TEXT: U.S. Sudan Policy - Obama unveils new Sudan strategy - Clinton: US to engage Sudan, warns on backsliding

SOURCE: US Department of State
Sudan / A Critical Moment, A Comprehensive Approach
WASHINGTON, October 19, 2009/African Press Organization (APO)/ — Office of the Spokesman.

Sudan is at an important crossroads that can either lead to steady improvements in the lives of the Sudanese people or degenerate into even more violent conflict and state failure. Now is the time for the United States to act with a sense of urgency and purpose to protect civilians and work toward a comprehensive peace. The consequences are stark. Sudan’s implosion could lead to widespread regional instability or new safe-havens for international terrorists, significantly threatening U.S. interests. The United States has a clear obligation to the Sudanese people — both in our role as witness to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and as the first country that unequivocally identified events in Darfur as genocide – to help lead an international effort.

The United States and our international partners face multiple challenges in Sudan. Six years after its initiation, the conflict in Darfur remains unresolved. In 2003, the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and government-supported militia, sometimes referred to as “Janjaweed”, launched a genocidal campaign that targeted ethnic groups affiliated with a brewing Darfur rebellion, leading to the death of hundreds of thousands of people and displacing some 2.7 million people and more than 250,000 refugees. Unfulfilled ceasefire and peace agreements, the proliferation of rebel groups, and the involvement of regional states have prolonged the crisis and complicated international efforts to reach a peace agreement. While the intensity of the violence has lessened since 2005, civilians continue to live in unacceptable insecurity. Without an active peace process, a commitment to addressing accountability for crimes committed against civilians, a fully deployed, equipped, and performing United Nations (U.N.)-African Union (AU) peacekeeping force, and serious planning for regional recovery, the situation in Darfur will continue to fester, destabilizing the country and the region.

In a similar vein, delays in implementing key portions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) — the agreement between the NCP and the southern Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) that ended more than two decades of conflict between northern and southern Sudan, which left more than 2 million people dead — represent a dangerous flashpoint for renewed conflict. Per the CPA, the South, where governing capacity is nascent, will vote in a referendum in 2011 on self-determination — whether to secede or remain part of a unified Sudanese state. The Three Areas are also flashpoints for renewed conflict: Abyei, Southern Kordofan, and Blue Nile will engage in a referendum and popular consultations respectively on their status over the next 15 months. In the time remaining before the referenda and consultations, the United States is working to reinvigorate international engagement in the CPA and to bolster the peace accord by supporting national elections in 2010, working to resolve outstanding border demarcation disputes, and ensuring the parties live up to their obligations to prevent a return to war

The international community has demonstrated its commitment to the Sudanese people by supporting the deployment of the first Hybrid AU-U.N. peacekeeping force in Darfur, sustaining the presence of some 10,000 U.N. peacekeepers in southern Sudan, and contributing more than $1 billion in humanitarian assistance to the country every year. Most recently, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Bashir in early 2009, charging him with having perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur.

Despite these significant developments, sustained political will to address Sudan’s tough challenges in the international community is sometimes lacking. American leadership is essential to a more effective multilateral approach. The United States is working to reconstitute, broaden, and strengthen the multilateral coalition that helped achieve the signing of the CPA, and will work to more concretely transform widespread international concern about Darfur into serious multilateral commitments. This expanded coalition must meet our responsibility to promote security, justice, and development, while broadening our leverage moving forward.

Critical Lessons Learned from Past Efforts

The United States cannot succeed in achieving our policy goals by focusing exclusively on Darfur or CPA implementation — both must be addressed seriously and simultaneously, while also working to resolve and prevent conflict throughout Sudan.

United States policy must be agile enough to address discrete emerging crises, while maintaining a sustained focus on long-term stability.

To advance peace and security in Sudan, we must engage with allies and with those with whom we disagree. United States diplomacy must be both sustained and broad, encompassing not just the National Congress Party, SPLM, and major Darfuri rebel groups but also critical regional and international actors.

Assessments of progress and decisions regarding incentives and disincentives must not be based on process-related accomplishments (i.e. the signing of a MOU or the issuance of a set of visas), but rather based on verifiable changes in conditions on the ground.

Accountability for genocide and atrocities is necessary for reconciliation and lasting peace.

It must be clear to all parties that Sudanese support for counterterrorism objectives is valued, but cannot be used as a bargaining chip to evade responsibilities in Darfur or in implementing the CPA.

U.S. Strategic Objectives

The U.S. strategy in Sudan must focus on ending the suffering in Darfur, and building a lasting peace. The three principal U.S. strategic priorities in Sudan include:

1) A definitive end to conflict, gross human rights abuses, and genocide in Darfur.

2) Implementation of the North-South CPA that results in a peaceful post-2011 Sudan, or an orderly path toward two separate and viable states at peace with each other.

3) Ensure that Sudan does not provide a safe haven for international terrorists.

The United States will use all elements of influence to achieve our strategic objectives. The United States Special Envoy for Sudan will play the leading role in pursuing our Sudan strategy. Fundamental to all United States Government efforts to bring about peace and security throughout Sudan is holding responsible parties accountable for creating the conditions that can foster concrete and sustainable improvements in the lives of Sudanese people. This includes frank dialogue with the Government of Sudan about what needs to be accomplished, how the bilateral relationship can improve if conditions transform, and how the government will become even more isolated if conditions remain the same or worsen. The United States will seek to broaden and deepen the multilateral coalition actively working to achieve peace in Darfur and full implementation of the CPA such that backsliding by any party is met with credible, meaningful disincentives, leveraged by the United States and the international community.

Each quarter, the interagency at senior levels will assess a variety of indicators of progress or of deepening crisis, and that assessment will include calibrated steps to bolster support for positive change and to discourage backsliding. Progress toward achievement of the strategic objectives will trigger steps designed to strengthen the hands of those implementing the changes. Failure to improve conditions will trigger increased pressure on recalcitrant actors.

United States policy will also acknowledge that the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) must also abide by its responsibilities under the terms of the CPA, and prioritize conflict mitigation and resolution, capacity-building, transparency and accountability, and service delivery. Given the stakes and the pace of events, the United States must ensure that its assistance initiatives in the South are both effective and efficient, reflecting these urgent priorities. The Special Envoy will continue to engage and consult broadly with the SPLM, Darfur rebel and civil society groups, and other actors to ensure that the United States can bring focused efforts to bear on key levers of influence at critical moments.

Key Implementation Elements

Strategic Objective I: A definitive end to conflict, gross human rights abuses, and genocide in Darfur.
Enhance Civilian Protection. The United States will work to strengthen the UNAMID by: (1) strengthening multilateral resolve to impose consequences on actors obstructing UNAMID operations, access, and performance; (2) providing direct U.S. funding, and U.S. diplomatic, logistical, and other support toward the provision of critically needed equipment (including helicopters); and (3) planning contingencies in Darfur by developing a scale of appropriate responses to worsening crises.

Promote a Negotiated Solution to the Conflict. The Special Envoy will establish and maintain a dialogue with armed movements in Darfur and solicit support for the peace process from Sudan’s neighbors. The United States will support a political agreement that addresses the underlying causes of conflict in Darfur by building on Qatar’s peace negotiation efforts, providing direct support to the Joint AU-U.N. Joint Chief Mediator for Darfur, and encouraging the broad participation, including by all diverse representations of civil society, in the peace process. The United States will seek to renew all parties’ commitment to the 2005 Declaration of Principles that obligates the Sudanese Government and all major Darfuri armed groups to seek a peaceful solution to their grievances in Darfur and to adhere to a 2004 humanitarian ceasefire.

Encourage and Strengthen Initiatives for Ending Violent Conflict. The United States will support international efforts to achieve a cessation of hostilities in Darfur and through a variety of means will urge Sudan and Chad to cease support to rebel groups under their influence. The United States will seek to work with a broad array of partners on the ground to gather information on and to fight sexual and gender-based violence in Sudan to support the implementation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1820.

Support Accountability. In addition to supporting international efforts to bring those responsible for genocide and war crimes in Darfur to justice, the United States will work with Darfuri civil society to support locally-owned accountability and reconciliation mechanisms that can make peace more sustainable.

Improve the Humanitarian Situation. The United States will work with other donors and humanitarian organizations in the field to insist that the Government of Sudan fulfill its obligations to its citizens, by improving humanitarian access and coverage in Darfur. The United States will place a premium on core humanitarian principles and on the use of shared, concrete, and transparent humanitarian indicators to gauge the situation on the ground.

Strategic Objective II: Implementation of the CPA that results in a peaceful post-2011 Sudan or an orderly transition to two separate and viable states at peace with each other.

Address Unimplemented Elements of the CPA. The United States will work with international partners to encourage the parties to implement the necessary legislation and planning for the 2010 elections and the 2011 referenda. Among other issues, the United States will work with international partners to: (1) provide assistance for census resolution, voter registration and education, political party assistance, polling place administration, balloting mechanics, and ensuring international and local domestic election and referenda monitoring; and (2) encourage the parties to enact the necessary legal reforms to create an environment more conducive to a credible election process and referendum, including through the enactment of a credible referendum law. The United States will assist the parties in resolving census and referendum disputes in accordance with the CPA. In addition, the United States will support efforts to push for the timely and transparent demarcation of the North-South border through the provision of technical expertise and support international efforts to professionalize and equip the Joint Integrated Units (JIUs) responsible for providing security in key areas.

Reinvigorate and Strengthen International Engagement on CPA Implementation. The Special Envoy has organized a “Forum for Supporters of the CPA”, and reinvigorated the “Troika” (the U.S., U.K, and Norway all act as CPA guarantors) to coordinate and rejuvenate international efforts to support CPA implementation. The United States will also work to strengthen the role of the Assessment and Evaluation Committee (AEC), the primary forum charged with mediating CPA implementation disputes between the two parties.

Defuse Tension in the Three Areas. In Abyei, Southern Kordofan, and Blue Nile, the United States will: (1) assist in the development and/or reinvigoration of U.N.-assisted disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs; (2) restore and strengthen NGO operations to provide vital development assistance and conflict prevention resources, and to offset the potential for conflict once new borders are drawn; and (3) as appropriate, provide direct technical support to local administrations.

Promote the Development of Post-2011 Wealth-Sharing Mechanisms. The United States will work with international partners to support the parties in developing a post-2011 wealth-sharing agreement and resolve other post-2011 political and economic issues.

Promote Improved Governing Capacity and Greater Transparency in Southern Sudan. The United States will work to improve security for the southern Sudanese people by supporting DDR and conflict prevention initiatives and strengthening the capacity of the security sector and criminal justice system. The United States will also work to improve economic conditions and outcomes. The United States will provide technical advisors to vital ministries and will work to strengthen entities such as the U.N. Development Program’s Local Government Reform Program (LGRP). The United States will work with international partners to implement the World Bank Multi-Donor Trust Fund South Strategy in a timely manner and to improve access to capital, particularly microfinancing, for agricultural enterprises and local private sector ventures. The United States will support efforts and initiatives that assist in increasing trade between Sudan and its neighbors. Transparency in fiscal expenditures will be critical to attracting investment, and the United States will support World Bank anticorruption efforts in Southern Sudan.


Strategic Objective III: Ensure that Sudan does not serve as a safe haven for terrorists.

Prevent Terrorists from developing a foothold in Sudan. The United States has a strategic interest in preventing Sudan from providing safe haven for terrorist organizations. The United States will work with the international community to reduce the ability of terrorists and non-state actors inimical to U.S. interests from developing a foothold in Sudan.


Outreach and Consultation
The strong voices of committed advocates and members of Congress have been indispensable to elevating Sudan on the U.S. policy agenda. These stakeholders are assets in U.S. efforts to end the suffering of the Sudanese people and bring stability to the country. Consistent efforts to maintain a regular dialogue with these communities will strengthen U.S. policy and be vital to success. The Special Envoy will meet regularly with advocates and will maintain open lines of communication with Congress to ensure that serious and substantive consultations are a regular part of the policy implementation process.

Obama Unveils New Sudan Strategy

New York Times - Ross Colvin, Caren Bohan - ‎3 minutes ago‎

By REUTERS WASHINGTON (Reuters) - US President Barack Obama on Monday unveiled a new strategy toward Sudan, offering incentives if the Khartoum government ...

Obama to offer incentives to Sudanese government

Times LIVE - ‎13 minutes ago‎

President Barack Obama is shifting US policy toward Sudan to one based on working with the Khartoum government instead of isolating it. ...

Obama has little choice on Sudan

guardian.co.uk - ‎19 minutes ago‎

Given his tough rhetoric on Darfur during last year's US election campaign, Barack Obama will face inevitable criticism over his new policy of engaging ...

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Warning that Sudan was "poised to fall further into chaos if swift action is not taken,", he also said he would renew sanctions on Sudan this week. more by Barack Obama - 3 minutes ago - New York Times (15 occurrences)

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Sudan Now Campaign Demands Obama Put Sudan Policy Into Practice

Reuters - ‎20 minutes ago‎

WASHINGTON, Oct. 19 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The Sudan Now campaign, which comprises several human rights and anti-genocide groups, commends the Obama ...

Clinton: US to engage Sudan, warns on backsliding

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Clinton Says New Sudan Policy Can End Conflict

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Oct. 19 (Bloomberg) -- Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the US will seek to end “gross human rights abuses” in Darfur, ...

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Xinhua - Wang Guanqun - ‎31 minutes ago‎

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UPDATE: See Sudan Watch, 19 October 2009: U.S. policy on Sudan - Remarks by Clinton, Rice, Gration

ICC Haskanita Darfur Sudan: Prosecutor v. Bahar Idriss Abu Garda 19 October 2009

This case is about a deliberate attack against peacekeepers. 

Most of them (the soldiers) were shot at close range; they were executed. 

This was an intentional attack against persons and objects with protected status under international criminal law ... leaving thousands of civilians unprotected.

The ICC will have 60 days from the end of the confirmation of charges hearing, scheduled to last until October 29, to decide whether there is enough evidence for the case to go to trial.

From (AFP) – Monday, 19 October 2009.  Copy:
Sudan rebel leader ordered AU murders: court told

THE HAGUE — Fighters commanded by Darfur rebel chief Bahar Idriss Abu Garda brutally murdered 12 African peacekeepers before looting their camp in 2007, the International Criminal Court (ICC) heard on Monday.

"This attack was planned and executed under the command of Mr Abu Garda," prosecutor Fatou Bensouda told the court at the start of a hearing to confirm charges against him for the attack on the Haskanita military base in north Darfur.

"Most of them (the soldiers) were shot at close range; they were executed," she said.

The September 2007 attack killed 12 African Union peacekeepers and seriously wounded eight others. They were from Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, Botswana and Gambia.

Abu Garda is the first person to appear before the ICC in The Hague for war crimes allegedly committed during the Sudan conflict.

"This case is about a deliberate attack against peacekeepers," Bensouda told the court as the United Resistance Front leader sat making notes in a light suit and striped tie across the courtroom.

"This was an intentional attack against persons and objects with protected status under international criminal law."

The prosecutor said Abu Garda's men then ransacked the camp, making off with military hardware and personal possessions like cellphones, before razing the base, "leaving thousands of civilians unprotected".

The court will have 60 days from the end of the confirmation of charges hearing, scheduled to last until October 29, to decide whether there is enough evidence for the case to go to trial. [...]

See Reuters report October 19, 2009:   Sudan rebel leader appears in Hague court - Prosecutor says AU peacekeepers were "executed".  Attack was launched to gain equipment, recognition. Abu Garda denies charges, appears voluntarily.



Photo: Darfur rebel Bahar Idriss Abu Garda. Source: EPA/Telegraph 19 May 2009:  Sudanese rebel leader in court over war crimes - A Sudanese Darfur rebel leader appeared before the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague on Monday charged with war crimes over the killing of 12 African Union peacekeepers in 2007.

Click on Haskanita label here below to view some related reports.

Reuters

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EU's Sudan Envoy Torben Brylle argues peace will pay

The European Union's special representative for Sudan, Torben Brylle, says that the financial benefits of peace make a key argument for ending fighting in southern Sudan.   Mr Brylle says the resource-rich south has a considerable need for investment and development.

On the conflict between the government and groups in Darfur, Brylle expressed optimism that all sides can be brought together for negotiations by mid-November. In particular, he said he hopes civilian representatives might influence local leaders.

The EU envoy cautioned that time is not on the side of diplomacy.



Photo: EU Special Rep. for Sudan, Torben Brylle, was optimistic on peace prospects in remarks at Arab League HQ, Cairo, 15 Oct 2009

EU's Sudan Envoy Argues Peace Will Pay
By Elizabeth Arrott
Cairo, Egypt
15 October 2009. Excerpt:

Photo: Arab League HQ in Cairo, Egypt, 15 Oct 2009

Brylle spoke at Arab League headquarters in Cairo, where diplomats are trying to stem a surge in civilian violence in the region, awash in weapons after the end of a decades-long civil war.

"It is evident that people are looking forward to having the peace dividend as a reality in their lives," he said. "You remember that a comprehensive peace agreement stipulates that everybody should work to make unity attractive in Sudan, and part of that process was of course to also provide for people a change in their livelihood," said Brylle. [...]

On the conflict between the government and groups in Darfur, Brylle expressed optimism that all sides can be brought together for negotiations by mid-November. In particular, he said he hopes civilian representatives might influence local leaders.

"There is a responsibility and there is impatience at least among the people on the ground in Darfur and a call for them to exercise leadership in terms of coming into an agreement with the government. That does not take away the responsibility of the government to enter that process, but it has to be done."

The EU envoy cautioned that time is not on the side of diplomacy.

Masked gunmen kill police at UN compound, Kass, S. Darfur

Any attack on peacekeepers constitutes a war crime.

From Reuters, Sunday, Oct. 18, 2009:
Masked gunmen kill Darfur police at UN compound

KHARTOUM (Reuters) - Masked gunmen killed two Sudanese policemen guarding a guesthouse run by the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) in Sudan's strife-torn Darfur region, the aid group said on Saturday.

The two officers died on Thursday and a third was killed on Friday when security forces tracked down the raiders in south Darfur, shooting dead two of the attackers in an exchange of fire, police told Reuters.

The killings underlined the continuing insecurity in the remote western territory where law and order has collapsed after more than six years of fighting.

Up to four men raided the guesthouse in the south Darfur town of Kass in the early hours of Thursday morning, WFP security officer Elisca Lagerweij told Reuters. "The police found the body of one officer outside, shot in the back of the head. We think they caught him in his sleep," she said.

The second police officer was found four blocks away from the guesthouse, with a gunshot wound in his side, she added.

"The police told us there are criminals active in the area, targeting small groups of armed police, trying to get their guns," said Lagerweij. "We assume this was not an attack on the United Nations or its staff."

Two international staff and two WFP guards who were inside the compound were not injured. One guard, who took a brief look outside after hearing gunshots, saw the attackers wearing masks, said Lagerweij.

South Darfur's police chief Fatah Al-Rahman Osman said police pursued the attackers Friday. "One policeman and two gunmen from the other side were killed," he told Reuters.

In another sign of unrest in the region, three Nigerian members of Darfur's joint U.N./African Union UNAMID peacekeeping force were injured in an ambush outside the west Darfur capital of Zalingei on Saturday, the force said.

Unknown men opened fire on armed UNAMID police escorting a garbage truck, hitting one officer in the shoulder, one in the abdomen and one in the shoulder, said force spokesman Kemal Saiki. The men, two of them in a serious condition, were airlifted to hospital in south Darfur's capital Nyala, he added.

"We strongly condemn this wanton attack. Any attack on peacekeepers constitutes a war crime," said Saiki. [...]

Kidnapped Darfur aid staff freed

Good news from the BBC, Sunday, 18 October 2009:
Kidnapped Darfur aid staff freed

Two aid workers who had been kidnapped in Sudan's Darfur region have been released by their captors, reports say.

Irish citizen Sharon Commins, 32, and her Ugandan colleague Hilda Kawuki, 42, were working for the Irish charity Goal when seized by gunmen in Kutum in July.

Ireland's Foreign Affairs Minister Micheal Martin said he was "delighted and relieved" to hear the two volunteers had been freed.

The Sudanese government confirmed the pair were freed early Sunday morning.

Sudan's state Minister for Humanitarian Affairs, Abdel Baqi al-Jailani, said: "They are free, they are in good health... [and] were released earlier this morning."

He stressed that "no ransom was paid," adding that local tribe leaders had put pressure on the kidnappers to release the workers.

Reports earlier in the year had suggested the kidnappers made a $2m ransom demand in return for their safe release.

The two women were taken hostage at gunpoint at an aid compound in Kutum on 3 July.

Three peacekeepers wounded in Zalingei western Darfur shooting: UN

(AFP) – Saturday, 17 October 2009:

KHARTOUM — Three peacekeepers were wounded, two of them seriously, when their vehicle came under fire in the Darfur region of western Sudan on Saturday, officials of the UN-African Union peace mission said.

The four-wheel-drive with five Nigerian policemen on board came under fire near Zalingei, in western Darfur, a senior official said, asking not to be named.

"Three of the policemen were wounded, two of them seriously. They were evacuated by helicopter to Nyala hospital and are now in stable condition," the source said.

Kemal Saiki, communications chief of the joint United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), confirmed three members of the police force who carry arms were wounded, but without giving their nationality.

The police were escorting a UNAMID garbage truck when it came under attack by unknown gunmen, who made off with the four-wheel-drive.

"We don't know yet if it was a carjacking or a direct attack" on UNAMID, said Saiki, adding the incident was being investigated.

Two civilian employees of UNAMID were kidnapped in late August in the same area of Zalingei and are still in the hands of their abductors, who the Sudanese authorities have branded as criminals.

African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur reports - Darfur: The Quest for Peace, Justice and Reconciliation

Earlier this year, on June 24, the Deputy Chairperson of the SPLM, Malik Agar Eyre participated in a discussion in Washington D.C., hosted by the US Institute of Peace. Among other things, he issued a grave warning that must be of serious concern to the AU and our [African] Continent.

He said that the "reading" of the SPLM was that the process of the fragmentation of Sudan would not end with the separation of Southern Sudan, if this was the result of the 2011 Referendum. He warned that Sudan could be afflicted by a destructive process of further balkanisation, and thus sink into chaos and ungovernability, producing dangerous instability in the nine countries he pointed out share borders with Sudan. The [AU High-Level] Panel believes that the AU should take this warning seriously and act upon it.

Source: The following copy of AfricaFocus Bulletin by William Minter, 11 October 2009 (followed by 'Speech of the Chairperson of the AUPD, Thabo Mbeki, on Handing over the AUPD Report to the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Jean Ping').

African Union Panel reports

African Charter Article #23

1. All peoples shall have the right to national and international peace and security. The principles of solidarity and friendly relations implicitly affirmed by the Charter of the United Nations and reaffirmed by that of the Organization of African Unity shall govern relations between States.

2. For the purpose of strengthening peace, solidarity and friendly relations, States parties to the present Charter shall ensure that:

(a) any individual enjoying the right of asylum under 12 of the present Charter shall not engage in subversive activities against his country of origin or any other State party to the present Charter;

(b) their territories shall not be used as bases for subversive or terrorist activities against the people of any other State party to the present Charter.

Summary & Comment: This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains excerpts from the panel’s statement (full text available at http://tinyurl.com/yzqpv74).  The statement was notable for the extensive range of consultation cited, with both Sudanese and a full range of international stakeholders, and for its call for a fully inclusive negotiating process to avoid "forum-shopping" among different international mediators. It also lauded the efforts of U.S. Sudan envoy Maj Gen Scott Gration, called for both the African Union and United Nations to give high priority to helping the Sudanese people meet their challenges, and insisted that all three goals of peace, justice, and reconciliation were essential and interconnected. WM

Sudan: African Union Panel reports

Editor's Note

"Repeatedly during our process of consultation, the Darfurians insisted that the Panel would fail in its mission if it did not identify and address what they called "the root cause of the crisis in Darfur". ... a gross imbalance between a strong centre and a marginalised periphery, which resulted in political power and wealth being concentrated in the centre, with the consequent negative consequences on the periphery."
- African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur

The report presented by the African Union panel last week is still not public, but a statement by the panel's chair, former South African President Thabo Mbeki highlighted both the urgent need for a political resolution in Darfur and the inextricable connection of that goal with parallel efforts for completion of the peace process for Sudan as a whole.

The Panel was established by the African Union in March 2009, and included, in addition to President Mbeki, two other former presidents: General Abdulsalami Abubakar, former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; and Mr Pierre Buyoya, former President of Burundi. The other members were Hon Justice Florence Mumba, Judge of the Supreme Court of Zambia; Ms Rakiya A. Omaar, Director, African Rights; Mr Mohammed Kabir, Lawyer, Nigeria; and Mr Ahmed Maher El Sayed, former Foreign Minister of Egypt.

This AfricaFocus Bulletin sent out by e-mail is one of three posted today. Given the importance and complexity of the issues in Sudan, the AfricaFocus web site carries two bulletins with additional background analysis:

(1) Sudan: Between Peace and War

The pace of diplomacy on Sudan is increasing, with talks set to resume on Darfur and active engagement by the African Union, the United Nations, and the United States in efforts to move Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement forward as it approaches the last year of a projected 6-year interim period. But, says veteran Sudan analyst John Ashworth, in fact the agreement "is not Comprehensive, nor Peace, nor an Agreement. Its failure could ignite a new war even more deadly than the two previous conflicts in Southern Sudan.

For more go to: http://www.africafocus.org/docs09/sud0910b.php and

(2) Sudan: Policy Debates and Dilemmas

In the debate on international policies towards Sudan, the critique of the Save Darfur movement and the International Criminal Court for counterproductive "humanitarian fundamentalism" has been convincingly argued by such analysts as Alex de Waal and Mahmood Mamdani. Both the Obama administration and the "international community" seem to be gearing up to give diplomacy a serious chance, after recent years of alternating bluster and failure to put real pressure on the Sudanese government. But the unanswered question is whether even forceful and skillful diplomacy can overcome Khartoum's long-practiced strategies for delay and deception.

For more go to: http://www.africafocus.org/docs09/sud0910c.php

For previous AfricaFocus Bulletins on Sudan, see:
http://www.africafocus.org/country/sudan.php

End editor's note
*********************************************

Speech of the Chairperson of the AUPD, Thabo Mbeki, on Handing over the AUPD Report to the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Jean Ping

AU Headquarters,
Addis Ababa.
October 8, 2009.

Social Science Research Council, Making Sense of Darfur Blog

For full text see:
http://blogs.ssrc.org/darfur/2009/10/08/pres-mbekis-speech-on-handing-over-the-au-panel-report/

Contact for the panel is
Barney Afako,
Spokesperson, AUPD;
Tel: +27724740486
+27724740486,
+447917054523
+447917054523;
Email: barneyafako@yahoo.co.uk

Your Excellency, Mr Jean Ping, Chairperson of the AU Commission,
AU Commissioners,
Your Excellencies Ambassadors and members of the diplomatic corps,
Distinguished guests:

Following the decision taken by the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, at its 142nd meeting held at ministerial level, on 21 July 2008, and subsequently confirmed at the 12th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union held in Addis Ababa on 1-3 February 2009, you, Chairperson, appointed us to serve as members of the independent African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur.

The mandate you gave us required us to examine the situation in Darfur and submit recommendations on how best the issues of accountability and combating impunity, on the one hand, and reconciliation and healing, on the other, could be addressed effectively and comprehensively, within the context of the peaceful resolution of the conflict in Darfur.  As Your Excellency is aware, to begin its work, the Panel decided that it would have to engage in an extensive process of consultation with those who have the possibility to contribute to the solution of the conflict in Darfur.

As a consequence of this, the Panel was privileged to interact a number of times with the President and Vice Presidents of Sudan as well as other members of the Sudanese Government of National Unity. Similarly we interacted with many of the Sudanese political parties, including the biggest among these, as well as Sudanese civil society and specialised formations such as the lawyers' collectives. The Panel took great care that it spend as much time as possible in Darfur. In the end this resulted in four visits to the region, amounting to at least 40 days, and encompassing the three States of Darfur.

These visits to Darfur enabled the Panel to engage in extensive and repeated discussion with the Internally Displaced People, civil society, the Native Administration, the nomadic tribes, the armed opposition, the various State authorities and UNAMID. Necessarily the Panel did everything it could to engage the various Darfur armed opposition groups and therefore met their representatives in Darfur, Chad, Libya, Qatar and here in Ethiopia. Here I should also mention that during our visit to Chad, we also had occasion to interact with some of the Darfur refugees in that country.

We were also privileged to be received at high levels by the Governments of the Central African Republic, Chad, Egypt, Ethiopia, Libya and Qatar, all of which engaged the Panel in focused discussions on the various matters on our agenda. We were similarly privileged to be received by and interact with the leadership of the League of Arab States at its Headquarters in Cairo. We were also honoured to have the opportunity to engage the Special Envoys to Sudan of the Five Permanent Members of the United Nations Security Council and the European Union.

In this context I must also report that while we were in Ndjamena, we were fortunate to have the possibility to engage the Ambassadors of the P5 countries and the EU, as well as the African diplomatic corps in Chad. We also thought it proper that we should engage the African and international Non-Governmental Organisations which have undertaken advocacy work, focused on Darfur, and others, such as Justice Cassese, who led the UN team which investigated violations of human rights in Darfur. The Panel was pleased that it had the possibility to engage a number of these.

To complete this account, I must also mention that the Panel was honoured to interact with the leadership of UNAMID and the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and Consultation, the DDDC, UNMIS and MUNURCAT, as well as the Darfur Joint Chief Mediator, the Hon Djibril Bassol,, the Chief Prosecutor of the ICC, the Hon Luis Moreno-Ocampo, as well as the African Commission on Human and People's Rights and the UN Human Rights Council.

From everything I have said, it is clear that the work done by the AU High-Level Panel on Darfur constitutes the most extensive and inclusive process of consultation ever conducted to facilitate the resolution of the conflict in Darfur. In preparing its Report and Recommendations, the Panel has done its best to take into account the many views it received in Darfur, in Sudan generally, the Sudanese neighbourhood and from the rest of the international community. In this sense, we believe that these - the Report and the Recommendations - are much more than a sum of the reflections of the Panel. Rather, they represent a consensus view among many in Sudan and internationally, including the millions of Darfurians whose representatives we met.

In this regard I must also mention that the Panel also made a special effort to present its Draft Recommendations, which address its mandate, to as many of its interlocutors as possible. I am pleased to say that by and large these Recommendations were welcomed by the various constituencies we engaged. Arising from what I have said, the Panel takes the firm view that in everything it does to accelerate the resolution of the conflict in Darfur, the African Union should do its best to sustain an inclusive approach, drawing in the relevant constituencies in Darfur and Sudan, as well as the rest of the world, behind a common programme and vision.

We are convinced that this is possible, provided that those concerned are truly committed to the central objective of helping to accelerate the advance towards a just and lasting peace in Darfur, rather than other goals. We say this directly emanating from our experience. In the interactions with our interlocutors which preceded the consultations on the Recommendations, in essence we posed the same question to everybody. That question was - what should be done to accelerate the process towards the achievement of peace, justice and reconciliation in Darfur!

The first and vitally important observation we would like to make in this regard is that everybody in Darfur and Sudan as a whole, without exception, emphasised that everybody has to recognise and respect the fact that the resolution of the conflict in Darfur has to be brought about by the Sudanese people themselves, and cannot and should not be imposed from outside. Secondly, everybody inside and outside Sudan insisted that it was urgent that everything is done to achieve all three outcomes in Darfur - peace, justice and reconciliation. Accordingly, the point was underlined that the conflict in Darfur is political in nature and therefore requires a political solution. Consensus therefore exists that a military solution to the conflict is neither possible nor desirable.

When making the firm statement that there must be peace, that justice must be done and seen to be done, and that reconciliation should be achieved, our interlocutors also recognised the reality that the objectives of peace, justice and reconciliation in Darfur are interconnected, mutually dependent, equally desirable and cannot be achieved separate one from the other. The Panel fully agrees with this approach and is therefore firmly of the view that the negotiated agreement to end the conflict in Darfur must accordingly address the related issues of:

(a) peace,
(b) justice, accountability and impunity, and
(c) reconciliation and healing, as one integrated package.

Like the overwhelming majority of our interlocutors, the Panel is therefore firmly of the view that any attempt to present any of these issues as taking precedence over any other would be counter-productive, and would militate against the speedy achievement of the just and lasting peace for which the people of Darfur yearn. Again consonant with the view advanced by the overwhelming majority of our interlocutors, and relevant to the necessary negotiated Global Political Agreement, it will be critically important that the negotiations are facilitated by one Mediator to avoid forum-shopping. They should also be inclusive in character, to ensure that their outcome is supported by the people of Darfur and Sudan as a whole, the states neighbouring Sudan and the world community as a whole.

Necessarily, therefore, the African Union and the United Nations will have to ensure that they provide the Joint Chief Mediator with the necessary resources to enable him expeditiously to discharge his responsibility, which should include helping to resolve the various matters relating to the measures that should be put in place to ensure the inclusivity of the negotiations process. We must also make the point that everybody we spoke to in Darfur and Sudan was determined that any negotiated agreement arrived at would have to be implemented with the greatest determination, and therefore that the negotiators would have to agree on the ways and means to achieve this result.

As Your Excellency is aware, and as we have already said, the mandate of the Panel related to Darfur and to Darfur only. However, the reality is that Darfur is an integral part of Sudan. In addition, the people of Darfur have not expressed any demand for self-determination.

Accordingly, the conflict in Darfur cannot be resolved unless it is placed within the context of the evolution of Sudan as a whole. We must therefore confess, Your Excellency, that because of this concrete and unavoidable actuality, the Panel had no choice but to consider the wider Sudan setting as it relates to the resolution of the conflict in Darfur, precisely to ensure that it discharges its mission.

Repeatedly during our process of consultation, the Darfurians insisted that the Panel would fail in its mission if it did not identify and address what they called "the root cause of the crisis in Darfur". That root cause is the marginalisation and underdevelopment of Darfur as a result of policies and practices implemented throughout Sudan during both the colonial and post-colonial periods. This is represented as a gross imbalance between a strong centre and a marginalised periphery, which resulted in political power and wealth being concentrated in the centre, with the consequent negative consequences on the periphery.

Many in Darfur have argued that this was the fundamental reason for the armed rebellion which broke out in 2003, and therefore that any just and lasting solution of the conflict in Darfur must redress the imbalance between the historic Sudanese centre and periphery. It is in this context that the point was made to the Panel that what we would have to consider is the "Sudan crisis in Darfur", rather than what is inadequately described as "the crisis in Darfur". Fortunately, the reality of this root cause of the various violent conflicts that have plagued Sudan has been highlighted in various agreements negotiated to end these conflicts.

For instance the Machakos Protocol, which is part of the CPA, says that "historical injustices and inequalities in development between the different regions of the Sudan ... need to be redressed." The Declaration of Principles adopted to resolve the conflict in Eastern Sudan says that the "political, economic, social and cultural marginalisation (of the region) constitutes the core problem..." which had to be addressed. This Declaration goes on to say: "Unity with recognition of and respect for diversity, protection of the fundamental freedoms and rights of citizens, devolution of powers within a federal system, and equitable distribution of national wealth are essential foundations for a united, peaceful, just and prosperous Sudan."

This is also exactly what the people of Darfur say. Thus they expect that this outlook will find concrete expression in the negotiated Darfur Global Political Agreement. This speaks to the challenge that Sudan faces, to effect a fundamental process of social transformation which, as visualised in the CPA and other agreements, would result in a "united, peaceful, just and prosperous Sudan" on the basis of the reconstruction of Sudan driven by the objective to achieve:

unity in diversity;
democracy and respect for human rights;
power sharing; and,
wealth sharing.

It is self-evident that this is an enormous challenge which the Sudanese people as a whole will have to tackle together, and as single-mindedly as possible. The Panel is convinced that the African Union can and should support the Sudanese people as they work thus to reconstruct their country. More immediately, whatever the African Union does to end the conflict in Darfur, perhaps acting on the basis our Recommendations, it will have to take into account two particular and important processes relating to Sudan as a whole. These are the General Elections scheduled for April 2010 and the 2011 Southern Sudan Referendum.

Quite correctly, the people of Darfur insist that they have a right and duty freely to participate in any General Election that takes place in Sudan, as well as fully participate in any national discussion that takes place in the context of the agreed Referendum. The search for a solution to the conflict in Darfur must take these important views of the Darfurians into account. Your Excellency, earlier this year, on June 24, the Deputy Chairperson of the SPLM, Malik Agar Eyre participated in a discussion in Washington D.C., hosted by the US Institute of Peace. Among other things, he issued a grave warning that must be of serious concern to the AU and our Continent.

He said that the "reading" of the SPLM was that the process of the fragmentation of Sudan would not end with the separation of Southern Sudan, if this was the result of the 2011 Referendum. He warned that Sudan could be afflicted by a destructive process of further balkanisation, and thus sink into chaos and ungovernability, producing dangerous instability in the nine countries he pointed out share borders with Sudan. The Panel believes that the AU should take this warning seriously and act upon it. We are convinced that in the interest of Africa as a whole, the AU must place perhaps at the top of its agenda the very important issue of helping the Sudanese people successfully to manage the urgent challenges they face.

In addition, we mention this because it is of critical importance to the achievement of the aspiration shared by the people of Darfur that they remain part of a united Sudan. At the same June 24 Institute of Peace discussion to which we have referred, the US Special Envoy to Sudan, Maj Gen Scott Gration spoke of his hope for a peaceful and successful Sudan. He said he knows of situations in which:

"Yesterday's enemies are today's friends. The wars we fought yesterday - those lands are at peace. Humanitarian disaster areas are today stabilised communities. Negative attitudes become positive behaviour; frowns, smiles; clenched fists become hand shakes, and hate becomes forgiveness. It's possible ... I believe in a vision in which we will have a country that is politically stable, with a responsible government, physically secure, economically prosperous, at peace inside and at peace with its neighbours...That's what we are all hoping for - a future of hope and trust, a future of lasting peace."

Before I conclude, I would like most sincerely to thank and salute the esteemed members of the AU High-Level Panel on Darfur who applied themselves to our common project with unequalled diligence, dedication and wisdom.

[section continues with thanks to a wide variety of others who assisted in the deliberations of the panel.]

We trust that we have met our responsibilities to the people of Darfur, Sudan and Africa, and that our findings and recommendations provide a solid foundation from which to accelerate the advance towards peace, justice and reconciliation for all the people of Darfur and the Sudanese nation as a whole. In this regard, Your Excellency and friends, we share the powerful message of hope we cited earlier, as conveyed by President Obama's Special Envoy to Sudan, Maj Gen Scott Gration. We too are convinced that if the right things are done, Sudan faces a "future of hope and trust, a future of lasting peace."

We have the honour to submit and commend to Your Excellency our unanimous Report, entitled Darfur: The Quest for Peace, Justice and Reconciliation.

Thank you.
- - -

Click on AU Panel, AUPD labels here below to view related reports and updates.

The role of Arab tribes in Darfur - Small Arms Survey: “Beyond Janjaweed: Understanding the Militias of Darfur”

Many Arab tribes remained neutral during the escalation of the war in Darfur in 2003-04. In order to understand the rapidly evolving situation in Darfur, there is a need to better understand Arab communities.

Humanitarian organizations, for example, could do more to encourage the employment of representatives of local Arab tribes, who are currently under-represented among local staff. Moreover, international mediators should promote the inclusion of the concerns of Arab tribes in the Darfur peace process.

Source: swisspeace by David Lanz, September 15, 2009:
Sudan roundtable discusses the role of Arabs in Darfur

Role of Arabs in Darfur

On September 15 the biannual KOFF Sudan roundtable took place at swisspeace. The topic under discussion was the role of Arab tribes in Darfur.  The common narrative of the Darfur conflict describes Arab groups as perpetrators of a genocide spearheaded by the infamous Janjaweed militia and supported by the Sudanese government in Khartoum.   This narrative is problematic insofar as it brushes over the fact that many Arab tribes remained neutral during the escalation of the war in Darfur in 2003-04, and it also ignores the historic marginalization of Arab tribes in Darfur that made them vulnerable to government manipulation. Today, as the intensity of the Darfur conflict has diminished, some Arab militias have joined the rebellion, and an increasing number of intra-Arab clashes with considerable casualties are taking place in Darfur.

It was highlighted during the discussion that in order to understand the rapidly evolving situation in Darfur, there is a need to better understand Arab communities. A number of recommendations emerged in order to address the exclusion of Arab groups from international assistance and engagement in Darfur. Humanitarian organizations, for example, could do more to encourage the employment of representatives of local Arab tribes, who are currently under-represented among local staff. Moreover, international mediators should promote the inclusion of the concerns of Arab tribes in the Darfur peace process.

Sudan Platform

In order to consolidate the different activities of swisspeace on Sudan and to provide a more useful resource base for peacebuilding organizations in Sudan, swisspeace created the Sudan Platform. The Platform features a comprehensive compilation of books, articles, reports and news on Sudan as well as an updated list of Swiss actors in Sudan.

Links:

Sudan Platform www.swisspeace.ch/sudan

Since the Roundtable followed Chatham House Rule there are no references to specific organizations or speakers. http://www.gcsp.ch/e/about/CHRule.htm

Small Arms Survey:
“Beyond Janjaweed: Understanding the Militias of Darfur” http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/portal/spotlight/sudan/Sudan_pdf/SWP-17-Beyond-Janjaweed.pdf

Helping homeless children in Abyei area

Many homeless children are orphaned because of the war and some are as a result of hardships in the aftermath of the war.

The homeless children now living in the Abyei and Agok areas are estimated to be approximately 280.  

They spend their time begging and at night some of them are given shelter in the market of Abyei by the local police who have a post there. 

These children have no access to health care because they have to pay a fee to use the public health system, they do not go to school and there is no established social assistance in the area.

Source:  Sudan Journal blog (a police officer's nine months in Sudan) by Kirk da Silva, Friday, October 16, 2009 - RUN TO ASSIST HOMELESS CHILDREN IN ABYEI AREA:

Children as is usually the case in all conflicts make up a large cross section of the victims and that is no different here in Abyei. Many homeless children are orphaned because of the war and some are as a result of hardships in the aftermath of the war. The homeless children now living in the Abyei and Agok areas are estimated to be approximately 280. They spend there time begging and at night some of them are given shelter in the market of Abyei by the local police who have a post there. These children have no access to health care because they have to pay a fee to use the public health system, they do not go to school and there is no established social assistance in the area.

I would like to ask for your help in raising funds to assist the homeless children in Abyei Area. On December 1st 2009 I will run from Abyei to Agok, a distance of 34 kms and I am looking for sponsors to sponsor me per kilometer. The money collected will be placed in trust with the local catholic church in Abyei and with the Order of Mother St. Theresa an organization the has been in the area for approximately 8 years. (there are no banks in the town) and used to help set up a network of assistance for these children.

If anyone is interested in sponsoring/donating please let me know through my email address and I can put you on the list. For those of you who know where to find them, my wife and people at work in Orillia also have sponsor forms, FYI. Thank you in advance.

By the way, I have never run this far before, I do a bit a running and have been involved in track and field back in high school but just so everyone knows this is going to be quite the challenge for me. I am confident though that come 01Dec09 the first 34 kms I put on my new pair of running shoes will be in the red dust of Sudan. (I might be looking for a new pair of lungs after lol)

Operation Natural Fire 10: Oct. 16-25 joint military exercise in N. Uganda involving about 450 U.S. troops

Here is some news of operation Natural Fire 10, a joint military excercise in northern Uganda involving about 450 U.S. troops.

From Peter Eichstaedt's blog post 12 October 2009 'Boots on the ground':

"... There's an interesting article in The East African, written by Keven Kelley, about the joint military exercise in northern Uganda involving about 450 U.S. troops.

According to Kelley's article, total troops will be about 1,000, with Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi each sending 150 soldiers to join 450 US military personnel in Kitgum for the October 16-25 event.

Labeled as operation Natural Fire 10, it is reportedly the U.S.'s largest African exercise this year. While this is clearly an exercise loaded with significance, it is the not the first such military exercise. Such joint maneuvers began across Africa in 1998, hence the name Natural Fire 10 -- this being the tenth. ..."

Read full story at this blog's sister site Uganda Watch, Saturday, 17 October 2009: Operation Natural Fire 10: Oct. 16-25 joint military exercise in N. Uganda involving about 450 U.S. troops

NCP & SPLM agree to adopt requirement of 51% simple majority votes to declare S. Sudan an independent country or confirm unity in Jan 2011 referendum

The National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) agreed on Thursday after 10 months of heated negotiations to adopt a uniform requirement of 51% simple majority votes to declare Southern Sudan an independent country or confirm unity in the upcoming January 2011 referendum.

Government of Southern Sudan's VP Riek Machar told the press at Juba Airport upon his arrival from Khartoum on Friday that the NCP had also dropped its proposal of 90% to 2/3 (66%) of quorum required from all the registered voters in order to recognize the outcome of the referendum.

SPLM Deputy Chairman said that his delegation agreed southerners based in northern Sudan and abroad would be allowed to vote during the referendum.

Dr. Machar also said the NCP had proposed that all Southerners that reside in the north should automatically lose their citizenship in northern Sudan and be treated as foreigners if the referendum vote results to independence of the South.  The same fate would also apply to northerners that reside in the South.

He added the SPLM has refused to discuss in the referendum law the fate of southerners or northerners, saying the issue would also be discussed together with the other issues in the post-referendum dialogue.

Source:  Sudan Tribune - Peace partners reach breakthrough on South Sudan referendum - Saturday 17 October 2009 by James Gatdet Dak

October 16, 2009 (JUBA) — The partners in the 2005 peace deal between northern and southern Sudan have reached a breakthrough on the main outstanding issues in the draft law for the conduct of referendum in Southern Sudan.

The National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) agreed on Thursday after 10 months of heated negotiations to adopt a uniform requirement of 51% simple majority votes to declare Southern Sudan an independent country or confirm unity in the upcoming January 2011 referendum.

The co-chairs of the Joint Political Executive Committee of the two parties, Vice President of Sudan, Ali Osman Mohamed Taha and Government of Southern Sudan’s Vice President, Dr. Riek Machar Teny, are consulting with their respective leaderships before they could initial the agreement.

Dr. Machar told the press at Juba Airport upon his arrival from Khartoum on Friday that the NCP had also dropped its proposal of 90% to 2/3 (66%) of quorum required from all the registered voters in order to recognize the outcome of the referendum.

SPLM Deputy Chairman further said that his delegation agreed southerners based in northern Sudan and abroad would be allowed to vote during the referendum. The southern Sudan ruling party had rejected their participation in a first time.

Dr. Machar who chairs the component of the SPLM Political Executive Committee, charged with implementing the CPA, briefed the Government of Southern Sudan’s Council of Ministers on Friday about the agreement.

He said the bill also gives the referendum exercise a period of three days from the 9th to 11th January 2011.

He said they have also agreed that the exercise of the referendum can be repeated within sixty (60) days in case the first exercise fails to attain the 2/3 voters turnout.

In the agreement also included several other issues among which are the qualifications of voters and voting centers in addition to composition of the referendum commission.

There are also disputed post-referendum issues including discussions on what to do with the liabilities (debts), assets, waters, Joint Integrated Units (JIUs), oil (production, transport and export), currency and international agreements in case the South would vote for separation.

Dr. Machar also said the NCP had proposed that all Southerners that reside in the north should automatically lose their citizenship in northern Sudan and be treated as foreigners if the referendum vote results to independence of the South.

The same fate would also apply to northerners that reside in the South.

He added the SPLM has refused to discuss in the referendum law the fate of southerners or northerners, saying the issue would also be discussed together with the other issues in the post-referendum dialogue.

The SPLM’s position is that the referendum law should not be tied to the post-referendum issues, he said.

The two parties should not only discuss what would happen to the post-referendum issues if the South chooses independence, Machar explained, adding that they would also discuss how Sudan needs to look like incase the South would vote for unity.

Dr. Machar earlier explained that such a post-referendum united Sudan would need re-structuring of the Sudanese state itself, saying all these issues would be discussed outside the referendum bill.

A special committee of the Southern Sudan cabinet comprising of different political parties was formed to study the details of the draft bill on Saturday before it could be initialed by the two co-chairpersons, Dr. Machar and Ali Osman in their next week’s meeting on Monday.

The bill would then be presented to the national Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) before it goes to the national Council of Ministers and parliament for final endorsement by the current last session before the end of the year.

On the Abyei referendum, Machar added that the two parties have also presented their respective proposals on the composition of its commission.

He further added that the two parties are as well working on the bills for public consultations for Southern Blue Nile and Nuba Mountains.

The people of Southern Sudan shall vote in the 2011 referendum to choose between confirming the current unity of Sudan and creating an independent country.

The people of Abyei shall vote at the same time to either join the South or remain part of the North, while the people of Southern Blue Nile and Nuba Mountains shall have respective popular consultations to determine their future political and administrative status within the North.

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