In depth report from #Zalingei, #Darfur. Main points: Zalingei is cut off from phone/internet. #RSF-backed militias attacked on 17 May, targeting SAF base, govt/NGO facilities, banks and homes, people fleeing from west to east Zalingei to escape conflict+ pic.twitter.com/DQQYacG3Gv
Zalingei witnessed RSF/SAF battles on 15 April, 23 killed, 80 wounded, widespread looting, before local leaders organized a truce. But on 22 May, Zalingei Resistace Committee reported that RSF-backed militias attacked on 400 motorbikes and looted, burned hospital
banks and govt offices. Motorbikes were banned before, because militias use them to loot and terrorize, but now they're back and people fear a collapse - like what's happening in #Geneina, W Darfur
Central Darfur was at the heart of the 2003/04 Darfur war, has 400,000 #displaced in 36 camps. But civil politics go on - conflicts are controlled by political/security class, and local people don't engage in 'ethnic' conflict. Few have joined RSF or SAF
giving cause for hope that the breakdown in Geneina - pitting RSF-backed militias against displaced people in bitter battles over land under threat from climate catastrophe - won't happen in Zalingei
But #agriculture is at risk: rainy season begins in June, farmers get no harvest finance, they must sell crops or trade just now to finance harvest, but looting/slump means that they will struggle to bear harvest costs, threatening famine
Zalingei people caught outside Khartoum are beside themselves with worry.
Humanitarian crisis in Darfur increases as attacks rattle Zalingei
Zalingei, capital of Central Darfur, witnessed various attacks in the past days, the Darfur Bar Association (DBA) reported. In the South Darfur capital Nyala, fighting left multiple dead. Several bodies were found in the market. Communication breakdowns limit access to detailed information.
The DBA said in a statement yesterday that Zalingei witnessed attacks during the past few days, and that no detailed information was available due to the weak communication services.
Sources from the area reported that “armed men” launched attacks on Zalingei on Tuesday, resulting in four deaths and the abduction of four others. The situation seems to have calmed for now, but the aftermath is dire.
Inside the city, families are facing a catastrophic situation, with severe shortages of food and medicine.
Homes, offices, and the University of Zalingei have been looted. The Zalingei Teaching Hospital is said to be out of service.
Yesterday, members of resistance committees in Zalingei reported that paramilitaries of the RSF surrounded the city, raising fears of imminent attacks.
Violence in Nyala
The DBA reported that in Nyala, South Darfur, multiple bodies were found in the market, presumably caught in the crossfire last week. Authorities are working to identify the deceased and inform their relatives.
Vandalism have ravaged vital infrastructure, including that of telecommunications provider Sudatel. This severed crucial connections between institutions and banks in Darfur and Chad.
Sudan ceasefire: SAF and RSF swap accusations of violations
The army says that it “has notified the sides that have mediated the agreement that the rebel militia has not responded to any of the demands of the ceasefire”.
According to the office of the spokesperson of the SAF, the RSF occupied the currency printing press and currency mint on Tuesday.
The army claims that “out of its national and constitutional responsibility,” it “intervened to repel those continuing violations and expelled the enemy from the currency printing press and currency mint. The armed forces also fought enemy attacks in El Geneina and Zalingei on Wednesday and inflicted heavy losses in troops, weapons, and equipment.”
HERE below is a full copy of a report by What's in Blue dated 28 December 2021 confirming that next month the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, Netherlands, Mr Karim Asad Ahmad Khan, will give his very first briefing to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on the ICC's Darfur-related activities.
Note, according to Wikipedia, 51-year-old Scottish-born Mr Karim Asad Ahmad Khan QC (pictured here taking his solemn oath as ICC Prosecutor on 16 June 2021) is a British lawyer and a specialist in international criminal law and international human rights law.
Following his appointment by United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, he was, until 2021, an Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations and served as the Special Adviser and Head of the UN Investigative Team for the Promotion of Accountability for Crimes Committed by Da'esh/ISIL in Iraq, which was established pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2379 to support domestic efforts to hold ISIL accountable for acts that may amount to war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity in Iraq.
January 2022 Monthly Forecast
Sudan (Darfur)
Expected Council Action
In January, the Security Council is expected to receive the semi-annual briefing of the ICC Prosecutor on Darfur. Karim Asad Ahmad Khan, who began serving as ICC Prosecutor in mid-June 2021, will provide his first briefing to the Council on the ICC’s Darfur-related activities.
Key Recent Developments
On 9 June 2021, in her final briefing to the Council as ICC prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda referred to the “constructive dialogue and a good spirit of cooperation” that her office had developed with the transitional government in Sudan. She spoke about her visit to Darfur the previous week and stated: “The clear and consistent message I received from Darfur victims in El Fasher, Nyala and Zalingei is that the four outstanding warrants must be executed and that suspects must be handed over to the ICC.” (ICC arrest warrants remain outstanding against former President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir, Ahmad Muhammad Harun, Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, and Abdallah Banda Abakaer Nourain.) Bensouda had stressed this same message to government officials at all levels during her visit to the country, she said, and called for Sudan “to fully cooperate with the Office’s investigations, including by providing unhindered access to its territory and to the relevant records, information and materials, as well as the protection of witnesses”.
The ICC’s Pre-Trial Chamber II confirmed charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity against Ali Muhammad Abd-Al-Rahman (also known as Ali Kushayb) on 9 July 2021. Abd-Al-Rahman, reportedly a former Janjaweed militia leader who is alleged to have committed these crimes in Darfur in 2003 and 2004, surrendered in the Central Africa Republic in June 2020. His trial is expected to begin in April 2022.
Khan visited Sudan from 9-13 August 2021, meeting with senior members of the transitional government—including Chairperson of the Transitional Sovereign Council Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, among others—and civil society representatives. In a press conference in Khartoum on 12 August, he said that he had “stressed and requested that the Government of Sudan further deepen its cooperation with [his] office”. He further underscored that: “Transfer of any suspect is an important step towards achieving justice but should be preceded and accompanied by substantive and ever deepening cooperation by the Sudanese authorities”.
Also on 12 August, Sudanese Foreign Minister Mariam al-Mahdi reportedly told Sudan state media that Sudan “would hand over wanted officials to the ICC”. At the time of writing, this had yet to occur.
On 14 December, some seven weeks after the military takeover in Sudan, an ICC delegation met in Khartoum with Malik Agar and Tahir Hajar, two former rebels who now serve on the transitional government’s Sovereign Council. Media sources indicate that the discussion focused on preparations for another visit to Sudan by Khan and the potential handover of former Sudanese officials wanted by the ICC to The Hague.
Sudan has undergone considerable political turmoil in recent months. On 25 October, the Chairperson of the Transitional Sovereign Council, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, declared a nationwide state of emergency and the suspension of key provisions of the August 2019 Constitutional Document, including the transfer of the Sovereign Council chair from the military to the civilian government, which was set to take place in November. He also announced that the military would oversee Sudan’s transition until elections, to be held in July 2023. The military detained Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and his wife and placed them under house arrest. Government officials, including ministers and civilian members of the Sovereign Council, were also arrested.
On 21 November, Hamdok was released from house arrest, following significant international criticism and mass demonstrations in Sudan against the military takeover, which were met with violence by security forces. Appearing together on television, he and al-Burhan announced a new 14-point power-sharing agreement, including Hamdok’s reinstatement as prime minister, and the release of all political detainees. Under the terms of the agreement, the parties decided to “[a]ccelerate the completion of all transitional governance institutions including the Transitional Legislative Council and the Constitutional Court”, to form “a civilian government of independent national experts (technocrats)”, and to investigate injuries and deaths during the protests following the 25 October military takeover.
The power-sharing agreement has faced opposition in Sudan. Several parties have rejected the agreement, including the main opposition alliance, the Forces for Freedom and Change Coalition (FFC). Large protests against the 25 October military takeover and the subsequent power-sharing agreement erupted in several cities in Sudan, including in the capital, Khartoum, at various times in December.
Key Issues and Options
An underlying key issue for the Council is how to promote justice and accountability for past atrocities committed in Sudan. A related issue for the Council is how to support enhanced cooperation between the ICC prosecutor and the government of Sudan.
In addition to receiving Khan’s briefing, Council members supportive of the ICC’s work could consider holding an informal meeting with the prosecutor to facilitate a dialogue on ways in which his office can strengthen its cooperation with the Sudanese government.
They could also hold a joint press stakeout encouraging improved relations between the Sudanese government and the ICC.
Council and Wider Dynamics
The Council is divided on the work of the ICC. Albania, Brazil, France, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Ireland, Mexico, Norway, and the United Kingdom are states party to the Rome Statute of the ICC, while China, India, Russia, the UAE, and the US are not. These distinctions do not necessarily reflect how members view the court’s work on Sudan, however. For example, although not a party to the Rome Statute, the US has long supported the ICC’s efforts with regard to Sudan.
Among the wider membership of the UN, African countries have long expressed concern that the court focuses its work inordinately on Africa.
‘All activities concerning the resisting and opposing the former regime are legitimate and do not constitute crimes’ –Darfur Bar Association
Article from and by Radio Dabanga.org
Dated Thursday 19 September 2019 - KHARTOUM / DARFUR
Darfur lawyers: ‘Hilal Court Martial invalid - resisting Al Bashkir regime is no crime'
Photo: Former Janjaweed leader Musa Hilal (File photo)
The Darfur Bar Association has described the trial by Court Martial of former Janjaweed leader Musa Hilal and his affiliates as invalid and has no legal ground because the alleged crimes relate to the resisting and opposing the former regime, which are legitimate activities that cannot constitute crimes.
Yesterday, a statement issued by the Darfur Bar Association stated that the trial of Musa Hilal and his affiliates for crimes related to the opposing or resisting the former regime confirms the continuation of the policies of the former regime and its organs, which contradicts the goals of the revolution. Thus it is an insult to the role of the Forces for Freedom and Change and the newly formed government. Further, the Bar Association stressed in its statement that all activities concerning the resisting and opposing the former regime are legitimate and do not constitute crimes.
The military court on Monday [16 Sep] prevented four lawyers assigned by Hilal’s family to defend him, from attending the session held at the general army command in Khartoum.
The trial of Musa Hilal, the leader of Mahamid and the head of the Revolutionary Awakening Council, which was postponed twice in this month, is due to resume on Monday [23 Sep].
The adjourned court sessions were accompanied by demonstrations demanding his release in front of the Military Headquarter in Khartoum and other cities in Darfur, including Mystria, Ed Daein, Zalinge,i and El Geneina.
Hilal was arrested in a raid on his stronghold in Misteriya, North Darfur, in November 2017. His sons, brothers, and entourage were detained as well, in addition to some 2,000 members of his clan.
Hilal is held responsible for the atrocities committed in Darfur against civilians after the conflict erupted in 2003. In that year, he was released from prison by the Sudanese government with the purpose to mobilise Darfuri Arab herders to fight the insurgency in the region.
With full government backing, Hilal’s militiamen (janjaweed) targeted villages of African Darfuris. They rarely came near forces of the armed rebel movements.
Photo: "In Sudan - the beautiful desert" by Douglas Bratthall (Source: Yahoo!)
Kalma IDP camp is a political and military camp to serve SLM-Nur
IN a press conference held last Monday (09 August) South Darfur Governor, Abdul Hamid Musa Kasha, described Kalma IDP (internally displaced persons) camp in South Darfur, western Sudan as a political and military camp to serve Abdul Wahid Al-Nur's Darfur insurgent faction SLM.
Kasha revealed that a joint meeting between the Sudanese government and the joint UN/AU peacekeeping Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) resulted in not allowing IDPs in Kalma camp to practice any military activities besides establishing a joint committee to investigate on the recent incidents.
He added that his government had prepared a plan for disarmament in three stages and taken the necessary measures to transfer Kalma camp to another location.
"The state government has developed a plan to collect arms voluntarily from inside the camp to establish social peace," Kasha said on Friday in statements reported by the official news agency SUNA.
He further presented an overview of the state government’s efforts to upgrade essential services of interest to the citizens in the areas of electricity and water.
For the first time a Sudanese government —State minister for humanitarian affairs Mutrif Sideeq — visited the camp with the head of the peacekeeping mission on Wednesday (11 August) and attended a meeting held between Ibrahim Gambari and six delegates who sought refuge at the UNAMID police center in the camp.
The six IDPs representatives told Sudan Tribune that Gambari tried to convince them to accept joint patrols by the Sudanese police and the peacekeepers.
New strategy for the settlement of the Darfur issue
Vice President, Ali Osman Mohammed Taha vowed to take into consideration the visions and proposals of all political parties in the new strategy for the settlement of the Darfur issue.
In his address to the consultative meeting he held with political forces for solving the Darfur issue at the Friendship Hall, the Vice-president affirmed that the government focuses on and will take on board positive contributions and opinions for achieving peace in Darfur. "We shall take on board the opinion of the Darfurian people and all the political forces in any consultation that lead to a comprehensive solution ", he said. The Vice-president described talk about excluding Darfur insurgent factions in any solution is not accurate.
Objectives and priorities of the new strategy
Dr. Ghazi Salah Addeen, the Presidential Advisor and the in-charge of Darfur File said that the objectives and priorities of the new strategy involve
(1) the achievement of a comprehensive settlement (2); enhancement of security; (3) the establishment of a political process in Darfur(4); acceleration of voluntary sustainable return of the displaced; (5) procedures to be taken by government for the execution of development projects; (6) and the organizing of viable consultations among the various components of the Darfurian society; (7) the implementation of justice for all; (8) the restructuring of humanitarian operations and directing them from relief aid to development; (9) the attraction of regional and international support; (10) the enhancement of reconciliation process amongst the people of Darfur; (11) working with our partners to conclude a final and comprehensive peace agreements.
Dr. Ghazi said that a copy of the strategy was handed over to General Salva Kiir, the First Vice-President of the Republic and President of Southern Sudan government and a copy will be submitted to the Council of Ministers. "It is a flexible strategy and not a rigid one and it can be amended according to developments", he said.
Many thousands of IDPs from Kalma remain unaccounted for
Meanwhile, a news report published by AFP on Saturday (14 August) says Sudan must stop blocking aid agencies from reaching more than 80,000 displaced Darfuri refugees at Kalma camp, the UN's undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs, John Holmes, said on Saturday, quote
"Many thousands of IDPs from Kalma remain unaccounted for.
"We need immediate access so we can respond to the needs and conditions of those remaining there. We also need to find out how many people have left, and where they have gone, in order to provide relief to them too.
"The United Nations has been in close contact with the relevant Sudanese authorities to restore access ... but until today progress has not been forthcoming.
"Five international NGOs and UN humanitarian agencies which have humanitarian programmes in Kalma are still being prevented from entering the camp by local authorities on the ground, despite recent reassurances that such restrictions had not been imposed."
60 cases of malnutrition in Kalma IDP camp
According to a news report by Miraya FM published yesterday (Sunday, 15 August) UNAMID has revealed 60 cases of malnutrition in Kalma IDP camp, as a result of deteriorating humanitarian situation. Also, the UNMAID stated in a press release that, sound of shooting are heard within the camp pointing out the relocation of majority of IDPs, who sought shelter near UNAMID's local Community Policing Center, to other parts of the camp.
No barring of humanitarian workers from accessing the needy
This morning (Monday, 16 August), Sudan Vision Daily Newspaper reported that the Government of Sudan has "slammed the claims made by the UN's humanitarian chief, John Holmes, to the effect that the government had barred relief officials from entering Kalma IDPs camp". Furthermore, Sudan's Foreign Ministry spokesman, Mo'awia Osman Khalid, is quoted as saying, "No barring of Humanitarian workers from accessing the needy."
The report also reveals that "a joint meeting is to be held between the Government of West Darfur State and UNAMID Chief, Ibrahim Gambari within the coming two days with the aim of consultation on Hamedia Camp of Zalinji, besides, studying the situations of all other camps in the state. Also, that the State's Humanitarian Aid Deputy Commissioner, Ismail Adam reported that the meeting targets more coordination and consultation between the two sides on what had been agreed upon in respect of disarming in the camps and protection of people therein. He noted that all camps witness stable security and humanitarian situations".
Finally, news just in from UNAMID - Daily Media Brief dated Sunday, 15 August 2010 - excerpt:
"The security situation in Kalma Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in South Darfur remains unpredictable, with sporadic shooting over the weekend. UNAMID troops continue to patrol the area, 24 hours a day. The majority of IDPs who sought shelter near UNAMID’s local Community Policing Center have relocated to other parts of the camp, suggesting an improvement in the security situation.
Humanitarian conditions in the camp continue to deteriorate. Fuel stores in the camp have been exhausted, and consequently motorized water pumps have ceased to function. Contrary to reports on 12 August, there are two functioning clinics in Kalma camp, albeit with limited resources. One of the clinics yesterday informed UNAMID of over 60 cases of malnutrition".
SOURCES: See 6 reports here below by Sudan Vision Daily, AFP, Miraya FM, Sudan Tribune, UNAMID.
South Darfur State Sets a Plan for Illegal Arms Collection Report from Sudan Vision (SV) Daily News Paper - Official Website (Khartoum)/via Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan, Washington D.C. Date: Tuesday, 10 August 2010/ via ISRIA - excerpt:
South Darfur Governor, Abdul Hamid Musa Kasha said that the security situations are 90% stable, pointing out that the government is serious in applying rule of law.
Government announces new strategy on Darfur peace process Report from Sudan Vision (SV) Daily News Paper - Official Website (Khartoum) / via Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan, Washington D.C. Date: Wednesday, 11 August 2010 - excerpt:
Vice President, Ali Osman Mohammed Taha vowed to take into consideration the visions and proposals of all political parties in the new strategy for the settlement of the Darfur issue.
"We need immediate access so we can respond to the needs and conditions of those remaining there. We also need to find out how many people have left, and where they have gone, in order to provide relief to them too. The United Nations has been in close contact with the relevant Sudanese authorities to restore access ... but until today progress has not been forthcoming. I am extremely concerned about the welfare of the IDPs (internally displaced persons) at Kalma camp, to whom we have not been able to deliver relief for 13 days," said John Holmes, the UN's undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs. "If access is not urgently restored, the situation risks deteriorating rapidly," he added.
August 14, 2010 (KHARTOUM) — The South Darfur state will launch a campaign to retrieve voluntarily weapons in the restive Kalma camp, the governor said this week. Governor Abdel Hamid Moussa Kasha declared considering to remove the camp and relocate the IDPs in other areas. He said that the camp has become a den of criminals and outlaws. He stressed the proximity of the camp from Nyala airport and railway "increases the security threat for UNAMID planes".
EL FASHER (DARFUR), Sudan, August 16, 2010/ via APO:
Security situation update The security situation in Kalma Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in South Darfur remains unpredictable, with sporadic shooting over the weekend. UNAMID troops continue to patrol the area, 24 hours a day. The majority of IDPs who sought shelter near UNAMID’s local Community Policing Center have relocated to other parts of the camp, suggesting an improvement in the security situation.
Humanitarian conditions in the camp continue to deteriorate. Fuel stores in the camp have been exhausted, and consequently motorized water pumps have ceased to function. Contrary to reports on 12 August, there are two functioning clinics in Kalma camp, albeit with limited resources. One of the clinics yesterday informed UNAMID of over 60 cases of malnutrition.
UNAMID patrols UNAMID military forces conducted 76 patrols including routine, short-range, long-range, night and humanitarian escort patrols covering 66 villages and IDP camps.
UNAMID police advisors conducted 119 patrols in villages and IDP camps.
The Government has slammed the claims made by the UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, John Holmes, to the effect that the government had barred Relief Officials from entering Kalma IDPs camp.
Foreign Ministry spokesman, Mo'awia Osman Khalid, said, "No barring of Humanitarian workers from accessing the needy." And further stating that the government respects international agreements and commitments and works for integrating the roles of the international partners for accomplishing the humanitarian objectives set for Darfur.
The spokesman underlined the importance of respecting the sovereignty and integrity of the country, adding that the government is properly discharging its responsibilities towards its people.
The government stressed the importance of adherence to security controls, stipulated in the humanitarian agreements; on the part of UNAMID and relief workers own safety against all risks. [...]
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Darfur's tribes dance during a rally to support Darfur peace talk
Photo: Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir waves to Darfur's tribes during a rally to support the Darfur peace talk, in Khartoum 06 August 2010. (Reuters/Mohamed Nurdldin Abdallah)
Photo: Members of Darfur's tribes perform a traditional dance during a rally to support the Darfur peace talk, in Khartoum 06 August 2010. (Reuters/Mohamed Nurdldin Abdallah) - - -
ACCORDING to Sudan Tribune, the Paris based SLM rebel leader Abdel Wahid Al-Nur made a statement (see below) following a meeting with the Joint Chief Mediator Djibril Bassolé yesterday (Wednesday, August 4th) in the French capital to discuss the latest developments in Darfur following the recent clashes between two groups of the IDPs in Kalma camps over their representation in the peace process.
"We had a very positive and constructive meeting," Al-Nur is quoted as saying.
Note that the statement included urging the UN Security Council to consider changing the mandate of the UNAMID from Chapter 6 to Chapter 7.
Here is the report from Sudan Tribune published Thursday 05 August 2010:
Darfur rebel leader praises UNAMID refusal to handover Kalma residents August 4, 2010 (PARIS) — Darfur rebel leader, Abdel Wahid Al-Nur today praised the refusal of the joint peacekeeping mission to handover six residents of Kalma camp in South Darfur State wanted by the local authorities after bloody clashes last week.
"We welcome the decision of the hybrid peacekeeping operation (UNAMID) to not handover six Internally Displaced people – five men and one woman—sheltered in its office in Kalma camp," Al-Nur told Sudan Tribune today.
11 people were killed when clashes broke out last week between supporters of Nur and partisans of another rebel group Liberation and Justice Movement (LJM) which is conducting talks with the Sudanese government in Doha. The first group contests the IDPs representation by the second group.
The Paris based rebel leader made his statement following a meeting with the Joint Chief Mediator Djibril Bassole on Wednesday in the French capital to discuss the latest developments in Darfur following the recent clashes between two groups of the IDPs in Kalma camps over their representation in the peace process.
"We had a very positive and constructive meeting," Al-Nur said. He further stressed that Bassole reassured him about the UNAMID commitment to protect civilians in western Sudan including the six people wanted by South Darfur authorities.
He also said he had spoken all the day with different local leaders urging them to cool down the tension inside the camps and to work hard restore calm and reconciliation between the residents pointing out that "only Sudanese government benefits from such divisions".
Al-Nur said wanted civilians might face torture and killing if they are handed to the Sudanese authorities following a formal demand by South Darfur Governor Abdel Hamid Musa Kasha.
He also said the Sudanese justice is not independent and totally under the control of the government stressing that their handover would create more troubles in the camp.
The rebel leader accused the government of working to dismantle the camp as part of its new policy called "domestication of the peace process".
He further urged the UN Security Council to well consider changing the mandate of the UNAMID from Chapter 6 to Chapter 7 and to give the largest peacekeeping operation the necessary means to fully protect the civilians in the restive region.
Speaking with Sudan Tribune from Kalama camp, two residents who requested not to mention their names said the security forces surround the camp and prevent entry of food to the camp. They also said that women who go outside the camp to bring food to their children are stopped and not allowed to return home.
The UNAMID Daily Media Brief reported today that "no organizations have been allowed to deliver humanitarian aid" to the IDPs in Kalma camp.
Another resident from Kass camp in South Darfur said some one thousand of militiamen gathered today outside the camp and paraded around the area to intimidate the residents.
The same source said they received reports from Zalingei in West Darfur saying some 50 people were arrested by the security service there.
Kalma camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) is located near Nyala, the capital of South Darfur, and is home to about 90,000 people, many of whom are supporters of Abdel Wahid Nur. Government forces targeted the camp in a raid that killed dozens of residents in August 2008. (ST)
Click here to read Sudan Tribune report, 31 July 2010: NCP approves new “domestication” strategy on Darfur.
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Report by Radio Dabanga published Wednesday, 04 August 2010:
Darfur rebel chief calls on ICC to investigate camp violence (DOHA ) - Dr. Tijani Sese strongly condemned the events that occurred last week in Kalma and Hamidiya camps for displaced people. The camps witnessed fighting among the residents, allegedly between factions loyal to Tijani Sese’s rebel coalition and Abdel Wahid Al Nur’s faction, according to initial UN reports. At least ten were killed.
Sese said that what happened is a crime that requires investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC). In an interview with Radio Dabanga, Sese appealed to displaced people to remain calm and to stop all forms of abuse against each other, which he said weakens the Darfur issue. Sese denied, however, that the Liberation and Justice Movement was involved in the events.
GOOD NEWS. According to news reports published online yesterday (29 June), leaders from the Misseriya and Rizeigat groups signed a reconciliation deal in the West Darfur town of Zalingei on Monday (28 June), said UNAMID (United Nations – African Union Mission in Darfur) in a statement.
The signing ceremony was attended by the Governor of Western Darfur state and nine leaders from different tribes. Fighting between the two communities began in February last year. The chairman of the reconciliation committee, who is the minister of education in Western Darfur state, Abdalla Khamis Mohammed, spoke to SRS (Sudan Radio Service) on Tuesday (red highlighting in this blog post is mine):
[Abdalla Khamis]: “Both parties should abide by the agreement and stop being hostile towards each other. They should open paths for each other, and the rule of law should be attained by stripping tribes of their weapons and ammunition, this will be done in the presence of the nine tribes. The Messiriya was represented by Algomi Al-Tahir Hamid, while Rizeygat was headed by Alhag Khadam Abdulkarim Mohamed.”
See further details and related reports here below, including a copy of Rebecca Hamilton's article regarding her interview with Sudanese Sheikh Musa Hilal, chief of the Rizeigat tribe. Although the interview took place in Sudan and the article was published last December, I held back from chronicling it here at Sudan Watch mainly because I took a dim view of its poor tabloid style content and crazy title: "The Monster of Darfur".
In my view, most of Ms Hamilton's writings on Sudan are dangerously naive and disrespectful. They make me cringe and my blood boil. To my mind, her irresponsible "reporting" and political activism is, like many other people on the Darfur bandwagon, driven by self interest. To be fair, Ms Hamilton is quite a talented writer. I wish I could write half as well as she does. Her training as a lawyer enables her to articulate in a manner that gives people the impression she really knows what she is talking about. If my memory serves me correctly, Ms Hamilton (pictured below) is a New Zealand-born Australian and was educated at Harvard in Boston, USA. According to her recent tweets on Twitter, she has just emigrated from Australia to the US. Incidentally, Sudan Watch receives a lot of visitors located in Australia.
For the record, here below is a sample of Ms Hamilton's tweets. Note that some of her tweets at Twitter have been deleted. After following her writings on Sudan over the past few years, I am amazed that she feels confident about visiting Sudan again. Why she expects to be permitted as a guest in Sudan is beyond my comprehension. Apart from the millions of lives and livelihoods at stake, what upsets me most about her writings is that they bring professional journalists (especially females) into danger and disrepute. Real war correspondents such as Julie Flint have risked their health and lives to report from Sudan. Any person can dub themselves a 'human rights activist' and think it is their right to say and do as they please. Unlike professional journalists, there is no code of conduct for 'human rights activists'. It seems to me that the business of human rights and its related activism is a cash cow concocted by and for lawyers and other opportunists who benefit from peoples misfortunes. Note who is making money from human rights issues and how terrorists and self proclaimed 'freedom fighters' are make a living. Most of them are feeding off the backs of illiterate poverty stricken people, like blood sucking leeches.
As a matter of fact, the Rebecca Hamilton's of this world are doing a disservice to the people of Sudan. Many thousands of officials and experts behind the scenes in and around Sudan know exactly what is going on but because Sudan is a tinder box of a war zone, and for the good of Africa and its residents, they wisely say the least. Surely, irresponsible people such as gobby Hamilton who are not professional war correspondents are either naive or stupid or foolish, or all three. Maybe it's a Harvard thing. It seems to me that when it comes to issues of democracy and human rights, Harvard educated people are brainwashed into a blinkered way of thinking. They all appear to think and speak in the same way, like robots produced in a factory. It reminds me of a sect, i.e. a faction united by common interests or beliefs. Interestingly, the best Western reporters on Sudan are all Brits.
Here is the copy of some of Hamilton's tweets. (Note that her bio on Twitter says "Currently writing book examining impact of advocacy on Darfur policy")
bechamilton: just sunk 2 hrs of my life into getting 2 ppl in kht who have each others ph #s to actually manage to talk Twitter / bechamilton 30 June 2010 18:07
bechamilton: on plus side, have had time to catch up with my favorite colonel from fasher who is now making the adjustment back to headquarters Twitter / bechamilton 29 June 2010 21:37
bechamilton: exploring our new country on roadtrip honeymoon. now in kentucky abt to go to bluegrass music festival. i leave for sudan in 4 days. Twitter / bechamilton 25 June 2010 15:38
Heading to airport. Immigrant visa in passport and brown envelope full of docs. Very excited to be immigrating to U.S. 10:30 PM 13 June 2010 via web
bechamilton: It's right to have sticks AND carrots available but #ICC Art 16 shld not be thought of as part of that toolbox: http://bit.ly/cKykfe #IJC Twitter / bechamilton 11 June 2010 14:48
bechamilton: Wondering what the protocol is for an ICC judge commenting on my blog that he is offended by my language . . http://bit.ly/9FUA0E #IJC Twitter / bechamilton 11 February 2010 09:26 *
Cool. My @TNR piece on Musa Hilal made the most viewed list.(Wld have prefered the one on services for rape survivors had instead though) 10:56 PM 04 December 2009 via web
*[Copy of comment at Rebecca Hamilton's blog - Posted by Cuno Tarfusser http://bechamilton.com/?p=1641#comments I had the opportunity to read your comment headed “No Criminal” on the Abu Garda decision of PTC I of the ICC and without going into the merits of the decision itself and your opinion about it, let me just say that I am astonished and I feel offended myself by the offensive language you used defining my colleagues, reducing what has been a serious and extensive legal debate between us to triviality. It is even worse that you present your debatable opinion as if it was mine “But to paraphrase:…”. Therefore I would like to express here my friendship, solidarity and esteem to my two colleagues, discussions with whom on legal issues and otherwise always have been and always will be informed by the utmost mutual respect.
Copy of reply comment - posted by Bec Hamilton: Dear Judge Tarfusser
I apologize for any implication that you do not have the greatest respect for your colleagues. My “para-phrase” was tongue-in-cheek (I am, at times to my detriment, the product of an Australian culture of irreverence) – the tone of which was inappropriate to impute to you.
For the record, please see amendment in post above.
Best Bec Hamilton ]
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RELATED REPORTS AND FURTHER READING
Copy of an extract from Wikipedia online, the free encyclopedia:
Janjaweed جنجويد Dates of operation: 1987 - present[1] Leader: Sheikh Musa Hilal Active region(s): Darfur, Sudan Ideology: Islamic fundamentalism Status: Active Size: Unknown (less than 25,000 est.) The Janjaweed (Arabic: جنجويد; variously transliterated Janjawid, in translation means "Devil on Horseback" ) is a blanket term used to describe mostly armed gunmen in Darfur, western Sudan, and now eastern Chad.[2] Using the United Nations definition, the Janjaweed comprised Arab tribes, the core of whom are from the Abbala (camel herder) background with significant Lambo recruitment from the Baggara (cattle herder) people. This UN definition may not necessarily be accurate, as instances of members from other tribes have been noted. In the past, they were at odds with Darfur's sedentary population overnatural grazing grounds and farmland, as rainfall dwindled and water became scarce. They are currently in conflict with Darfur rebel groups—the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement. Since 2003 they have been one of the main players in the Darfur conflict, which has pitted the largely nomadic tribes against the sedentary population of the regionin a battle over resource and land allocation.[3]
KHARTOUM - Tuesday, 29 June 2010 (Reuters) - Two rival Arab tribes have signed a peace deal in Sudan's Darfur region, peacekeepers said on Tuesday, raising hopes for an end to fighting that has killed more than 200 people since March.
Leaders from the Misseriya and Rizeigat groups signed a reconciliation deal in the West Darfur town of Zalingei on Monday, said Darfur's U.N./African Union UNAMID mission in a statement.
The two groups have been caught in a cycle of revenge attacks since the killing of two members of the Misseriya group early in March.
UNAMID said hundreds of people had been forced to flee the fighting which one U.N. source has said may also have been based onan underlying struggle for control of fertile grazing land.
The deal came after weeks of meetings between the two groups and officials from the peacekeepers and local government. [...]
29 June 2010 - Two Darfur tribes, the Misseriya and Rezeigat Nouaiba, yesterday signed a reconciliation agreement in Zalingei, West Darfur. The ceremony, held at the local University, was attended by the Wali (Governor) of West Darfur, officials from the Sudanese Judicial and Legislative Council, senior military and police officials and members of the Native Authority, as well as officials from UNAMID.
Since the conflict began in early March between the two tribes, more than 200 people have died in clashes and hundreds have been displaced.
A reconciliation committee was established on 29 April involving native administrations and local leaders, with UNAMID and the Darfur Peace and Reconciliation Council (DPRC) in order to assist the tribes in reaching a lasting peace accord. A conference was organized last month in Zalingei aimed at addressing the causes of the conflict and to discuss ways in bringing the two tribes to a peaceful resolution.
[...] Sporadic clashes between the two groups first erupted in early March, with the most recent outbreak occurring last week in two villages not far from Zalingei. The latest fighting reportedly killed 20 people.
UNAMID, the Darfur Peace and Reconciliation Council and local leaders and native administrations set up a reconciliation committee earlier this year to try to end the fighting, and a conference was also held last month in Zalingei as part of efforts to tackle the root causes of the conflict.
Click on various labels at the end of this blog post to view related reports in the archives of Sudan Watch. - - -
The forgotten Arab victims of the Darfur Sudan Chad conflict
Among Arab leaders there is growing frustration that they are the forgotten people, accused of being Janjaweed when many families played no part in the conflict, or lost everything when they could ignore it no longer.
They accuse aid workers, celebrities and campaigners with the Save Darfur Campaign of concentrating efforts on the African tribes, neglecting the suffering of Arab communities.
Adam Mohammed Hamid, of the Nomad Development Council of Sudan in Khartoum, said: “People think they know who the Arabs are, but they don’t. They come to Sudan and speak to the African tribes, but no one speaks to the Arabs. Many are not fighting. Some are in the rebels. It is not what people think.”
Photo and caption from Sudan Watch archives May 2006: Musa Hilal, an Arab tribal chief accused by the United States of leading a dreaded militia in Darfur, rides his horse in Misitiriyha in north Darfur, Sudan, May 10, 2005. Musa told Reuters in an interview that he would not go to a court outside Sudan but would accept a fair trial in the country and added that if national trials for war crimes in the western region were unjust or political, he would fight this with all the means at his disposal. Picture taken May 10, 2005. (Reuters/Beatrice Mategwa Wed May 11, 2005; 2:47 PM ET)
Photo and caption from Sudan Watch archives May 2006: Musa Hilal, chief of Arab Rizeigat tribe in Mistiriyha, North Darfur, Sudan May 10, 2005 (Reuters/Taipei Times)
Photo and caption from Sudan Watch archives May 2006: Sudanese tribal leaders (from L to R) Ibrahim Abdalla Mohamed, Saeed Mahmoud Madibo, Mostafa Omer Ahmed, Ahmed Alsamani and Mohamed Adam Rijal wait to participate in a meeting with rebel groups during negotiations on a peace plan for Darfur in Abuja, Nigeria Tuesday, 02 May 2006. The government of Sudan has accepted an 85-page draft settlement but three Darfur rebel factions refused to sign, saying they were unhappy with the proposals on security, power-sharing and wealth-sharing. (Reuters/Afolabi Sotunde)
Photo and caption from Sudan Watch archives May 2006: Sudanese tribal leaders attend the Darfur talks at the venue of the Darfur peace talks in Abuja, Nigeria, Tuesday, 02 May 2006. (AP/ST)
Photo and caption from Sudan Watch archives 26 September 2004: Arab tribal leaders (from left) Ramadhan Daju Hassan, Mohammed Idris Maghrib and former member of parliament Obeid Habullah Dico calling for peace in West Darfur, Sudan. - - -
"THE MONSTER OF DARFUR" by Rebecca Hamilton
For the record, here is a copy of the article (mentioned above) by Rebecca Hamilton, published on The New Republic (http://www.tnr.com) 03 December 2009; 12:00 am:
The Monster of Darfur Musa Hilal has the blood of hundreds of thousands on his hands, but the Janjaweed leader claims he's just a peacemaker.
In late February 2004, Janjaweed militias and Sudanese government forces waged a three-day, coordinated assault on Tawila, a village in northern Darfur. Government aircrafts destroyed buildings, while the Janjaweed broke into a girls’ boarding school, forced the students to strip naked at gunpoint, and then gang-raped and abducted many of them. Video footage shows fly-covered corpses strewn among the village's smoldering ruins. And giving orders and distributing weapons during the siege, eyewitnesses say, was Sheikh Musa Hilal.
Hilal's name looms large on the list of perpetrators who’ve committed atrocities in Darfur since violence erupted there in 2003. At Khartoum's request, he organized the Janjaweed, predominantly Arab militias that have operated hand-in-glove with the Sudanese government to cleanse Darfur of its non-Arab population. Hilal, who is now almost 50 years old, is among those most responsible for the deaths of more than 200,000 people and the displacement of another 2.7 million. The U.S. government has sanctioned him, and the United Nations has issued a travel ban and asset freeze against him. In mid-2006, Hilal stopped giving English-language media interviews.
This past August, however, he agreed to meet with me--three years and two months since he had last spent time with a Western journalist. Sheikh Musa, as Hilal is known by his Mahamid clan, said that he wanted to correct the “misperceptions” the world has about him.
At his palatial villa in Khartoum, where paintings of Mecca and Medina adorn the walls, Hilal greeted me wearing a flowing white djellabya and a smile on his lightly freckled face. He escorted me and my translator across his porch, past a group of men sitting cross-legged on mats--Hilal’s relatives, who double as his bodyguards because he only trusts his tribe for security. As we settled into his lounge room, servants offered us chilled Coca-Cola and bottled water. Caramels with “Made in Poland” wrappers sat in small crystal bowls on the coffee tables.
Hilal was hospitable, even charming, as he discussed his career with me, insisting that he is anything but the cold-hearted criminal the world thinks he is. Since January 2008, he has worked as an adviser to the Ministry of Federal Affairs, so he spends his days in an air-conditioned office next to President Omar Al Bashir's Republican Palace on the edge of the Blue Nile. It's a far cry from the deserts of Darfur. But Hilal told me that he didn’t accept the offer of a bureaucracy position immediately. “I said to [the president], ‘I am the leader of my tribe. … I am a very rich man. I know there are some advisers who just sit here to get money, but I want to actually have a job--solving the problem of Darfur!’” he recounted, with a grandiose sweep of his arm. Hilal shifted his embroidered taqiyah, a skull cap, back from his forehead, revealing a receding hairline. “I said, ‘If all I do is sit here--well, I can sit with my tribe. Also, if you think I need this position to make me famous, I don’t. I am already known all over the world.’”
Hilal agreed to the new job when Al Bashir told him that he could be “useful” in Darfur. Leaning forward in his chair, to be sure he had my full attention, Hilal explained that "useful" is all he's ever wanted to be. "All my work," he said, "depends on struggling hard to make peace in Darfur."
Hilal became the leader of some 300,000 Mahamid, an Arab tribe in Darfur, in the late 1980s, as an influx of weapons was seeping into Sudan from Chad and Libya. This ignited Darfur’s troubles, Hilal said, because African tribes started demanding more government representation and support--and they suddenly had the means to fight for it. "They only cared about their own tribes--the Fur, Zaghawa, and Masaleit. They started to attack the Arab tribes," Hilal said, pulling at his faint, graying goatee. "We Arab leaders told them that this way--fighting--was not a good solution.” (He didn't mention his involvement with the Libyan-supported "Arab Gathering," or Al Tajama al Arabi, an ethnically polarizing political movement described by Sudan expert Alex de Waal as “a vehicle for militarized Arab supremacism.”)
Tensions continued to mount over the next several years, and, in late 2002, the governor of North Darfur arrested Hilal because he hoped that removing him from the region would dissipate ethnic hostilities. While Hilal was under house arrest, however, rebel forces in Darfur attacked a Sudanese air base, and Khartoum asked the Mahamid leader to become an ally--specifically, to recruit and coordinate local Arabs to serve in proxy militias for the government. “We accepted this invitation of the government to be armed by them, and, from that time on, we stood with the government," Hilal said.
At the height of the atrocities in Darfur, the Janjaweed that Hilal recruited systematically terrorized, raped, and killed non-Arab civilians. As the militias surrounded villages, the Sudanese air force would destroy homes, schools, and markets with crude bombs. As villagers tried to flee, the Janjaweed were there to complete the destruction.
As Hilal describes it, however, his goal has always been “for all the people who fight to come and sit together to find peace.” When I brought up a 2004 memo that he wrote for Janjaweed commanders and the government’s security and intelligence services, stating his objective to “change the demography of Darfur” and to “rid Darfur of all African tribes,” Hilal scoffed. “False,” he said, claiming that he had never written it. "Why would I want to take the Africans out when I myself am African?” With a laugh, he said that alleging differences between ethnic groups in Darfur is "out of date. No one … today will say ‘I am Arab' or 'I am African.’”
The Sudanese government first promised to disarm the Janjaweed in 2004. But, after meeting Hilal, I traveled to Darfur and saw a group of the militiamen on the outskirts of Kalma, one of the region's largest displaced persons camp. (United Nations staff told me that the Janjaweed are often there.) When the women in the camp leave to collect firewood or seek work in town, they know that they risk being attacked. I was told of one woman who, while walking away from the camp just a few weeks earlier, was approached by a man she described as Janjaweed. He had a young boy with him. The man grabbed the woman, tore off her clothes, beat her, and raped her. When he finished, he said to the boy, “Now it’s your turn with the black woman.”
After my return from Darfur, Hilal agreed to meet with me for a second time. It was late at night and pouring rain. My driver, fearful that Sudan’s ubiquitous national intelligence and security agents might see his car stationed outside Hilal’s house, insisted on parking some blocks away. By the time I got to the front gate, I had waded ankle-deep through Khartoum's muddy streets. (One of Hilal's armed guards rinsed the mud from my feet with a garden hose.)
Hilal stood to greet me, and we entered his lounge-room once again, where servants offered freshly squeezed orange juice. This time, however, he had an English-speaking relative accompany him--presumably a safety net to make sure my translator didn't misconstrue any of Sheikh Musa’s words.
Hilal seemed genuinely slighted that I had traveled to Darfur without him. “Next time you go, I will pay for you to go with me!” he said, with a characteristic sweep of his hand. It was the same invitation he had made to Samantha Power when she was writing a piece for The New Yorker some five years earlier. Now, as then, Hilal also refused to take responsibility for the violence and despair in Darfur. Regarding President Omar Al Bashir's indictment by the ICC earlier this year, he said simply, “I object.” Asked if he is concerned about being indicted himself, he replied dismissively, “I feel the same as Bashir: This court is not our concern.” Still, he flinched the first time I said ICC, even before my question was translated. And he stopped accentuating his words with the open and confident gestures of a man accustomed to respect, instead assuming the closed, cross-armed posture of a man under attack.
Hilal soon steered the conversation back to the rehearsed lines from our first meeting, about how he hopes, particularly in his bureaucratic role, to create dialogue among the people of Darfur. President Al Bashir's decision to appoint Hilal as a formal adviser was likely a signal to the proxy Arab militias that, as the ICC began indicting people suspected of crimes in Darfur, the government wouldn't hang them out to dry. But having the Janjaweed leader on its formal payroll is also sure to be problematic as Sudan seeks to normalize relations with the West.
Hilal, however, is undeterred by such concerns. He told me that the world needs to recognize the real victims of the Darfur conflict: the Arabs. As Hilal explains it, Arabs were forced to flee their villages long before any “zurga” (literally “black,” a derogatory term for non-Arabs). But, he added scathingly, “[W]e would never go to a [displaced persons] camp and be seen as beggars." To solve the crisis in Darfur, Arabs have to be in charge, he continued. "We have the majority in the field. We have the majority of the livestock. There can be no solution without us”. He sat back in his chair and lit a cigarette. “I am not the leader of the Janjaweed. I am the leader of all the Arab tribes in Darfur,” Hilal said, his relaxed confidence returning.
Putting out his half-finished cigarette, Hilal indicated to my translator that the interview was over. I pushed for one more question, and asked if he has any regrets about his conduct in Darfur. He paused to think. “I have an idea for a solution in Darfur, but I have not been able to implement it on the ground," he said, offering no details. “This is the one thing I am sorry for."
Rebecca Hamilton is the author of the forthcoming book The Promise of Engagement. She is an Open Society Fellow and a visiting fellow at the National Security Archives.
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Announcing . . .
FIGHTING FOR DARFUR: Public Action and the Struggle to Stop Genocide
to be published by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, Feb. 1, 2011
If you haven’t written a book before you’d be amazed at just how hard it is to nail down a title that both the author and the sales & marketing department can agree on – so it’s a relief to have reached this point. It’s not the most creative title in the world and I’m still rather partial to The Promise of Engagement (though have long conceded that the risk it poses of attracting those in the spousal market is a totally fair critique!) – however I’m satisfied that what we’ve settled on clearly signals what the book is all about, and am happy to have truth in advertising.
I’m still in editing lock-down, but hope to resume blogging again over the summer.
Rebecca Hamilton est étudiante dans un programme conjoint organisé par la Faculté de droit d’Harvard et par la John F. Kennedy School of Government, où elle est une boursière Knox. Avant de commencer ses études de droit, elle a travaillé au Soudan avec les populations déplacées à l’intérieur des frontières. A son retour aux Etats-Unis, Rebecca a cofondé l’association Harvard Darfur Action Group, laquelle a été impliquée dans la décision historique d’Harvard de retirer ses investissements des compagnies qui soutenaient la campagne génocidaire du gouvernement soudanais. Depuis, elle travaille à la mise en place d’une coalition politique permanente contre le génocide et les atrocités de masse au travers du Réseau d’intervention contre le génocide, et elle intervient régulièrement au travers des Etats-Unis pour parler du Darfour. Elle a rédigé pour le Harvard Human Rights Journal un article intitulé « The Responsibility to Protect: From Document to Doctrine-But What of Implementation? », et elle a récemment coécrit le plaidoyer pour le Darfour « Not On Our Watch », publié dans l’ouvrage War In Darfur and the Prospects for Peace (édité par Alex de Waal). Elle a écrit à propos du Soudan dans des quotidiens tels que The International Herald Tribune et The Boston Globe. En 2005, Rebecca a travaillé pour le Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie, et en tant que directrice de rédaction du Harvard Human Rights Journal. Mlle Hamilton a obtenu son baccalauréat en Australie, où elle a reçu la médaille universitaire et les distinctions pour son travail en neuroscience à l’Université de Sydney. (Source: http://efchr.mcgill.ca/InternationalYoungLeaders_fr.php) - - -
Quote of the Day
"The definition of stupidity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results." — Albert Einstein
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News just in - Wednesday, 30 June 2010 at 22:53 GMT UK:
