?

Eye-witness: I am now in Hai-Jalaba. I am in Malakal center now. These people are fighting next to the hospital, just here. I am even seeing them now.

Koang: Do you see which type of uniforms they are wearing?

Eye-witness: They are wearing khaki, some of them are wearing Hafiya, but I do not know. Maybe if I go closer, I can see the logo and know which group is that. But I can not see the logo now because they are a bit far.

Koang: what about the civilians, are they running away or hiding in their houses?

Eye-witness: Some of them have already hidden themselves, some of them ran away. The fighting began at the airport. So people thought the fighting was going to be handled at the airport but now it has reached the town and there is no room for evacuation now.

Koang: Was there a group which went and attacked the other group in the airport and then they were pushed back on this side or what is really happening?

Eye-witness: I can not tell whether this was the group which attacked or the attackers, but one group has been pushed to the heart of Malakal and that is why the fighting now advanced to the main town.

Koang: can you see UN peacekeepers there trying to protect civilian or you can not see them?

Eye-witness: I can not see them because this is actually a frontline they can not actually intervene.

(Line goes dead).

Unconfirmed reports suggest that 6 people have been killed, including a 14 year old boy. 16 others have been injured.
- - -

From Sudan Tribune by Manyang Mayom 24 February 2009:
Heavy fighting in Malakal upon return of militia leader
February 24, 2009 (MALAKAL) — Heavy fighting broke up in Malakal, the capital of Upper Nile State, since today morning between the southern Sudan army and a Khartoum backed militia led by Gen. Gabriel Tang Ginya.

No causalities yet reported from the troubled town. However, three people are said to be wounded with no death as the fighting continues.

Following November 2006 clashes, the President of Southern Sudan government described Tang as criminal and asked Khartoum to hand him over to justice. But he had been transported to Khartoum by the Sudan Armed Forces.

The fighting started when the General Tang arrived yesterday to Malakal and refused to leave the town. Eyewitnesses told Sudan Tribune that some SPLA troops wanted to capture the Gen. Tang alive or else shot him. But, UNMIS tried to intervene to convince him to move out with no results.

"Gen. Tang was flown into Malakal yesterday from Khartoum by Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and rushed to the SAF barracks and this morning attacked SPLA. This is part of the conspiracy by the National Congress Party to destabilize the South and in particular Upper Nile State," said Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth in Washington, the Government of Southern Sudan Head of Mission to the United States.

Tang’s militia " pushed the SPLA a bit from Malakal town of Malaki but as of now they are pushed back the SAF forces to the Airport and the fighting is continuing. The situation is very bad and casualties are high from the SAF forces," he further said.

The situation is tense while most business houses remain closed and Malakal people are indoors.

Similar incidents occurred on November 27, 2006 when General Gabriel Tang and John Maluit the commissioner of Fangak had a fierce dispute over the commissionership of Malakal. 150 people were killed.
- - -

From AFP February 24, 2009 (JUBA, Sudan)
UN staffer wounded as fighting erupts in south Sudan
A UN employee was wounded on Tuesday as clashes erupted in south Sudan around the former government garrison town of Malakal, puncturing a 2005 peace deal, the UN and former rebels said.

The fighting pitted former rebels of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, which now runs an autonomous regional administration in south Sudan, against a southern former militia that fought alongside central government forces during the two-decade-long civil war, the ex-rebels said.

"There were clashes this morning, and the fighting has been on and off since then," said Changson Chang, now information minister in the south Sudan regional government.

He said the violence had been sparked by the return to Malakal of former militia leader, Gabriel Tang. "His militia triggered the fighting," Chang said.

A so-called Joint Integrated Unit (JIU) composed of both former rebels and forces loyal to the central government in Khartoum patrols Malakal alongside the main ex-rebel army which has been reconstituted as the security forces of the southern regional government.

Former militiamen loyal to Tang form part of the pro-Khartoum elements of the JIU, leading to the clashes between some fighters of the combined unit and the former rebels, sources on both sides said.

"Fighting broke out between the SPLA and JIU in the vicinity of the airport and Upper Nile University in Malakal," a UN statement said.

"One UN bus travelling from the logistics base was reported to have been fired upon, resulting in the injury to the foot of one UN national staff member," it said, adding that the staffer was in a stable condition in hospital.

The UN said that the clashes had now reportedly moved from the airport area to the town centre and peacekeepers were moving foreign aid workers away from compounds close to the fighting.

It added that reinforcements had been sent to the concentration points where aid workers and UN civilian staff were being given refuge.

The south Sudan information minister said he had no immediate word on any non-UN casualties from the fighting. "We do not have figures until now but, of course, when shots are fired, then there will be expected to be casualties," Chang said.

The UN special envoy to Sudan Ashraf Jehangir Qazi expressed "deep concern about the security situation in Malakal".

He "called on all parties to cease the fighting immediately, to act responsibly to resolve their differences, and to take full account of their duty to protect and ensure the safety and security of the civilian population," a statement said.

"In particular, he said it was essential for the military leadership of the Sudan Armed Forces and the SPLA to ensure that the JIUs fulfilled their function as integrated units working together to protect civilians."

Malakal lies close to the border between north and south, and has had one of the more fragile security situations since the 2005 peace deal brought an end to the civil war between the Arab- and Muslim-dominated north and the mainly Christian or animist, non-Arab south.

Nine people were killed around the town in inter-ethnic clashes on January 9.
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UPDATE ON THURSDAY 5 MARCH 2009

News report from Radio Netherlands 5 March 2009:
Dutch ambassador ready for any eventuality:
The Foreign Ministry has posted a more severe travel warning to Sudan now that the International Criminal Court in The Hague has issued an arrest warrant against the country's president. The ministry is advising Dutch citizens not to travel to the province of Darfur or the town of Malakal unless it is absolutely necessary.

There are currently around 250 Dutch citizens in Sudan, most of whom work for aid organisations or are connected to the United Nations or one of its missions. All 250 have been asked to report to the Dutch Embassy in Khartoum. The Dutch ambassador, Norbert Braakhuis, says that if the embassy knows where everyone is, it will be easier to provide help should it be needed.

He added that there are no indications that Dutch citizens run a particular risk because the International Criminal Court is located in The Hague. However, although he believes Sudan does not equate the court with the Netherlands and its citizens, he says he would like to be prepared for any eventuality.

JEM leader Khalil Ibrahim in Chad vows to topple Sudan's President Omar Al-Bashir

Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) leader Khalil Ibrahim (pictured below) said that "when this warrant comes it is, for us, the end of Bashir's legitimacy to be President of Sudan ... we will work hard to bring him down ... If he doesn't co-operate with the ICC [International Criminal Court] the war will intensify.”

JEM leader Khalil Ibrahim

Source: The Times by Anthony Loyd in N'Djamena, Chad, Feb. 24, 2009 - excerpts: 
Darfur rebel leader vows to topple President al-Bashir
The leader of the most powerful rebel group in Darfur said that his forces will redouble their efforts to topple the Sudanese Government the moment an international arrest warrant is issued against President al-Bashir.

“When this warrant comes it is, for us, the end of Bashir's legitimacy to be President of Sudan,” Khalil Ibrahim, chairman of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), told The Times. “We will work hard to bring him down ... If he doesn't co-operate with the ICC [International Criminal Court] the war will intensify.” [...]

Dr Ibrahim, who spoke to The Times in Chad, had just returned from a round of exploratory peace talks with a Sudanese delegation in Qatar last week, where officials from both warring parties signed a memorandum of goodwill and understanding.

“The [Sudanese] Government is unpredictable,” he said, seated in an orchard on the banks of the Chari River outside N'Djamena, the capital of Chad. “They never honour any agreement they sign.” [...]

A JEM delegation was invited to Washington for bilateral talks with US officials last month, and it was the only rebel group invited to the negotiations in Qatar — to the anger of rival rebel factions from the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA).

This, Dr Ibrahim maintained, was because since 2006 the SLA had fractured into 27 groups and that, like it or not, the JEM was the only cohesive presence on the battlefield posing a credible threat to Mr al-Bashir.

“JEM is fighting alone on the ground,” he said, “shouldering the whole issue because there are no other real movements on the ground.”

Western diplomats believe that the Qatari talks have little chance of success given the gap between the ambitions of the JEM - which include control of Khartoum and the transformation of Sudan into a federation of autonomous regions — and Mr al-Bashir's desire to cling to power.

Few major concessions were extracted from either side in Qatar. The rebel delegation turned down a request to sign a cessation of hostilities until their own list of preliminary demands had been accepted, which the Sudanese refused.

The only tangible concession was a commitment from each side to release prisoners of war. At the weekend Sudan released 24 rebels in response to the release of 21 government prisoners last week. The rebels said however that they will not return to Qatar for a second round of talks until all their men are free.

The fear among the international community is that the conflict will become a war of secession and will spread to neighbouring countries.

While the stated aim of JEM is to preserve the territorial integrity of Sudan it is equally clear that the rebels are ready to divide the country. “JEM is a national movement and we regard autonomy for the regions as a key to peace,” Dr Ibrahim said. “But if peace does not come quickly Kordofan [a province in central Sudan] and Darfur would have to form their own entity — Western Sudan — with the White Nile as its border. If there was no peace then this part would have to become its own country.

“We are not going to ask to control Darfur and Kordofan through peace talks if they [the Government] are not going to give it — we'll take it.”

JEM rebels in Darfur

Photo; JEM fighters in Darfur, Western Sudan (The Times)

Monday, February 23, 2009

Former Sudanese child soldier Emmanuel Jal offers a peaceful way to save Darfur

Emmanuel Jal has intimated that an arrest warrant issued against President Omar al-Bashir could even cause further division in Sudan.

Jal is seeking a mediated settlement between the warring parties and offers a solution in which students can choose to engage on the ground by rebuilding schools, hospitals, and other infrastructure in the Darfur region of the Sudan. Spring break service trips can be organized and students could join these trips. This would be a direct and effective way for students to serve to resolve the crisis in Darfur.

More than any indirect social, economic or political action in reference to Sudan, the friendships and goodwill developed on these trips will go all that much further to repair the breeches of human discord in Sudan.

Source: Daily Collegian by Eric Magazu, February 22, 2009: Lessons from a war child

Eric Magazu is a Collegian columnist. He can be reached at emagazu@student.umass.edu.
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See WAR CHILD - THE FILM

Sudan Watch February 15, 2009: Former Sudanese child soldier Emmanuel Jal uses rap to deliver peace message

ICC to rule March 4 on arrest warrant for President Omar Al Bashir of Sudan

From International Criminal Court (ICC) Press Release: 23.02.2009:
Decision of Pre-Trial Chamber concerning President Al Bashir of Sudan to be issued on Wednesday 4 March 2009
ICC-CPI-20090223-PR393
Situation: Darfur, Sudan

Today Pre-Trial Chamber I announced that it would issue on Wednesday 4 March 2009 its decision concerning the Prosecution application of 14 July 2008 for the issuance of a warrant of arrest against President Omar Al Bashir of Sudan.

The decision will be made public by the normal way of a press release and publication on the Court’s website.

23-02-2009 – Public notice of the Decision on the Prosecution’s Application under Article 58 of the Statute [Excerpt: CONSIDERING that there have been numerous rumors over the past weeks on a possible date and outcome of the decision that this Chamber shall issue on the Prosecution Application; that the Chamber is deeply concerned about such rumors; and that it will publicly issue the said decision on the date set out in the present decision.]

Prosecution’s Application under Article 58

For further information please contact Ms Laurence Blairon, Spokesperson, at +31 (0)70 515 87 14 or +31 (0) 6 46 44 88 89 or at laurence.blairon@icc-cpi.int.
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From Associated Press by Mike Corder 23 February 2009 - excerpt:
Int'l court to decide on Darfur warrant
THE HAGUE, Netherlands — Judges at the International Criminal Court said Monday they will announce next week whether they will order the arrest of Sudan's president on charges including genocide and crimes against humanity in Darfur.

Prosecutors at the world's first permanent war crimes tribunal asked last July for a warrant, accusing Omar al-Bashir of masterminding a campaign of murder, torture and rape by government troops and Arab militias in the Darfur region.

The president would be the first sitting head of state ordered arrested by the court.

But even if the judges issue a warrant on any or all of the 10 charges in their ruling March 4, it remains unlikely al-Bashir will be sent to the court's headquarters in The Hague any time soon. Sudan does not recognize the court's jurisdiction and refuses to hand over suspects.

It is unusual for judges to announce when they plan to publicize such a decision — but they have never previously tackled such a high-profile case since the court started work in 2002.

In a written statement, the three judges on the panel said they announced the date because they were "deeply concerned" at rumors about their decision.
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From BBC 23 February 2003 - excerpt:
Arrest ruling on Bashir next week
Meanwhile Mr Bashir on Monday returned from a visit to Cairo, where he held talks with his Egyptian counterpart Hosni Mubarak.

Egypt warned that an ICC arrest warrant would lead to dangerous repercussions in Darfur and the rest of the country.

It called for a decision to be deferred for at least a year.
- - -

GIVE PEACE A CHANCE

In order to give peace a chance, here's hoping that the UN Security Council will use its power to suspend any arrest warrant that may be issued by the ICC. Note that there has been no news of any arrest warrants being issued for Darfur rebels responsible for the slaying of Darfur peacekeepers at Haskanita.

Pope Benedict XVI urged the British government to play a positive role for the benefit of peace in Sudan

Pope Benedict says "We should give priority to peace efforts first, then we look for judicature".

Source: Sudan Vision Daily, February 23, 2009, Khartoum - Staff Writer:
Pope Benedict: Pushing Peace Efforts in Sudan Better than Supporting ICC
Pope Benedict XVI urged the British government to play a positive role for the benefit of peace in Sudan through all regional and international axes.

Pope Benedict hailed the goodwill declaration signed between the Sudanese government and JEM, affirming that the deal found international support and the concerned parties should push the agreement forward to achieve political settlement for Darfur issue.

He said that the international community should concentrate on the peace in Sudan instead of the ICC decisions.

"We should give priority to peace efforts first, then we look for judicature", he stated.

The Pope called for concentration of cementing the pillars and basis of peace in Sudan through the peace agreements signed in the South, Darfur, Southern Blue Nile, Nuba Mountains, Abyei and Eastern Sudan.
Note, so far I have not been able to find another report to verify Sudan Vision Daily's report. I hope that the report is true. Give peace a chance.
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From Sudan Radio Service - Sallah Gosh - ICC Supporters Will Be Decapitated - 22 February 2009 - (Khartoum):
The director of national security, lieutenant-general Sallah Abdalla Gosh, has warned that anybody who promotes the International Criminal Court’s agenda in Sudan will have his head and hands cut off.

Speaking to a group of politicians and intellectuals from southern Sudan to celebrate his promotion as first lieutenant-general in Khartoum on Friday, Sallah Gosh said the security service is ready to decapitate anybody who wants to promote the ICC’s political agenda in Sudan. He described the ICC issue as a very serious one where there can be no compromise.

He went on to say that the Government of National Unity will continue to protect members of diplomatic missions and other foreigners in Khartoum who respect diplomatic terms and the different peace agreements signed by the government of Sudan.

He warned that whoever violates these agreements will “only have themselves to blame”.

Gosh said his party came to power as "fanatical Muslims but they have changed and became liberal peace-lovers and they believe in peaceful co-existence".

Gosh urged the people of southern Sudan to work for the unity of the country, saying that the majority of southern Sudanese are for unity.

This was the first time that the chief of security and national intelligence has addressed southern Sudanese in a public gathering in Khartoum.

Wednesday, February 18, 2009

UN hails Doha deal on Sudan's Darfur

United States, France say Darfur deal should have no bearing on war crimes case against Sudan's president.

Darfur talks in Doha

'A step in the right direction'
Photo: Sudanese rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) representative Jibril Ibrahim (R) shakes hands with Amin Hassan Omar, a member of the Sudanese government delegation, after the signing of an agreement of good intentions at the latest meeting between representatives of the Sudanese government and the rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) in an attempt to broker an end to the six-year war in Darfur, in Doha, February 17, 2009. (Reuters text)

From Middle East Online February 18, 2009:
UN hails Doha deal on Sudan's Darfur
UNITED NATIONS - The United Nations on Tuesday hailed a deal on confidence-building measures reached by Sudan and a key Darfur rebel group, as the United States and France said it should have no bearing on the war crimes case against Sudan's president.

Sudan and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Darfur's most active rebel group, signed an accord in Doha earlier Tuesday paving the way for broader peace talks to end the six-year-old Darfur conflict.

The Doha talks were the first contacts since 2007 between Khartoum and representatives of the JEM, which boycotted another largely abortive Darfur peace deal in 2006.

UN chief Ban Ki-moon said in a statement the Doha "agreement of goodwill and confidence-building ... represents a constructive step in the ongoing efforts to negotiate a peaceful conclusion to this long-running conflict."

He urged both Khartoum and JEM "to move expeditiously to a cessation of hostilities and to a detailed and explicit agreement on the scope of comprehensive and inclusive talks."

Japan's UN Ambassador Yukio Takasu, who chairs the 15-member Security Council this month, said that at a meeting on Darfur Tuesday all members welcomed the Doha accord as "a step in the right direction."

But while she described the Doha accord as "potentially a modest first step" toward peace, US Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice cautioned that it "is not itself a cessation of hostilities or ceasefire agreement."

She stressed that all Darfur rebel groups would need to be engaged "if there is to be a sustained process that can lead to an outcome of lasting peace."

Her French counterpart Jean-Maurice Ripert concurred.

He described the Qatari-brokered accord as "a starting point in the right direction" and welcomed signs of greater cooperation from Khartoum both with respect to the deployment of the UN-African Union mission in Darfur and in its ties with neighboring Chad.

Both the US and French ambassadors however noted the accord should have no bearing on the war crimes case by the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir.

"I see no linkage," Rice told reporters.

"The Court must work independently. No one must interfere," Ripert chimed in.

The ICC is expected to make a decision soon on whether to issue an arrest warrant for Beshir after its chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo in July accused Beshir of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur.

Rice told the press that "the US position has been and remains that we see no circumstances or other actions to date that would change our judgment at this point that an Article 16 deferral is unwarranted."

Sudanese officials, including Beshir, have always insisted they will not cooperate with the ICC, saying that any allegations of crimes in Darfur would be dealt with in Sudanese courts.

In Doha earlier Tuesday, Sudan and JEM signed an accord paving the way for broader peace talks to end the six-year Darfur conflict.

"The accord stipulates that negotiations continue toward a final peace agreement, in a period no longer than three months," Sudan's ambassador to Qatar, Abdullah al-Faqiri said.

"We will reach a final and just solution with God's will, to end this war, which with God's will be the last war in Sudan," JEM leader Khalil Ibrahim, told a press conference.

Meanwhile Sudan's UN Ambassador Abdalmahmood Abdalhaleem Mohamad said Western members of the Security Council "are frightened by this (Doha) agreement. They are not happy."

And he accused France of "impeding the peace process" by failing to honor a pledge allegedly made by President Nicolas Sarkozy last December to expel exiled Darfur rebel leader Abdel Wahid Mohammed Nur, who lives in Paris, if he did not join the peace process.

The commander of the UN-led peacekeeping force in Darfur, General Martin Agwai, said in October that mistakes by the international community have prolonged the conflict and that there is no immediate prospect for peace.

The Darfur conflict broke out in 2003 when rebels took up arms against the government in Khartoum. Since then, the conflict has disintegrated into a maze of fraying rebel groups, banditry, tribal conflict and flip-flopping militias.

The United Nations has said 300,000 people have died and more than 2.2 million have been displaced. Khartoum puts the number of dead at 10,000.

Many of the rebels enjoy direct and indirect foreign support that helped fuel the conflict, with some critics pointing the finger at France, which has a military presence in neighbouring Chad – also accused of arming the Sudanese rebels. France had been accused of involvement in the genocide in Rwanda, but Paris denied responsibility, conceding only that ‘political’ errors were made.
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From Reuters Tue Feb 17, 2009 by Andrew Heavens, KHARTOUM:
Sudan, Darfur rebels agree to hold peace talks

The Sudanese government and a Darfur rebel faction have agreed on confidence-building measures at talks in Qatar, Qatari media said on Monday -- a step that may eventually lead to negotiations on a peace deal.

Sudan started talks with the Justice and Equality Movement, one of Darfur's main insurgent groups, last week, almost six years into a conflict that international experts say has killed 200,000 people and uprooted 2.7 million.

However, other influential rebel factions are refusing to talk to Khartoum and say the peace drive will fail without them.

Qatar's official QNA news agency quoted Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim al-Thani as saying Sudanese government and JEM officials were expected to sign an initial agreement on confidence-building measures on Tuesday, which could open the way for talks on a framework peace agreement.

"We hope to start framework talks in about two weeks about a ceasefire and details of the issue of prisoners," Sheikh Hamad said in remarks aired on Al Jazeera television.

Speaking by phone from the Qatari capital Doha, JEM spokesman Ahmed Hussein Adam said the two sides had reached a basic agreement on the key issue of the release of prisoners.

"An agreement in principle has been reached on those held or convicted in connection with the Darfur conflict ... but details remain to be worked out," he told Reuters.

Ahmad bin Abdullah al-Mahmoud, a Qatari minister of state and one of the mediators, said the agreement included measures to aid and protect refugees in Darfur and a commitment by the two sides to continue negotiations in Doha.

The JEM wants the government to agree to a prisoner swap and an end to the bombardment of what it says are civilian areas. It has also demanded that Khartoum pledge not to impede humanitarian aid and refrain from harassing displaced people.

Sudanese government negotiators were not immediately available for comment.

ARREST WARRANT?

But a senior Sudanese official earlier warned that, in the long term, talks to end the rebellion could be undermined by moves to indict Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir for war crimes in Darfur.

International Criminal Court judges are expected to rule within weeks on whether to issue a warrant for Bashir's arrest over allegations that he masterminded genocide in Darfur, where JEM and other rebels took up arms in 2003, demanding more representation for the region and improved infrastructure.

Khartoum mobilized mostly Arab militias to crush the revolt but denies U.S. accusations that this amounted to genocide.

Mohammed el-Mahadi Mandour el-Mahadi, head of the political affairs secretariat for Bashir's dominant National Congress Party, told Reuters the government would struggle in Qatar to find a resolution if an arrest warrant was issued.

He said JEM had felt emboldened to make increasingly unrealistic demands during the talks, and its leader had also promised to hunt down Bashir if an arrest warrant was issued.

"They have raised their ceilings of their demands. They are asking to be the governors of Darfur, to be the governors of Kordofan (a neighboring region), to share power with the National Congress," he told Reuters in an interview.

"(An arrest warrant) will ruin the negotiations. They will call for other demands. It would be very difficult to continue with the negotiations."

(Additional reporting by Firouz Sedarat in Dubai; Editing by Katie Nguyen and Kevin Liffey)
Sudan gov't, JEM agree to hold peace talks

Photo: Sudanese rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) representative Jibril Ibrahim (R) shakes hands with Amin Hassan Omar, a member of the Sudanese government delegation, after the signing of an agreement of good intentions at the latest meeting between representatives of the Sudanese government and the rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) in an attempt to broker an end to the six-year war in Darfur, in Doha, February 17, 2009. (REUTERS/Osama Faisal)

Sudan gov't, JEM agree to hold peace talks

Photo: (L-R) Qatar's Foreign Minister Ahmed bin Abdullah al-Mahmud, Representative of the Sudanese government Amin Hassan Omar, Sudanese rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) representative Jibril Ibrahim and UN African Union mediator Djibril Bassole sign agreements of good intentions at the latest meeting between representatives of the Sudanese government and the rebel JEM in an attempt to broker an end to the six-year war in Darfur, in Doha, February 17, 2009. (REUTERS/Osama Faisal)

Sudan gov't, JEM agree to hold peace talks

Photo: Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) leader Khalil Ibrahim (R) attends a news conference following peace talks in Doha February 17, 2009. (REUTERS/Osama Faisal)

Sudan gov't, JEM agree to hold peace talks

Photo: (L-R) Sudanese presidential adviser Nafie Ali Nafie, Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem al-Thani, Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) leader Khalil Ibrahim and UN African Union mediator Djibril Bassole talk during a news conference after the signing of an agreement of good intentions at the latest meeting between representatives of the Sudanese government and the rebel JEM in an attempt to broker an end to the six-year war in Darfur, in Doha, February 17, 2009. (REUTERS/Osama Faisal)

From Reuters Tue Feb 17, 2009 by Andrew Heavens KHARTOUM -
SNAP ANALYSIS: Doubts remain over Darfur accord

Sudan's government signed a tentative accord with one of Darfur's main rebel groups on Tuesday that could pave the way to full peace talks, almost six years into the festering conflict.

The agreement between Khartoum and the insurgent Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) will be seen as a step forward in efforts to resolve the conflict that, international experts say, has killed 200,000 since 2003.

But serious doubts remain over whether the deal will hold or build into a lasting agreement that will satisfy even the majority of the remote region's warring rebels.

* Other agreements have failed before. The conflict's six-year history is littered with failed ceasefires, tentative agreements and one full peace deal -- the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement that was only signed by one group.

* There are many steps to go before even Tuesday's accord with JEM can be called a full peace deal. The sides still need to negotiate a cessation of hostilities and the terms of future negotiations over a string of difficult political issues. Any ceasefire would need to be accompanied by a monitoring body that could take time to set up.

* It is unclear what commitment JEM and Khartoum have made binding them to the measures agreed Tuesday.

* JEM is not the only rebel group in Darfur. Other movements have already written off the Doha talks, saying they are doomed to fail without their involvement.

* JEM has already hinted it will push for democratic reforms beyond the borders of Darfur to neighboring South Kordofan and other regions that it sees as marginalized. Khartoum may balk at such a thorough overhaul of the country's political structures.

* Both JEM and Sudan's government clearly have short-term objectives in signing Tuesday's accord. JEM wants its prisoners released. Khartoum wants to show it is doing something positive in Darfur to see off a looming war crimes case against its president from the International Criminal Court. If they succeed in satisfying those aims, their will to follow through on the deal may falter.

* On the positive side, the Qataris have already proved themselves to be skilled mediators with the time, patience and resources to bring previously irreconcilable foes together.

* Another optimistic note is that many of JEM's thornier political demands have already been agreed to in principle in a Khartoum-sponsored conference on the Darfur conflict. Last year's Sudan People's Initiative conference, which involved some opposition groups, has already suggested better representation for Darfur and the possibility of merging the region's three states.
- - -

Mixed hopes for the peace deal - see comments at BBC

Sudan gov't, JEM rebels agree prisoner swap

February 16, 2009 DOHA (AFP) —
Sudan, Darfur rebels agree prisoner swap

Sudanese government officials and the Movement for Justice and Equality (JEM), the most active rebel group in the troubled Darfur region, said in Doha on Monday they have agreed on a prisoner exchange.

"The two sides have committed themselves in principle to an exchange of prisoners, to be freed in successive groups between now and the launch of talks on a framework agreement on peace in Darfur," JEM delegation member Tahar el-Fakih said, according to Qatar's QNA news agency.

Amin Hassan Omar, a member of the Sudanese government delegation, was quoted by QNA as confirming that "on the principle... there is a commitment to release prisoners and detainees for events linked to the Darfur conflict."

The two delegations have been meeting in the Qatari capital since last Tuesday with a view to paving the way for substantive peace negotiations between Khartoum and the rebel group.

"The two sides have been asked to supply mediators" with proposals for a common approach on the question of prisoners and " to expect in return a definitive formula from the negotiators," Omar said.

The development followed a long meeting on Monday between the heads of the two delegations, Khalil Ibrahim, leader of JEM, and Nafie Ali Nafie, an aide to Sudanese President Omar el-Beshir.

The meeting was attended by Ahmed Ben Abdallah al-Mahmud, Qatari minister of state for foreign affairs, and Djibril Bassole, mediator for the United Nations and African Union taskforce in Darfur.

The most heavily armed of the Darfur rebel groups, JEM boycotted a largely abortive peace deal signed by one other faction in 2006. Last May, it launched an unprecedented assault on the Sudanese capital.

Mediators have stressed that the Doha talks are preliminary and intended to pave the way for a broader peace conference on Darfur. [...]