Monday, April 27, 2009

ICC Haskanita: Targeting of peacekeepers is a war crime under article 82C1 of the Rome Statute

According to the ICC prosecution, militant groups frequently make the calculation that an attack against peacekeepers will prompt their withdrawal from the country – enabling them to target the civilian population, no longer under the watchful eye of the international community.

“We really hope to show very clearly to the perpetrators, ‘well, that’s not a calculation you can have any longer’,” the advisor to the prosecution said.

“When you attack peacekeepers, you attack indirectly the whole population. Those AU peacekeepers were there to protect the 2.5 million displaced in Darfur. Attacking the AU peacekeepers put in danger all of the civilians that were under their care.”

Sudan: Prosecutors hit back at rebel case criticism
By Amy Stillman/IWPR, London, 27 April 2009 (via Human Rights Tribune):
As International Criminal Court, ICC, judges prepare to consider a case brought against Sudanese rebel leaders, the prosecution has rejected claims that the case was opened in order to seem impartial in its approach to the conflict

Special advisor to the ICC prosecution BĂ©atrice Le Fraper du Hellen says the Office of the Prosecutor, OTP, would “strongly challenge” criticism that the case lacks the same level of gravity as others put before the court.

“As a judicial institution, we can only apply the criterion which is in the [ICC’s founding document, the Rome] Statute, and we can only follow the evidence,” Le Fraper du Hellen said. “For us [this case] ranks very high in the crimes committed since 2003 in Darfur.”

In November last year, ICC chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo requested that judges issue a summons for three Sudanese rebel commanders to appear before the court, accusing them of an attack against African Union, AU, peacekeepers in 2007.

Pre-Trial Chamber 1, which is handling the case, will decide on whether the accused rebel leaders should be issued with a summons or an arrest warrant, depending on their willingness to appear before the court.

A hearing on the case took place on April 21, and the prosecution expects ICC judges to make their decision in the coming weeks.

But Darfuris and Sudanese activists have questioned the motives of the prosecution in pursuing the case, which they say involves crimes less grave than the atrocities allegedly committed by Sudanese officials indicted by the ICC.

Many believe that the prosecution has targeted rebel leaders in order to appear impartial in the eyes of the international community and African governments.

“I think this is a tactical move by the prosecutor to show balance and put more pressure on the government and its backers [rather] than a serious case,” Ahmed Abuzaid, a journalist from the south Darfur regional capital of Nyala, said, expressing a widespread view.

At least twelve peacekeepers were killed, and eight others seriously wounded when up to 1,000 Sudanese rebels connected to the Justice and Equality Movement, JEM, allegedly attacked AU peacekeeping troops, known as AMIS, at the Haskanita military base in north Darfur.

The prosecution accuse the rebel commanders of war crimes, including violence to life, pillaging, and directing attacks against personnel, installations, material units or vehicles involved in a peacekeeping mission.

Hafiz Mohamed, head of the Sudan programme for Justice Africa, said, “There are many cases of this kind of attack, even more severe than the Haskanita one.

“I think he [the chief prosecutor] wants to show the world or public opinion, generally, especially inside Sudan, that he is also targeting government opponents, not only government officials.”

But the prosecution denies any political considerations in its decision-making.

“Equidistance between the parties is not a criterion under the [Rome] Statute,” Le Fraper du Hellen said. “That’s a political consideration, and the prosecutor of the ICC cannot follow this kind of consideration.

“Even if we did that, of course, the judges would never grant us an arrest warrant or summons to appear on this basis, so I don’t think people should be too worried about that.”

Mohamed told IWPR that while Justice Africa approved of the case, an indictment of Sudanese rebels “will not be welcomed” in Darfur. Many people will wonder why the ICC is “going after armed groups and not holding [Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir] responsible [for the crimes he is accused of by enforcing the court’s decision to arrest him]”.

The ICC issued an indictment against Bashir on March 4 for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Since the arrest warrant was issued, the president has defied the ruling and expelled at least 13 aid agencies from the country.

The ICC “has to do everything possible now to get him [Bashir] arrested without wasting time and efforts on other cases”, said Yasin Barra, a Darfuri refugee based in the Abunabak camp in eastern Chad.

Some NGOs have welcomed the prosecutor’s decision to bring a case against the rebel leaders, however, in the hope that it will prevent further attacks against peacekeepers.

“The scale and the magnitude of the atrocities don’t compare to those committed by government forces, but because these crimes could have serious effects on the ability of peacekeeping operations to carry out their work, they are serious crimes that should be prosecuted,” Sara Darehshori, senior counsel member of the Human Rights Watch International Justice Programme, said.

Mariana Pena, representative of the International Federation for Human Rights, FIDH, says that bringing the case against the rebels could be a significant deterrent against further attacks.

The case, she said, is also important for “showing the impartiality” of the ICC, as “from our point of view, it’s very good that he [the prosecutor] goes after all parties involved, because it’s not only about being impartial, but also about being perceived as impartial”.

The case was opened following mounting criticism against the ICC from African countries, which accused the court of failing to look at all sides of the conflict.

“A lot of African countries have said [the ICC] is just focused on the government side, but the rebels also committed crimes,” Ahmed Mohammedain, head of the Darfuri community organisation Darfur Call, said.

“The ICC is in a position that in order to divert the emphasis of criticism that is put on it, [it] is now trying to find some kind of balance.”

Lorraine Smith, from the International Bar Association based in The Hague, told IWPR that though the number of victims in the Haskanita attack was small, the case seemed to be designed “to send a much larger message” that the international community will not accept attacks against peacekeepers.

“But the timing and the fact that it is the first case of its kind before the ICC has raised questions in people’s minds,” she said.

While the intentional targeting of peacekeepers is considered a war crime under article 82C1 of the Rome Statute, to date, no similar cases have been brought before the court.

According to Smith, this is because so far the OTP appears to have used a “quantitative gravity assessment” when deciding whether to bring a case forward.

“In the past…they’ve taken [a] more quantitative assessment of gravity: the number of victims, scale of the violence, and that sort of thing,” she said.

In the case against the rebels, the OTP has focused on the impact of attacking a peacekeeping force rather than the scale of the atrocity.

“For us, gravity is not only the scale, the number of crimes, you have also to include what we would call ‘qualitative factors’, like the nature of the crime, the manner of commission, and the impact,” Le Fraper du Hellen said.

According to the ICC prosecution, militant groups frequently make the calculation that an attack against peacekeepers will prompt their withdrawal from the country – enabling them to target the civilian population, no longer under the watchful eye of the international community.

“We really hope to show very clearly to the perpetrators, ‘well, that’s not a calculation you can have any longer’,” the advisor to the prosecution said.

“When you attack peacekeepers, you attack indirectly the whole population. Those AU peacekeepers were there to protect the 2.5 million displaced in Darfur. Attacking the AU peacekeepers put in danger all of the civilians that were under their care.”

Some believe that deciding on the gravity issue has been stalling the judges’ decision. This comes after the prosecution’s request for the case to be expedited was refused on March 2 because, according to the public redacted statement released by the Pre-Chamber 1, “it raises a number of issues of particular complexity”.

"Gravity may well be one of the complex issues that the chamber is grappling with," Smith said, “but without public access to the confidential documents it is hard to say."

The OTP believes that the delay is related to resolving technical legal problems. IWPR understands that judges must be satisfied that peacekeepers involved are protected persons under the Rome Statute and that the AU base was not a legitimate military objective.

The prosecution has continually pushed for a speedy ruling on the case in order to take advantage of the accused rebel leaders’ apparent willingness to appear before the court.

Amy Stillman is an IWPR contributor in London. Tajeldin Abdhalla Adam, a regular IWPR contributor in Belgium, helped to compile this report.
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From Aegis Trust UK circulated on Google's newsreel Saturday, 18 April 2009:
Darfuri rebel commanders should give themselves up to ICC
20 Nov 08 - The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court is today seeking arrest warrants for three Darfuri rebel commanders for an attack on African Union peacekeepers in September 2007 in which 12 AU soldiers were killed. The ICC has not given the names of the commanders, or named the rebel groups in which they are involved.

It has, however, invited the commanders to give themselves up as an alternative to arrest, giving ‘all concerned commanders of rebel forces in Darfur ... the opportunity to express their willingness to voluntarily appear before the Court’, and stating that summons to appear could be issued instead of arrest warrants if such willingness is expressed.

The rebel commanders wanted by the ICC are suspected of planning and directing the attack on 29 September 2007 against the African Union Military Group Site at Haskanita, North Darfur. Twelve peacekeepers were killed, eight were severely wounded, and AU communications installations, dormitories and vehicles were destroyed. According to the ICC case summary, following the attack the wanted commanders personally took part in pillaging the camp, removing ‘approximately seventeen vehicles, as well as refrigerators, computers, cellular phones, military boots and uniforms, fuel, ammunition and money.’

The war crimes with which the three rebel commanders are charged include murder, intentionally directing attacks against personnel and objects involved in a peacekeeping mission, and pillaging.

“The Aegis Trust welcomes the ICC’s move to charge rebel commanders suspected of responsibility for the raid on Haskanita. This is not about moral equivalence - the rebels are not accused of conducting a genocidal campaign akin to the Government orchestrated atrocities. But attacks on aid workers and murder of peacekeepers cannot be tolerated,” says Aegis Chief Executive Dr James Smith. “We hope that by contrast with the refusal of the Sudanese Government to cooperate with the ICC, rebel commanders will take note of the opportunity offered by the Court and volunteer to appear before it to be held accountable for their actions.”
Four Darfur rebel leaders

Photo: From left to right: Secretary of external affairs at the Darfur United Resistance Front (URF) Tag Al-Din Bashir; Leader of Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) legacy faction Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur; Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) humanitarian coordinator Suleiman Jamous; Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) leader Khalil Ibrahim. Source: Sudan Watch March 04, 2009: Darfur rebels vow full ICC cooperation ahead of ruling on Bashir case
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From Sudan Tribune 11 March 2009:
ICC prosecutor press judges for ruling on rebel case by Wednesday
March 10, 2009 (WASHINGTON) — The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Luis Moreno-Ocampo submitted a new request to the judges of the Pre-Trial Chamber I last Friday asking them to decide on a case he submitted last November against three unidentified Darfur rebel figures.

The prosecutor’s application that was made public today came few days after the judges rejected his request to consider the evidence against the rebel commanders on an expedited basis.

At the time the Pre-Trial Chamber I said that they were preparing for their March 4th decision on the case against Sudanese president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir.

They also informed the prosecutor that “in light of the complexity of several aspects of the Prosecution Application” they will in the future refuse to take into account any request for expedited proceedings” or “decide in a manner detrimental to the fundamental rights of the persons for whom warrants of arrest or summonses to appear are requested”.

The ICC’s third case on Darfur, opened in late 2007, investigates a rebel attack on the Haskanita military base that left 10 African Union (AU) soldiers dead and one missing.

The counts against the rebel leaders in the case filed under seal included war crimes of violence to life, intentionally directing attacks against personnel, installations, material, units or vehicles involved in a peacekeeping mission and pillaging.

Ocampo appealed again for a quick ruling saying the composition of the Pre-Trial Chamber I may change after new judges are sworn in.

“The Prosecution notes that the decision on Omar Al Bashir was issued on 4 of March and that new Judges will be sworn in on 11 March 2009, and that this may have an impact on the current composition of the Pre-Trial Chambers of the Court including possibly PTC I” the filing read.

“The Prosecution is of the view that if PTC I were to be reconstituted before a decision on the Application is rendered, the new PTC will require substantial additional time to acquaint itself with the Situation”.

Furthermore the prosecutor said that “the complexity of some issues in the case, as already observed by PTC I…. a newly constituted PTC I may not be in a position to render a decision on the Prosecution’s Application within a short period of time”.

It is not clear why the prosecutor has been persistently pushing the judges for a verdict but it is likely related to chances of the suspects appearing voluntarily in court.

It is not uncommon for the prosecutor to ask judges for expedited consideration on his applications. Similar requests were made in other cases being handled by the court.

One example is the case against former vice president of Congo Jean Pierre Bemba where the prosecutor said that a quick decision was needed on his application as they have received intelligence that he plans to leave Belgium where he resided which posed risks that he could not be apprehended afterwards.

The judges granted the request enabling the ICC to nab Bemba in Belgium within two weeks of the prosecutor’s application.

Ocampo filed a request with the Chamber on 22nd and 24th December of last year asking for permission to notify the rebel commanders that they have been named as suspects in the application.

The prosecutor justified his request by saying that the notification will enable the rebel commanders to “appear before the Court at an appropriate time”. However the chamber denied the request.

On February 23rd Ocampo informed the judges that he has sent a mission to an undisclosed location “to conduct an interview under Article 55 of the Rome Statute”

Article 55 of the Rome Statute deals with the right of person during the investigation which could indicate that the individual interviewed is one of the suspects who informed the prosecutor of his willingness to turn himself in the event he is indicted.

Two days later the prosecutor filed his request for expedited consideration of the case and noted that it addressed the issue of visas for the suspects.

“In the course of its efforts to explore securing visas for [REDACTED,] it has become clear that a decision of the Court would facilitate the successful outcome of these visa procedures” the filing read.

“Taking into consideration the additional information provided and in the interest of judicial economy, the Prosecution respectfully requests the Chamber to render an expedited decision on the Prosecution’s Application before 11 March 2009”

At this stage the prosecutor appears to be leaning towards a summons rather than an arrest warrant for the rebel suspects.

The ICC prosecutor in his November 20th application left the door open for an issuing a summons to appear rather than an arrest warrant if the rebel commanders cooperate.

Ocampo told Agence France Presse (AFP) last year that “while the judges decide on the warrants, they [suspects] now have the chance to appear on their own accord. They know who they are”.

All major Darfur rebel movements have publicly announced that they will cooperate with the ICC even if asked to surrender themselves over in connection with the Haskanita attack.

Sudan refuses to recognize the jurisdiction of the ICC saying it has not ratified the treaty establishing the court. Currently there are three ICC arrest warrants pending for president Bashir, Ahmed Haroun, state minister for humanitarian affairs, and militia commander Ali Mohamed Ali Abdel-Rahman, also know as Ali Kushayb.

Khartoum has also said that they will not accept that any Sudanese citizens including rebels to be extradited to The Hague.
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From Sudan Tribune 03 March 2009:
ICC judges reject prosecutor’s request for expedited decision on Darfur rebel case
March 02, 2009 (WASHINGTON) — The judges of the Pre-Trial Chamber I at the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued a decision today rejecting the prosecutor’s request to consider on an expedited basis the case he submitted last November against the three unidentified rebel figures.

The ICC judges recalled a previously unannounced decision they made last December refusing to allow prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo to disclose names of the Darfur rebel commanders who have allegedly masterminded an attack on African Union (AU) peacekeepers in October 2007.

ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo’s third case on Darfur, opened in late 2007, investigates a rebel attack on the Haskanita military base that left 10 African Union (AU) soldiers dead and one missing.

The counts against the rebel leaders in the case filed under seal included war crimes of violence to life, intentionally directing attacks against personnel, installations, material, units or vehicles involved in a peacekeeping mission and pillaging.

Attacking peacekeepers constitutes a war crime under the Rome Statute which forms the basis of the ICC.

Last December the Pre-Trial Chamber I judges asked the prosecutor for “additional information and supporting materials” on the rebels case by January 26. Ocampo submitted his responses to the judges on January 16th and the 26th.

The redacted version of the judges’ decision today show that Ocampo filed a request with the Chamber on 22nd and 24th December of last year asking for permission to notify the rebel commanders that they have been named as suspects in the application.

The prosecutor justified his request by saying that the notification will enable the rebel commanders to “appear before the Court at an appropriate time”. However the chamber denied the request.

The judges also mentioned that last week the prosecutor asked the judges to issue a quick ruling on the rebels’ case as well as three secret requests.

Today’s decision makes frequent references to a separate case being reviewed by the Chamber against Sudanese president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir. It also mentions the February 3rd closed meeting held between the judges, the registrar, prosecutor and the Victims and Witnesses Unit (VWU).

The meeting was held to discuss aspects in relation to Bashir’s case according to court documents. There was no word on the specific issues tackled but judges revealed that in the session, Ocampo informed the judges of unspecified new events “and undertook to keep the Chamber informed of any developments in this regard”.

Furthermore the judges said that in reaching a decision on Ocampo’s request have considered “all issues raised by the Prosecution’s application for a warrant of arrest for Omar Al Bashir” after which they announced March 4th as decision date on Sudanese president’s case.

It is not clear why Al-Bashir’s case is mentioned in today’s decision though the prosecutor’s request suggests that the prosecutor wanted to begin the process of bringing the rebel commanders at court before March 4th as he believes that it may be more difficult to secure their appearance after that date.

The inference can be made considering the judges’ assertion today that “until the Chamber issues a decision on the Prosecution Application, States have no obligation, pursuant to either the Statute or the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1593, to grant a visa to any such individual for the purpose of travelling to the Hague to appear before this Chamber”.

The ICC prosecutor in his November 20th application left the door open for an issuing a summons to appear rather than an arrest warrant if the rebel commanders cooperate.

“Subject to the Pre-Trial Chamber’s determination, the Prosecution submits that a summons to appear could be an alternative pursued by the Court if the Court receives information as to the possible voluntary appearance of the individuals” the application reads.

Ocampo also told Agence France Presse (AFP) that “while the judges decide on the warrants, they [suspects] now have the chance to appear on their own accord. They know who they are”.

The Pre-Trial chamber brushed aside any prospects of a quick decision on the rebels’ case saying that a “particularly detailed analysis of the materials provided in the Prosecution Application and in the Prosecution’s Provision of Further Information is required”.

They also informed the prosecutor that “in light of the complexity of several aspects of the Prosecution Application” they will in the future refuse to take into account any request for expedited proceedings” or “decide in a manner detrimental to the fundamental rights of the persons for whom warrants of arrest or summonses to appear are requested”.

It is not uncommon for the prosecutor to ask judges for expedited consideration on his applications. Similar requests were made in other cases being handled by the court.

One example is the case against former vice president of Congo Jean Pierre Bemba where the prosecutor said that a quick decision was needed on his application as they have received intelligence that he plans to leave Belgium where he resided which posed risks that he could not be apprehended afterwards.

The judges granted the request enabling the ICC to nab Bemba in Belgium within two weeks of the prosecutor’s application.

Ocampo has in the past expressed confidence that his case against the rebel suspects would gain quick approval from the judges describing it as “straightforward”.

All major Darfur rebel movements have publicly announced that they will cooperate with the ICC even if asked to surrender themselves over in connection with the Haskanita attack.

Sudan refused to recognize the jurisdiction of the ICC saying it has not ratified the treaty establishing the court. Currently there are two ICC arrest warrants pending for Ahmed Haroun, state minister for humanitarian affairs, and militia commander Ali Mohamed Ali Abdel-Rahman, also know as Ali Kushayb.

Khartoum has also said that they will not accept that any Sudanese citizens including rebels to be extradited to The Hague.
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From Sudan Watch 20 November 2008: ICC's evidence against rebel commanders - 1,000 rebels attacked AMIS' Haskanita camp in N. Darfur on 29 Sep '07 murdering 12 peacekeepers, injuring 8
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Associated Press report via africanpress 14 November 2008:
Darfur rebels targeted by ICC prosecutor - murdering for power in the African Continent
THE HAGUE, Netherlands - The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court said Friday he will seek arrest warrants next week related to a deadly attack on African Union peacekeepers in Sudan’s Darfur region.

The case is the first by the world’s first permanent war crimes tribunal to target Darfur rebels, who are fighting government troops and the allied janjaweed militia of Arab nomads in a five-year conflict that has left up to 300,000 dead.

Luis Moreno-Ocampo said his third Sudan investigation is focused on attacks in the northern Darfur town of Haskanita.

He gave no further details during a speech Friday, but earlier said he was investigating a rebel attack on the Haskanita military base on Sept. 29, 2007, that left 10 African Union soldiers dead and one missing.

Richard Dicker of Human Rights Watch welcomed the announcement.

“We have not seen his application, but the significance must be the seriousness of killing … those who are mandated to protect civilians at risk,” Dicker told The Associated Press. API/Source AP
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What happened at Haskanita? (Part 1)

Photo: SUDAN, Haskanita: A burnt out armoured personnel carrier smoulders at the African Union Mission in the Sudan (AMIS) military group site (MGS) 30 September [2007]. The MGS came under sustained and heavy attack on the night of 29 September [2007] by unidentified armed militia who eventually overran the site destroying equipment and AU property and looting vehicles. Ten protection Force Personnel were killed in the attack, while another 8 were seriously injured and evacuated to El Fasher, the administrative capital North Darfur and the Sudanese capital Khartoum. As of the evening of 1 October [2007], 22 AMIS personnel were still missing following the attack which was condemned in the strongest terms by the international community. AMIS PHOTO / STUART PRICE/Sudan Watch September 24, 2008: ICC prosecutor to investigate Sudan's Darfur rebels crimes - What happened at Haskanita? (Part 1)

Attack at Haskinata, N Darfur, W Sudan

Attack on AMIS' Haskanita base, N. Darfur, W. Sudan 29 Sept 07

Photo: SUDAN, Haskanita: African Union Mission in the Sudan (AMIS) personnel place the bodies of dead colleagues into body bags 30 September 2007 at Haskanita military group site (MGS). AMIS PHOTO/STUART PRICE/Sudan Watch archives.

Darfur peacekeepers funeral

Photo: An African Union Mission in the Sudan (AMIS) peacekeeper stands in front of the coffins of his killed colleagues during a funeral ceremony at the Mission's forward headquarters in El Fasher, North Darfur province October 4, 2007. Seven Nigerian peacekeepers and three military observers from Mali, Senegal and Botswana were killed during an attack by rebel militia on their base in Haskanita during the night of 29 September 2007. Reuters/Stuart Price/AMIS/Handout/Sudan Watch 14 November 2008 ICC Prosecutor Ocampo seeks arrest warrants next week for rebels' attack on AU peacekeepers in Haskanita, S. Darfur, Sudan 29 Sep 2007 (Part 2)

Darfur peacekeepers funeral

Photo: The coffins of 7 Nigerian soldiers killed while on peacekeeping duty in Darfur are given military honors in a burial ceremony at Nigeria's main military cemetery in the capital Abuja, Friday, Oct. 5, 2007. Nigeria, the biggest troop contributor to African peacekeeping missions, suffered the heaviest losses when Darfur rebels overran an African Union post in North Darfur last weekend. (AP Photo/Sunday Alamba)

Murdered peacekeepers

Darfur peacekeepers funeral

Photo: In this photo made available by African Mission in Sudan (AMIS), AMIS personnel pay their last respects over a coffin of a peacekeeper during a funeral ceremony at the Mission's Forward Headquarters in El Fasher, Darfur, Sudan, on Thursday, Oct. 4, 2007. Rebel forces stormed a small African Union base in northern Darfur last week, killing 10 peacekeepers from the African Union mission. (AP Photo/AMIS PHOTO by STUART PRICE/Sudan Watch archives)

Darfur peacekeepers funeral

Photo: Soldiers and civilians participate in a Muslim prayer next to the coffins of three Muslim soldiers, at a burial ceremony for seven peacekeepers killed while on duty in Darfur, Friday, Oct. 5, 2007. (AP Photo/Sunday Alamba/Sudan Watcharchives)

Sudan Watch October 20, 2008: ICC prosecutor to indict Darfur rebels within weeks

UNAMID funeral ceremony in El Fasher July 12, 2008

Photo: Officers from Gambia serving with the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) lay the U.N. flag on a coffin before the funeral ceremony for seven slain peacekeepers in El Fasher July 12, 2008. The peacekeepers were killed in an ambush by Darfur militiamen while on a routine patrol in North Darfur on Tuesday, in the worst direct attack on UNAMID forces since they began work on December 31. REUTERS/Albany Associates/Stuart Price/Handout (SUDAN). FOR EDITORIAL USE ONLY. NOT FOR SALE FOR MARKETING OR ADVERTISING CAMPAIGNS.

UNAMID funeral ceremony in El Fasher July 12, 2008

Photo: Soldiers from Gambia serving with the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) stand near the coffins of seven slain peacekeepers before the funeral ceremony in El Fasher July 12, 2008. The peacekeepers were killed in an ambush by Darfur militiamen while on a routine patrol in North Darfur on Tuesday, in the worst direct attack on UNAMID forces since they began work on December 31. REUTERS/Albany Associates/Stuart Price/Handout (SUDAN). FOR EDITORIAL USE ONLY. NOT FOR SALE FOR MARKETING OR ADVERTISING CAMPAIGNS/Sudan Watch archives)

UNAMID funeral ceremony in El Fasher July 12, 2008

Rwanda soldier coffin returns 16 July 2008

Photo: Bodies of Rwandan soldiers, who were serving with the joint United Nations-African Union peacekeeping force in Sudan's Darfur region, return home, 16 Jul 2008. (T. Rippe/VOA)
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From Making Sense of Darfur, 11 October 2007:
Accounting for Haskanita
By Julie Flint
Two questions about the original posting about the attack on the AMIS base in Haskanita:

1. The attackers have been “clearly identified” as rebels. Clearly identified by whom? And what makes the identification “clear” ? I very much doubt that AMIS personnel in Haskanita had much interaction with the mass of rebels in Haskanita, and the evidence I have seen suggests that no rebel leaders participated in the attack. As one investigator says, those who did were “some way down the food chain”.

The little I know, from afar, suggests that the identity of the individuals who attacked the base is still unclear, although the presumption that they were rebels is the most likely one. Khalil Ibrahim of JEM was, I think, the first to name names - to the BBC’s Arabic service - but Khalil has an axe to grind: SLA Unity had refused to work with him when the JEM leadership split, preferring cooperation with the rival faction led by Bahr Abu Garda and Abdalla Banda. To begin to understand what happened at Haskanita, and why, we need to know exactly who led/participated in this attack. The UN is investigating reports that government soldiers and Rizegiat militia were seen selling AMIS belongings in el Deain market over the weekend.
There is much about what happened at Haskanita, and why, that is unclear.

2. The attack was “clearly planned and premeditated” . I think evidence is needed to support this statement. I personally do not have it. One of those inside the base during the attack has said that the men who attacked the base were “very drunk” . They “ransacked and looted EVERYTHING”¦ They took all the food, fuel, vehicles, ransacked the clinic.” This does not suggest a “clearly planned” attack. It suggests a drunken rampage.

On the morning of the attack on the base, Suleiman Jamous, recently released from detention in Kadugli and still in Chad, was informed that there was a rising tide of anger among rebels in Haskanita - especially within the rank and file. They were incensed that AMIS had not spoken out publicly about the aerial bombardment of the area over the past several weeks. Furthermore, they believed the AMIS base in Haskanita was being used as a “ground station” for directing aerial bombardment.
 They had intercepted, on FM radio, conversations between Antonovs and a man on the ground speaking Sudanese Arabic. (Anyone who doubts this is possible should revisit the Philip Cox’s 2004 film on Darfur, which has a recording of just such a conversation.) The speaker on the ground allegedly gave details of rebel positions and asked for aerial bombardment of one of them. Since Haskanita was under rebel control, the rebels’ presumption, according to this account, was that the man on the ground was inside the AMIS base - presumably the government representative in the base. (Abdel Aziz, the rebel representative, was expelled last year when the AU ejected all non-signatories. He tried to claim allegiance to Minawi’s signatory faction in order to maintain a rebel presence in the base, but was rumbled.) This anger suggests a possible motive, depending on who carried out the attack almost 12 hours later, but not necessarily planning. I am not sure how much “planning” an attack like this would require. I doubt that whoever attacked the base expected resistance (if they were sober enough even to contemplate it). In the event, with one or two notable exceptions, the Nigerians in the base put up no fight.
It goes without saying that nothing justifies the attack. But its context is not irrelevant.

One thing I agree with: “The AU and its role need to be assessed objectively.” If they are not, where AMIS has gone, UNAMID is doomed to follow. I believe the demonization of the AU, about which I agree with Alex, may have instilled a belief, in all parties, that AMIS was fair game. But there is much about AMIS’s relationship with the Sudan government that requires “objective” assessment. Who is going to do it?

A final question. Alex says several people have challenged him. Why are they not challenging in this public forum? Alex has made in public the case for the prosecution. Are others not willing to make their own case equally publicly?

Responses to “Accounting for Haskanita”
Alex de Waal:
October 12, 2007
No-one has researched Darfur’s war with greater rigor, diligence and impartiality than Julie Flint. I have complete confidence that she is ahead of everyone else, including the UN and AU’s investigation teams, in getting to the bottom of what happened in Haskanita on that tragic night.

I wrote that the attack was mounted by the rebels because that is what the AU reported, based on what its soldiers witnessed. I wrote that it was planned because any offensive military action requires planning, even of a rudimentary and last-minute kind. (I make no claim that it was long-planned or strategically calculated.) Furthermore, the efforts of at least one SLA leader to prevent the attack shows that at least some of the rebels had shown their intent in advance. How events subsequently unfolded was controlled by no-one and the looting that followed the second attack was, by most accounts, a free-for-all.
I wrote the posting in anger, at the double standards of the international community, including the AU’s own fatalism. The level of outrage was—to put it diplomatically—modest. The main point emphasized by both African and UN diplomats in the following days was that the AU remained committed to sustaining its presence in Darfur and its role in the peace talks. That was a fair point, as far as it went. But it is hard not to detect an impatience to put the Haskanita incident in the past, as a mere inconvenience, and get on with whatever plans had already been laid. Even the proposal of suspending the participation in peace talks of whoever was found to be the culprit was only pushed in a half-hearted manner. It is a response that leaves AMIS as vulnerable as ever. Is this all the value attached to the lives of African peacekeepers? Imagine the reaction if ten NATO troops (or, for that matter, European and American aid workers) had been murdered.

I was angry too because it seems that "we" (the international community) have come to require lower moral standards of liberation fighters and rebels than we do of governments, especially governments with a sorry record of human rights abuses.
 There is a long history of activists and journalists making excuses for the violations committed by freedom fighters, both during the struggle and when they are in government. This applies not just to Sudan but to many other countries such as Ethiopia, Rwanda and South Africa. The leaders of resistance wars become our friends and we stand in solidarity with their political causes. When they go astray our first instinct is to seek mitigating circumstances and to give the benefit of the doubt. I have been as guilty of this as anyone. But surely we should hold the leaders of liberation movements to HIGHER moral standards than the oppressive governments against which they fight. Explaining away their faults is, surely, a damaging condescension. Darfur’s armed movements have been indulged in this way—and not to their advantage. We would not give an iota of such indulgence to the Sudanese army or Janjawiid.

The UN-AU Haskanita investigation is due to report before the scheduled opening of the peace talks in Libya in two weeks’ time. Let us hope it identifies the culprits. Based on what is emerging, some criminalized junior elements of SLA and/or JEM were probably responsible, and more senior commanders will not be directly implicated. But the leaders of a liberation struggle also bear an irreducible responsibility to ensure that the troops that fight under their banner operate under strict discipline and moral code. Haskanita was a crime committed by a few, but the way in which a struggle under the slogans of liberation and justice is descending into banditry, at a significant margin, is a moral comedown for the entire leadership.
Julie has made greater effort to document the abuses of rebels, and to examine the sufferings of Darfur’s Arabs, than any other English language journalist. Her analysis of the local context of the attack, and especially the way in which AMIS has lost the respect of many Darfurians, is apposite. But there is another context that should be kept in focus: the value we place on the lives of African peacekeepers and the moral standards to which we hold liberation fighters.

Julie Flint:
October 14, 2007

Alex says "the UN-AU Haskanita investigation is due to report before the scheduled opening of the peace talks in Libya in two weeks’ time. Let us hope it identifies the culprits." It can, and must, identify the culprits. But it must do more: it must investigate the alleged use and abuse of the AMIS base by the Sudan government. To investigate the rebels without investigating their allegations would, without a shadow of doubt, make things worse - not better.

Alex also says the rebels have been indulged. Yes, and no. Since the DPA was signed in May last year, there has been a growing (and very belated) chorus of criticism of the rebels. Trouble, is, the lion’s share of the abuses for which the "rebels" have been blamed have not been committed by rebels - they have been committed by the former rebels of Minni Minawi, who now sits in government in Khartoum. These abuses range from torture and murder to rape and theft. In much of North Darfur, by contrast, the behaviour of the non-signatory rebels has been vastly improved since the signing of the DPA. This has not been commented on - far less rewarded, or epxloited - by those who have chosen to add rebel abuses to their public discourse, and who have often come dangerously close to equating rebel abuses with the government’s. This is abhorrent, even after Haskanita. The life of a Darfurian is no less valuable than the life of a peacekeeper, African or non-African, and the regime has killed ten thousand times ten Darfurians, and then some. Can anyone remember an instance when ten dead Darfurians have been newsworthy? - excluding, of course, the bloody wickedness in Greida, which was carried out by Minnists and blamed, most frequently, on "rebels".

While the "rebels" have been blamed for ex-rebels’ abuses, Minawi and his men have continued to be the international community’s partner in peace. Minawi has met a stream of international dignitaries and worthies in his capacity as Senior Assistant to President Bashir, making pious pronouncements about the importance of implementing the DPA and punishing those responsible for Haskanita while his own men have been getting away with murder.

Not least among those who have indulged the rebels - past and present - is the African Union itself. Who killed the five Senegalese peacekeepers on April 1 this year? I understand that it was Minawi’s men under his longtime Chief of Staff, Juma Mohammed Hagar. Where is the investigation into this report? Who pulled the triggers? What was the degree of command and control? (More, I suspect, than in Haskanita.) How has the "faction" responsible been held to account? Or is there one standard for Minawi and another for non-signatories? The question is rhetorical. There is and this must end.

In August last year, two Rwandan peacekeepers were killed while escorting a fuel convoy. Who killed them? I have asked the African Union and others, repeatedly, and have not had a response. The Meidop commander Suleiman Marajan was initially blamed, at least in private communications. If it was not him, and I do not believe that it was, who was it? If it was him, why was he invited to Arusha recently? The AU said at the time that the leaders of the groups responsible for the "despicable" attack would be held personally accountable. If they have been, I have missed it. If they have not been, the AU itself has encouraged impunity. Which is it?

There was a crime. There are criminals. Identify them, because they can be identified. Hold them to account, publicly. Or expect more of the same.

Alex says we develop a cozy relationship with our "friends" in resistance wars. We do. I have a "friend" who is said to have been involved in the attack on Haskanita. I find it hard to believe he was, and I do not want to believe he was. He does not drink and in recent months has spent much of his time quietly putting our small fires that can easily develop into infernos - a stolen car here, a poke at a rival "faction" there. I doubt the international community knew his name until it cropped up in the context of Haskanita. If he is guilty of involvement in any way, by commission or omission, he must take what is coming to him. But so must those who killed the Senegalese and Rwandans.

The AU stepped up to the plate in Darfur when no-one else did. Its performance has been patchy and very often very imperfect. But the eagerness, almost the glee, with which it has been condemned - especially by those who would probably have difficulty finding Darfur on a map - has been disgraceful (to borrow an adjective often thrown at the AU itself). I very much fear that UNAMID will make things worse. The AU peacekeepers who have died in Darfur demand justice. So can the AU please tell me who murdered its Senegalese peacekeepers? And its Rwandans? What has become of the killers and, more importantly, their masters? Am I wrong in thinking that one has an office in the presidential palace in Khartoum and another will be invited to the Libyan talks? I think not.

Sudan census committee: Sudan population is 39.15m

Earlier this month the Al-Sahafa independent newspaper quoting “reliable sources” said that the population of Khartoum topped 5 million; Darfur 7.5 million and South Sudan 8.2 million.

Article from Sudan Tribune 27 April 2009:
Sudan census committee say population is at 39 million
April 26, 2009 (KHARTOUM) — Sudan’s census bureau endorsed the technical report of the fifth census conducted last year before submitting to the presidency for final sign off.

Sudan’s 5th Population and Housing Census

Photo: A Sudanese girl holds the guide of Sudan’s 5th Population and Housing Census outside her home in the Sudanese capital Khartoum on April 22, 2008 (AFP)

The Sudanese minister for presidential affairs Bakri Hassan Saleh told official news agency (SUNA) that the results show the population at 39.15 million.

However he did not provide the breakdown by region which is the most sensitive aspect of the census process as it will determine the wealth and power sharing formula.

Earlier this month the Al-Sahafa independent newspaper quoting “reliable sources” said that the population of Khartoum topped 5 million; Darfur 7.5 million and South Sudan 8.2 million.

Furthermore, the number of displaced Southerners in North Sudan has been reported as 500,000 which has been deemed as understated by Southern officials according to the report.

Sudanese census officials expressed satisfaction that the process conducted conforms to the international standards in terms of coverage and impartiality.

The South Sudan officials have warned that they will not accept results reflecting its populations as being less than the third of the country or 11-13 million according to some other officials.

The SPLM Secretary General Pagan Amum suggested that the South will boycott the upcoming 2010 elections if they decide that the census outcome is unacceptable.

The fifth Sudan Population and Housing Census, a milestone in the implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was conducted from 22nd to 30th April 2008. It was the first all inclusive census for people of southern Sudan since the country’s independence in January 1956.
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From Sudan Radio Service 27 April 2009:
27 April 2009 - (Juba) - The population of Sudan is estimated at 39 million.

That’s according to the technical working group that submitted the result to the National Population Census Council on Sunday. The National Population Council is now expected to submit the report to the presidency for approval.

Isaiah Chol is the chairman of the South Sudan Census Commission.

[Isaiah Chol]: “The population census council at the national level met yesterday and discussed the result that was submitted by the technical working group and the council endorsed the result. So this figure, the 39.1 million is what the chairman gave and that is what is in the recommendation. The results are not announced in detail, it is a general figure that was given so we can’t get into details at this stage. Because the result have to be submitted to the presidency and it’s only after that, that a public announcement will be made after the presidency has approved it.”

The chairman said some issues raised in the meeting were the population of southern Sudanese in the 15 northern states which he said was lower than expected.

[Isaiah Chol]: “We had three concerns. The first concern was about the population of southerners in the 15 states of the north. In our own thinking we thought the number was lower than what we expected. But the result is below what we expected, that is the area of our concern. Two, the population of Darfur region not Darfur state, the Darfur region, which is made up of three states. We also think that the figures that have been given are higher than what was expected, given the fact that there have been conflicts, violence, and war which might have caused displacement and so forth. The third area of concern is the number of nomads in the north; we thought also the number was higher than what we were expecting. Those are our observations which we made before the technical group submitted its results to the population census council yesterday and they were discussed and taken again as concerns from our side.”

The technical working group is an independent body made up of representatives from implementation agencies such as donors, the United Nations and other international organizations.

The result of the census is important because it will help determine the number of people who will be eligible to vote in the forthcoming general elections which are scheduled to take place in February next year.


See Sudan Watch November 29, 2004: Darfur population figures: 6 million, 6.5 million, or 6-7 million

Note to self: The resident population of the UK was 60,975,000 in mid-2007. Sudan is the largest country in Africa.
- - -

Update from Sudan Radio Service, 22 May 2009: re Sudan Radio Service's report 21 May 2009 (Khartoum) - The total population of Sudan is 39,154,490, according to the head of the Central Bureau of Statistics, Yassin al-Haj Abdin, who announced the official results of the fifth national census in Khartoum on Thursday.

CORRECTION: For ‘official’ please read ‘unofficial’…

Saturday, April 25, 2009

Sudanese envoys in Paris meeting with Kouchner and Malloch-Brown

Beshir arrest warrant threaten Sudan peace: envoys
April 23, 2009 AFP report from Paris - excerpt:
Sudanese envoys urged the West Thursday to forget about the war crimes arrest warrant issued against their president and said Khartoum wanted to normalise ties with the international community.

"If we can't have cooperative and friendly bilateral ties, that will have an effect on the Darfur question and the peace deal with the South," Nafie Ali Nafie, a senior adviser to President Omar al-Beshir, warned in Paris.

Nafie and fellow senior Beshir aide Othman Ishmael have spent three days in Paris meeting diplomatic officials, including French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner and Britain's junior foreign minister Mark Malloch Brown.

French officials said they told them that Sudan must cooperate with the ICC arrest warrant and lift an ban on international aid workers in Darfur.

Beshir's envoys told reporters Sudan hoped to normalise its relations with Western capitals, but they did nothing to moderate Beshir's harsh language and dismissed the ICC arrest warrant as dangerous and impractical.
From Sudan Tribune 23 April 2009:
Sudan, France & UK conclude talks without agreement
April 22, 2009 (PARIS) — The Sudanese delegation ended their talks last night with French and British officials in Paris with neither sides appearing to reach common grounds on issues discussed.

Khartoum dispatched a high level delegation to the French capital consisting of presidential assistant Nafi Nafi, presidential adviser Mustafa Ismail and Abdel-Baset Sanoosi chief of bilateral relations at the Sudanese foreign ministry.

The French side was represented by foreign minister Bernard Kouchner and British side by Mark Malloch-Brown, Foreign Office Minister for Africa.

The deputy spokesperson of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs Frederic Desagneaux said that the meetings “covered all the issues concerning the Sudan, whether in the humanitarian situation, security, stability or the dynamics of peace”

Desagneaux said that the French and British delegations expressed their “grave concern” at the implications of Sudan’s decision to expel more than a dozen aid agencies from Darfur.

On the arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Sudanese officials, the French and British delegations “reiterated their commitment to international criminal justice and cooperation with the ICC”, the French diplomat said.

Sudanese presidential assistant Nafi Nafi speaking to Radio Monte Carlo Arabic service called on France to focus on enhancing bilateral ties so that other issues can be discussed.

“The focus this visit is to talk about bilateral ties. We gave the French our views on issues that prevent the normalization of ties and fruitful cooperation. We don’t see that our dialogue on Darfur or the peace agreement or even the ICC can lead to positive contribution in these same items without discussing the bilateral issues clearly” Nafi said.

The Sudanese official reiterated his government position of refusing to deal with the ICC saying it is a “political tool used against African leaders who are viewed to be uncooperative with Western programs in Africa”.

“The French position supporting to the ICC is an obstacle to peace in Sudan and peace in Darfur with negative implications on all issues in Sudanese [political] arena” he added.

Sudan has held several talks with French officials over the last few months seeking to reach agreement on border tensions with Chad, ICC row and the status of Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur the chairman of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM).

Al-Nur has rejected engaging in peace talks before security is achieved on the ground in Darfur through full deployment of peacekeepers with a mandate to protect civilians.

Sudan wants France to expel Al-Nur from its territory but it appears unlikely that this will happen anytime soon.

Suleiman Jamous has left SLA-Unity and joined JEM

Veteran rebel Suleiman Jamous, who earlier this month had left the SLA-Unity faction and joined JEM, was appointed Secretary of Humanitarian Affairs.

Sudan JEM rebels reshuffle to include new groups
Sat Apr 25, 2009 KHARTOUM (Reuters) - excerpt:
A major Darfur rebel group said on Friday it has reshuffled some of its top political and military positions to include a number of smaller groups that had joined it in the last few months.

Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) member Suleiman Sandal said almost 50 percent of the executive posts had gone to newly joined members.

"We have issued these decrees because there are about 15 groups that have joined JEM since January, which means that JEM has to absorb all these groups," he told Reuters via satellite phone from Darfur, in western Sudan.

"There have been big and wide changes in the military and political leaderships as well as in the advisers," he said.

Earlier this month Sandal said 22 political and military leaders from a rival faction had joined JEM's ranks, but a leader of the faction denied any senior figures had defected and said it was just a small number of minor defections.

Veteran rebel Suleiman Jamous, who earlier this month had left the SLA-Unity faction and joined JEM, was appointed Secretary of Humanitarian Affairs. Another rebel, Mansour Younis, was appointed Secretary of Presidential Affairs.

Sandal himself, a senior commander, has been reassigned as Secretary of Security and Intelligence.

JEM was the only Darfur rebel group invited to February's peace talks with the Sudanese government in Doha, but has said it will not attend more talks until expelled aid groups are allowed to return to Darfur and prisoners are freed. [...].

Friday, April 24, 2009

South Sudan Peace Commission to resolve fighting between Murle and Lou-Nuer in Akobo county, Jonglei state

On April 22, 2009 the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Sudan (UNMIS) expressed its deep concern over renewed tribal clashes in the country’s southern Jonglei State, where dozens of people reportedly lost their lives over the weekend, with many others injured or forced to flee.

Source: UN News Centre 22 April 2009 - UN mission voices concern over renewed tribal violence in southern Sudan
- - -

News report from Sudan Radio Service 24 April 2009 (Juba):
The South Sudan Peace Commission has formed two committees to resolve inter-tribal fighting between Murle and Lou-Nuer in Akobo county, Jonglei state.

The director of communication and public relations at the peace commission, Gaitano Victor, said the committees are made up of equal number of members of the two communities.

The ceasefire committee and the organizing committee are both composed of ten members.

The ceasefire committee is tasked with making sure the fighting ceases and with establishing the root causes of the conflict while the organizing committee will collect the findings and organize a peace and reconciliation conference for the two communities.

The ceasefire committee is expected to travel to Jonglei early next week to start its work in Bor, Pibor, and Nyirol counties.

A team from the United Nations Mission in Sudan is already on the ground to asses the security and humanitarian requirements in the area.

JEM threatens to overthrow Sudan's Government of National Unity - Five Darfur rebel delegations arrive in Qatar

From Sudan Radio Service 24 April 2009 - (Darfur):
The Darfur anti-government Justice and Equality Movement has threatened to overthrow the Government of National Unity.

Responding to the death sentence verdicts issued against 71 JEM members by GONU, a senior JEM official, Ahmed Mohamed Togud, told Sudan Radio Service on Thursday from an unidentified location in Darfur, that trying their detainees in Khartoum, was a violation of the international treaties, since they are prisoners of war.

Ahmed said that GONU has violated all the provisions of the goodwill agreement they signed in Doha last February.

[Ahmed Togud]: ”The death sentences, which have been issued by the regime's courts, are oppressive decisions which do not follow the international treaties. It is an attempt to pressurize JEM to surrender, because the government has no other way to pressurize JEM except by these dramatic trials. So the only choice remaining for us is to overthrow this government by force.”

Ahmed, who is also the head of the JEM negotiation team in Qatar, said that JEM will not be involved in any further peace talks with GONU.

[Ahmed Togud]: “It is not true that we are going to negotiate with the government in Doha, JEM has suspended the talks. According to the agreement, GONU was supposed to release prisoners of war, hostages, and political detainees. Now the government is trying the prisoners of war, which is a clear violation to the goodwill agreement. That reflects that GONU is not serious about realizing peace by negotiations.”

The goodwill agreement signed between JEM and GONU in Doha stipulates that prisoners of war and political detainees from both sides should be released. It also states that GONU should facilitate the work of aid organizations to deliver food and humanitarian assistance to IDPs in Darfur.
- - -

From Sudan Tribune Friday 24 April 2009:
Five Darfur rebel delegations arrive in Qatar
April 23, 2009 (DOHA) —Delegations from five rebel groups arrived at the Arab Gulf state of Qatar to discuss joining a stalled peace process that started last month with Justice and Equality Movement (JEM).

The Qatari based Al-Raya newspaper said the group will hold consultations with officials in Doha and Joint UN-AU mediator to reach common grounds on the Darfur peace process.

The rebels that flew to Qatar signed an agreement last month in Libya to take part in the Doha peace process with one delegation.

The signatories of the common ground deal are: the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) – Unity, SLM led by Khamis Abdullah Abakr, the United Resistance Front (URF), the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) Idriss Azrag faction, and the SLM- Juba faction.

The SLM Unity leading figure Sayed Sharif Jar El-Nabi told the newspaper that they are seeking clarifications from Qatari officials about the negotiations and outstanding issues in Darfur and the quest for solving the conflict “in its entirety”.

“The next stage is one of solution, peace and dialogue” he said.

However the SLM-Unity official stressed that they will not join the talks until aid groups expelled by Khartoum last month are allowed to return.

Darfur JEM suspended its participation in the Doha peace process, one month after signing a goodwill agreement with the Sudanese government in the Qatari capital in retaliation to the ejection of relief groups.

Sudan accused the groups of collaborating with the International Criminal Court (ICC) which has issued an arrest warrant for president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir.

Qatar pushed JEM to drop the link between the Sudan’s decision and resumption of peace talks.

Jar El-Nabi dismissed JEM talk about certain groups that should be allowed to take part in negotiations based on their size on the ground.

“JEM does not have the real criteria to know who is bigger and smaller and we are talking about a cause here not who is big and small…..JEM’s position is unacceptable” he added.

Last year Darfur JEM staged a bold attack and fought fierce battles with the Sudanese army on the outskirts of the capital before they were repulsed.

However in February both JEM and Khartoum signed a goodwill agreement in the Qatari capital, pledging to negotiate a peaceful settlement to the six-year conflict in the western Sudan region of Darfur but a date for the full blown talks has not been fixed yet. (ST)

UFR threatens war to overthow Chad's government - UN mission in Chad needs boosting

RFC/UFR's Chadian leader Timan Erdimi sits in Darfur, W. Sudan plotting war against his Uncle, Chadian President Idriss Deby.

Chadian rebels are using El Geneina in Darfur as their back-base, as they await an opportune moment to launch another strike on Ndjamena, about 1,000 kilometres away.

"Almost 95%" of Chadian rebels are in Sudan, says General Balla Keita who heads the joint UN-African peacekeeping force Unamid in West Darfur.

Chadian rebel chief of Rally of Forces for Change (RFC), Timan Erdim, was elected in January to head the Union of Forces of the Resistance (UFR) - an alliance of Chad's main eight rebel groups who merged into one movement with a single political and military command. Timan Erdimi is a nephew of Chadian President Idriss Deby and his former chief of staff until 1996.

"When everything is ready we will launch the war," Erdimi says, near El Geneina in Darfur, W. Sudan.

Erdimi's plans, once he topples Deby's regime, "is not democracy," he says. His priority is to develop government institutions.

Erdimi insists that his men have no links to the Sudanese army and do not need Khartoum's blessings to attack Ndjamena.

"We are not back-up troops for the Sudanese army," he says.

On Tuesday Chadian rebels claimed they had killed about 15 soldiers in a battle near Birak in east Chad over the weekend, but a government official denied there had been any such clash.

The UN mission in Chad and the Central African Republic needs urgent reinforcement because it lacks staff and equipment as it seeks to protect civilians, a senior UN official said today (Friday, 24 April 2009).

Source: see the following reports.

Timan Erdimi

Photo: Timan Erdimi leader de l’UFR: lire son interview accordĂ©e en arabe (Source: www.tribunecoum.com fĂ©vrier 19, 2009 and Slide Show)

AFP report April 24, 2009 via news24.com (SA):
Rebels ready to overthrow Deby
Sudan - Chadian rebel chief Timan Erdimi sits in the shade of a mango tree near a dried-up wadi in western Sudan, charting out a strategy to topple the government in neighbouring Chad.

"When everything is ready we will launch the war," Erdimi says, near El Geneina, a wild and lawless territory in Darfur close to the border with Chad populated by UN peacekeepers, Sudanese army troops and local militias.

Sitting cross-legged, coiffed in a turban and sporting a salt-and-pepper goatee, Erdimi would look like a Chinese wise man were it not for the military fatigues he dons and the armed fighters who surround him.

He was elected in January to head the Union of Forces of the Resistance (UFR) - an alliance of Chad's main eight rebel groups who merged into one movement with a single political and military command.

The alliance came into being months after rebel groups launched an offensive on the Chadian capital Ndjamena in February 2008 that almost toppled the regime of President Idriss Deby.

But the rebellion was repulsed as it neared the gates of the presidential palace with the help of France, as cracks appeared in the ranks of the rebels.

"There never has been a spirit of unity like today," says Erdimi, a nephew of Deby and his former chief of staff until 1996.

Reached an agreement

"Things are ready on the political and military fronts," he adds, dismissing rumours that divisions are already threatening the very existence of his movement.

Around 100 fighters, machine guns slung across their shoulders, surround Erdimi, who is in his mid-50s. Some are slouched in four-wheel-drive vehicles which bristle with weapons, including rockets.

The Chadian rebels are using El Geneina in the strife-riddled border region of Darfur as their back-base, as they await an opportune moment to launch another strike on Ndjamena, about 1 000 kilometres away.

"Almost 95%" of Chadian rebels are in Sudan, says General Balla Keita who heads the joint UN-African peacekeeping force Unamid in West Darfur.

Erdimi acknowledges that political divisions among the rebellion last year forced his fighters to leave Ndjamena although they had "won the war" but he stresses that the tide has now turned and the time for attack is nearing.

The fighters, he says, were "very unhappy to have left Ndjamena last year. They had won the war but the politicians (within the rebellion) were divided.

"Now the politicians have reached an agreement and they are in a hurry," to launch an offensive, he said.

But the rainy season that spreads from mid-May to the end of September means military operations could be slowed as the dried-up wadis turn into rivers.

Develop government institutions

Western observers believe that the Chadian army has mobilised on the other side of the border and is ready to confront the rebels.

"The Chadian army has been reinforced over the past year," one said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

But Erdimi is confident in the strength of his men.

The rebellion "has more (fighters) than Deby and they are much more motivated that Deby's men," he says.

Erdimi's plans, once he topples Deby's regime, "is not democracy," he says. His priority is to develop government institutions.

On Tuesday Chadian rebels claimed they had killed about 15 soldiers in a battle near Birak in east Chad over the weekend, but a government official denied there had been any such clash.

UFR spokesperson Abderaman Koulamallah said in Ndjamena that they had killed about 15 government soldiers in the clashes and destroyed two vehicles with rocket-propelled grenades.

Troubled neighbours Chad and Sudan restored full diplomatic relations in November after a six month hiatus caused by mutual accusations of supporting armed rebels groups operating in and around Sudan's border region of Darfur.

But Erdimi insists that his men have no links to the Sudanese army and do not need Khartoum's blessings to attack Ndjamena.

"We are not back-up troops for the Sudanese army," he says.
- - -

BBC News report 06 February, 2008:
France watches Chad-Sudan border
French military aircraft have been patrolling the Chad-Sudan border to ensure there has been no interference in the fighting around N'Djamena.

France's defence minister said it wanted to monitor "any self-styled foreign intervention" in the fighting between Chad's government and rebels.

The government has accused Sudan of giving the rebel groups rear bases in Darfur, a charge which Khartoum denies.

Thousands have fled N'Djamena since the rebels launched an assault on Saturday.

Up to 20,000 people have crossed the river border with Cameroon in the past four days and arrived in the town of Kousseri, placing heavy strain on essential supplies and accommodation, the UN refugee agency has said.

More than 3,000 other refugees have fled to Nigeria.

Earlier, the leader of the main UFDD rebel group said it was prepared to have a ceasefire in return for the promise of negotiations with the government, but the government dismissed the offer, saying it had already beaten the rebels.

A mediation mission from Libya and Congo-Brazzaville, appointed by the African Union with a brief to meet both sides, is due to arrive soon in the Chadian capital.

Reconnaissance

Speaking about the role of his country's 1,400 troops based in Chad, French Defence Minister Herve Morin stressed that the UN declaration on Monday calling on all countries to support the government had not changed the terms of engagement.

"What it does do is give international community support to the actions of France," he told Radio France Internationale. "It is also support for [President] Idriss Deby."

French diplomatic tight-rope

"It is international community support for the integrity of Chad and support for the actions of France, actions that we've been carrying out for several days."

Mr Morin said that France did have a military agreement with Chad which provides for logistical, medical and training support, but "in no way is it a defence agreement... that would oblige France to intervene to protect the sovereignty of the country involved".

The French military could intervene if it was authorised to do so by a UN resolution, he added.

However, Mr Morin admitted that French fighter jets and reconnaissance planes had been flying over the border with Sudan over the past 36 hours in line with a request from President Nicolas Sarkozy to ensure there are no foreign incursions.

"It enables us to monitor and verify any self-styled foreign interventions and to date we've seen nothing," he said.

"What is certain is that these rebel forces were over by the Sudanese border," he added. "What we might well find out in the days ahead is just what the involvement of the Sudanese actually is."

The violence in the western Sudanese region of Darfur and the cross-border fighting between Chad and Sudan has in recent years sent at least 400,000 people fleeing to refugee camps in eastern Chad.

A French-dominated European Union peacekeeping force had been due to start deploying to eastern Chad last week to give the refugees and aid workers there a measure of protection, but the latest rebel offensive began at the same time.

BBC world affairs correspondent Mark Doyle says one theory is that Sudan encouraged the rebels to attack in order to stop the EU opening a window on Khartoum's activities in Darfur, where it has been accused of genocide.

Ceasefire 'offer'

Mr Morin's comments came as the leader of the largest rebel group, the United Force for Democracy and Development, told the BBC that it was prepared to agree to a ceasefire in return for the promise of talks with the government.

Mahamat Nouri said the ceasefire offer had been made by the Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, and the government of Burkina Faso.

But the Chadian Prime Minister, Nouradine Delwa Kassire Coumakoye, was dismissive of the offer.

"Why a ceasefire?" he told French TV station France 24.

"They don't exist any more. With whom would we sign a ceasefire?... We've got them under control."

The lull in the fighting around N'Djamena following the tripartite rebel alliance's recent withdrawal has prompted tens of thousands of Chadians to flee the country.

THE REBEL COALITION
Unified Military Command includes:
Union of Forces for Democracy (UFDD) led by Mahamat Nouri
Rally of Forces for Change (RFC) led by Timane Erdimi
UFDD-Fundamental led by Abdelwahid Aboud Mackaye


On Tuesday, "frightened people were still crossing in a continuous flow" from Chad into neighbouring Cameroon, said the UN's refugee agency in a news release.

Thousands have deluged Kousseri in Cameroon, the UNHCR said. While some have found refuge with relatives, in schools or hotels, it said, between 6,000 and 7,000 were staying out in the open at a transit centre near the bridge.

The UNHCR said it planned to move these people to an old campsite some 30km away which could hold up to 100,000 people and was equipped with wells.
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BBC News report 02 December 2007:
RFC rebels 'in new Chad clash'
UFR's Chadian leader Timan Erdimi

Photo: The Rally of Forces for Change (RFC) is led by Timan Erdimi (AFP/BBC)

Government troops in Chad have clashed with rebels from the Rally of Forces for Change (RFC), reports say.

The RFC said its positions had been bombed by Chadian helicopters on Saturday, raising fears that a major ground battle could soon take place.

The RFC signed a peace deal with the government in October, as had another rebel group, the Union of Forces for Democracy and Development (UFDD).

The UFDD has already clashed with government troops further south.

Speaking to foreign diplomats on Saturday, Chadian Foreign Minister Ahmat Allami said RFC rebel forces led by Timan Erdimi had clashed with government forces around Kalait, some 210km (130 miles) north of Abeche.

A spokesman for the RFC, Id Moura Maide, told the AFP news agency that the fighting had begun when Chadian military helicopters attacked one of the group's bases in the area.

President Idriss Deby, who the rebels are trying to overthrow, is on the ground in eastern Chad commanding his troops.

The clashes follow days of fierce fighting east of Abeche between Chad's army and the UFDD, during which the government said several hundred rebels had died.

The UFDD said it had broken the ceasefire because the government failed to honour the peace agreement brokered by Libya in March.

Under the deal, the government and four Chadian rebel groups agreed to an immediate ceasefire, an amnesty for civil and military personnel and the release of all prisoners. The rebels were also granted the right to form political parties and to join the military and security forces.

But the BBC's Stephanie Hancock in Ndjamena says that after some of the heaviest fighting seen in the country in several years, the ceasefire is now effectively dead in the water.

On Friday, the UFDD also said it had declared war against the French-led 3,500-strong European Union peacekeeping force which is due to be deployed in Chad in January to protect refugees from Sudan's Darfur region.

The rebels accused French military planes of flying over their positions and passing intelligence to the government during last week's fighting. French President Nicolas Sarkozy has insisted the declaration would not jeopardise the EU mission.

The latest fighting began as President Deby sacked his defence minister, Mahamat Nour.

A former leader of the United Front for Change (Fuc) rebel coalition, Mr Nour was appointed defence minister in March after agreeing to disarm his fighters and arrange for them to be assimilated into the Chadian army.

However, correspondents say this never really happened and last week the authorities said they suspected the fighters had instead taken up arms against the government again.

Officials say Mr Nour has taken refuge in the Libyan embassy in the Chad's capital, Ndjamena.
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AFP report 24 April 2009:
UN mission in Chad needs boosting
UNITED NATIONS (AFP) — The UN mission in Chad and the Central African Republic needs urgent reinforcement because it lacks staff and equipment as it seeks to protect civilians, a senior UN official said Friday.

The mission, known as MINURCAT, took over from a European force in mid-March amid regional tensions marked by deteriorating ties between neighboring Sudan and the international community.

So far some 2,425 soldiers have arrived out of a total force of 5,200, assistant head for UN peacekeeping operations Edmond Mulet told the UN Security Council.

"There is now an urgent need to strengthen MINURCAT up to its authorized strength and to equip it so that it is in a position to meet the challenges facing it," said Mulet.

"We will only reach the ceiling of 5,200 troops if member states provide the mission with military helicopters and their logistic support."

Mulet said that moves to reinforce the mission were being hampered by a delay in the arrivals of contingents promised by Ghana and Nepal.

And he voiced concerns that by the start of the rainy season in June probably only about 3,000 troops would be in place, and some 4,700 by the end of the year.

Total strength would probably only be reached if member states supplied helicopters to support the deployments, Mulet added.

"I cannot sufficiently stress the risk posed by the lack of military helicopters as far as the operational effectiveness of the force is concerned," he said.

MINURCAT's main mission is to protect and aid some 450,000 refugees from the conflict in Darfur, western Sudan, who have flowed over the border into Chad and the Central African Republic.

Final judgement on Abyei boundary issue within 90 days

A five-member panel at the Arbitration tribunal is expected to make a final judgement on the Abyei boundary issue within 90 days.

From Sudan Radio Service 24 April 2009 (Hague):
Hearings at the arbitration tribunal in The Hague over the disputed oil-rich Abyei region ended on Thursday after heated exchanges in which lawyers from the NCP and SPLM presented different interpretations of the evidence and treaty at issue.

Speaking to Sudan Radio Service from The Hague on Thursday, a senior member of the UMMA National Party, Mariam Sadik al Mahdi, said that Abyei arbitration at The Hague is not the solution to the Abyei problem.

[Mariam Sadik]: “We, as the UMMA party, think that the court is not the solution for Abyei because the problem of Abyei cannot be solved in a court of law. It’s a problem for the people living in the area. They have lived there for hundreds of years and this will not be solved outside Sudan and again the solution cannot be found in a court of law. People should sit down and divide the wealth in the area for people to live in peace and to solve the problem.”

Mariam explains the main problems in Abyei.

[Mariam Sadik]: “The problem in Abyei is divided into three levels, first, there is the problem regarding the people occupying the area, the nomads and farmers. These people should involve the neighboring communities to find a solution to their problem. Second, is at the national level and this is the problem of the whole Sudan because it’s the border issue between north and south, and we need to know what is going on because hopefully the referendum will take place in the next two years. Third, is the wealth problem. There is competition for the wealth between America and China. That’s why the Abyei problem was discussed at the international level.”

She urged the National Congress Party and the SPLM to work together with other parties in Sudan to implement the Abyei protocol.

A five-member panel at the Arbitration tribunal is expected to make a final judgement on the boundary issue within 90 days.

Friday, April 17, 2009

Sudanese artist Rashid Diab

Sudanese artist Rashid Diab

Sudanese artist Rashid Diab

From The Korea Times April 17, 2009
Sudanese Painter Holds Exhibition in Korea
By Cathy Rose A. Garcia Staff Reporter
Many people only think of Sudan when its political problems hit the headlines. Koreans will have a chance to know more of Sudan's art and culture through the exhibition of accomplished Sudanese painter Rashid Diab.

Diab's exhibition "Time Lapse via Color, Shape and Form'' opens Monday at the Nuri Gallery, in the Korea Foundation Cultural Center, downtown Seoul. The Sudanese embassy said this is the first time a painter from Sudan is staging a solo exhibition in Seoul.

On display at the exhibition are 21 of Diab's works that offer a glimpse of Sudanese culture. His work is said to be a reflection of "a synthesis of his Sudanese heritage and an awareness of contemporary artistic developments in Europe.''

Made with rich colors, the art works are filled with traditional folk themes, Arabic calligraphy, animals, human figures and African motifs.

"The color and form may illustrate moments of sorrow, happiness, hope and despair, but the most important element is that of nostalgia for this universal world which is truly a reflection of my career. Thus, through my art I am most concerned with universality. Art for me is ultimately the connection between human beings. Art is what sustains cultures and indicates the material aspects of civilizations and as human beings we are responsible for this task,'' Diab said, in a statement.

Born in 1957, Diab was raised in Wad Medani, on the banks of the Blue Nile in Sudan. He graduated with honors from the Khartoum College of Fine Art. He moved to Madrid where he studied art at the Complutensa University, under a scholarship. Diab received his doctorate degree in painting from the university in 1991, and joined the faculty as an art teacher until 1999.

"Since I was a small child, I have loved to travel. I always wanted to be somewhere discovering new places, different types of life and other people. I constantly thought of how I could create a real and intimate relationship with distance and space. Why do things have specific dimensions and a certain shape at a certain time? These questions became an obsession with the only solution being to paint and continue paint," he said.

For the 52-year-old artist, painting is a necessity. "I know that the desire to paint is something within me part of my inner self, part of my subconscious. As time passed, this need to paint and draw transformed itself into something like a biological instinct, which has strengthened my relationship with the world around me,'' he said.

It was in Spain, when he started to appreciate his Sudanese heritage. He developed his own artistic style and philosophy, which he says deals with the "relationship of space and time.''

"Art for me is knowledge; in the sense that I think an artist must first be an avid reader and conscious of his contributions to the world of art. Every stroke, every line, whatever may be in the artist's mind, whether or not apparent in his work, transferred or not from his mind to his art, is a part of life," Diab said.

Diab, who has held solo exhibitions in Norway, India, Bahrain, Libya, Jordan, Lebanon, U.S. and Spain, has made an effort to give something back to his home country. In 2006, he established the Rashid Diab Arts Center in Khartoum, with the aim of developing and promoting Sudanese visual arts.

Diab's exhibition opens April 20 with a ceremony at 5 p.m. It runs through April 25. Visit www.kfcenter.or.kr

cathy@koreatimes.co.kr
Sudanese artist Rashid Diab

A painting by Rashid Diab at the ongoing exhibition “Time Lapse via Color, Shape and Form.” Provided by the Sudanese Embassy. (Source: Joong Ang Daily 21 April 2009 by Park Sun-young: spark0320@joongang.co.kr)

Sudanese artist Rashid Diab

Photo: Rashid Diab

Thursday, April 16, 2009

US John Kerry: Sudan to allow some restoration of international aid

It was not immediately clear if any of the expelled aid groups would be allowed to return. The Sudanese government has ruled out that possibility in recent weeks.

Some Darfur aid to resume, but rebels must talk peace: Kerry
April 16, 2009 KHARTOUM (AFP) - excerpt:
US Senator John Kerry Thursday urged rebels in Darfur to engage in peace talks with Khartoum and announced the partial resumption of aid, frozen after Sudan's decision to expel foreign aid groups.

"What encouraged me today was the fact that every member of the government told me that they are ready to come to the table now with respect to peace discussions and achieving peace in Darfur," Kerry said.

"But we all recognized that the rebels must also do the same," he added after talks with Sudan's second vice president Ali Osman Mohammed Taha. [...]

"Darfur, as we all know all have been at the center of events that have been defining Sudan for the world," he said.

"It is also been the scene of the world largest humanitarian efforts supported by the United States and carried out by many dedicated Sudanese and international humanitarian organizations."

Kerry said that, following Khartoum's decision to "engage in a new dialogue with us, some of that capacity for the humanitarian assistance will be restored."

But he stressed: "A partial restoration of capacity is not sufficient. A humanitarian crisis is a humanitarian crisis." [...]

Relations between the US and Beshir have been strained. The United States imposed sanctions against in 1997 against Sudan for harbouring Al-Qaida leader Osama Bin Laden.

It bombed a pharmaceutical plant in Sudan a year later, saying the site was used to make chemical weapons. [...]
U.S. Senator John Kerry

Photo: U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Senator John Kerry arrives in Sudan's capital Khartoum, April 15, 2009. (REUTERS/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah)

Sudan to allow some restoration of international aid
Apr 16, 2009 KHARTOUM (Reuters):
Sudan has told the United States it will allow some aid back into its Darfur region, U.S. Senator John Kerry said on Thursday.

"Thanks to the leadership of the president's special envoy General Scott Gration and thanks to the willingness of the government here to engage in a new dialogue with us, some of that capacity for humanitarian assistance will be restored," Kerry told reporters after meeting senior members of the Sudanese government.

But Kerry, who heads the U.S. Senate's Foreign Relations Committee, said more would need to be done.

"Today I emphasized, to all the leaders I met with, that a partial restoration of capacity is not sufficient," Kerry said.

"Time is of the essence to avert a humanitarian catastrophe."

Sudan expelled 13 international aid groups after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir in March on war crimes charges.

It was not immediately clear if any of the expelled aid groups would be allowed to return. The Sudanese government has ruled out that possibility in recent weeks.

The senator will travel to Darfur on Friday to see first-hand a camp and meet local leaders and United Nations officials.

Kerry also said envoy Scott Gration will return to Sudan in early May to assess progress and continue discussions.

(Reporting by Alastair Sharp; Editing by Angus MacSwan)

Ex Wall St banker Philippe Heilberg - US Jarch mulling more land leases in S. Sudan

Further here below is a copy of an Open Letter to the people of South Sudan from Philippe Heilberg, Chairman of Jarch Capital in New York, March 06, 2006 that says, though it is heartbreaking to see the people of South Sudan continue to suffer, Jarch's damages could exceed 10 billion dollars.

From Sudan Tribune, 16 April 2009:
New York investment firm mulling more land leases in S. Sudan
April 15, 2009 (WASHINGTON) – Jarch Management Group, Ltd., a US investment firm, disclosed that it is considering additional opportunities to lease large tracts of farmland in Southern Sudan.

This report follows the announcement in January of a massive lease agreement that prompted some tension within governing circles in Southern Sudan.

In an apparent change of course from oil investing to agriculture, Jarch Management took a 70% interest in the Sudanese company Leac for Agriculture and Investment and leased approximately 400,000 hectares of land claimed by General Paulino Matip, a figure now straddling a deep fissure within the Sudan People’s Liberation Army.

In a statement emailed to Sudan Tribune today the company disclosed that it aims to lease another 400,000 hectares of land by the end of the year.

“Since its January 2009 announcement that it had leased about 400,000 hectares, the Company has had a multitude of offers to buy and lease farmland from around the world,” said a statement from the management of the company.

“However, the Company is focused on frontier African countries and continues to look for opportunities in farmland and other natural resources in these countries. As such, the Company hopes to conclude more deals for more leased farmland. The Company is hopeful that it can lease at least another 400,000 hectares of land by the end of the year.”

South Sudanese law requires that large leases of land be approved by two local government bodies. Accordingly, a January statement from Leac Company noted that the acquisition would include dealings with local land authorities and stressed that “the state and local governments shall have budgets for development because of the cash flows from the agricultural schemes the two companies will operate.”

While U.S. companies are banned from doing business in Sudan, agriculture in Southern Sudan is exempted from sanctions provided that the national government does not have any stake in the business and provided that no imports or exports pass through non-exempt areas.

Jarch Management Group, Ltd, which is registered in the Virgin Islands, is managed by New York investor Philippe Heilberg, commodities traders and former State Department and Central Intelligence Agency officials, among others. (ST)
Philippe Heilberg

Photo: Philippe Heilberg, Jarch Capital (Source: nazret.com 01/09/09: US investor believes Ethiopia likely to break apart - see 94 comments)
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Further reading

Jan. 10, 2009 - Sudan Watch: Former Wall Street banker Philippe Heilberg gambles on a warlord's continuing control of 400,000 hectares of land in South Sudan (Update 1)

May 30, 2008 - Sudan Tribune:
Jarch oil group congratulates new governor of Unity State
JARCH MANAGEMENT GROUP, LTD.

JARCH CONGRATULATES DR. JOSEPH WEJANG ON HIS APPOINTMENT AS THE NEW GOVERNOR OF UNITY STATE

May 28th, 2008 — Jarch Management Group, Ltd. congratulates His Excellency, Dr. Joseph Wejang, former Minister of Health of the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) on his appointment as the new governor of Unity State. Dr. Joseph is well liked by his constituency and with the backing of local politicians and military, we expect him to accomplish great things for the state.

Unity State is an important part of South Sudan given its abundance of natural resources. It is one of the main production areas for the high quality oil sold as Nile blend. The state also has other important minerals including uranium. As part of the 2004 agreements signed with Jarch, Unity State would fall into the permit area. As such, we expect to lift the light, sweet crude from areas in the state once South Sudan secedes from Khartoum. In addition, we expect to mine the minerals in the region as well including the uranium deposits located in Bentiu and elsewhere. Dr. Joseph is a member of the Advisory Board of Jarch Management Group and we are honoured to have him as part of the team.

Jarch Management Group, Ltd. is a private company engaged in natural resources with a primary focus on hydrocarbons and other specific minerals in Africa.

JARCH MANAGEMENT GROUP, LTD.
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Apr. 01, 2008 - zcommunications.org
Natural Resources in Sudan and Africa: What Nobody is Talking About
By David Barouski
For the United States (US), oil is a major part of their interest in Sudan, but it is not about Darfur's oil so much as it is South Sudan's oil. There is indeed oil in Darfur, don't get me wrong. The Chinese state oil company (CNOOC) already owns a concession on Block 6 that extends deep into Southern Darfur near the Central African Republic border. Rolls Royce Marine, a subsidiary of Rolls Royce UK, was even shipping diesel motors and pumps to Sudan for developing the field as the Chinese are interested in beginning test well drilling in Darfur. However, they are unable to do so because the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) have been attacking the workers and preventing access to the site.

Sudan is China's largest overseas oil suppliers and China is also partnered with Iran in a major oil deal. In addition, they may partner with Pakistan and Iran if India backs out of their part in the deal. As China continues its exponential increase in oil-consumption, US foreign policy toward China has taken on a dimension that includes both slowing down development on China's foreign acquisitions and securing the rest of the major oil concessions before they do.

Sudan was declared a terrorist state by the US for harboring Osama bin Laden, who was accused of approving and financing the World Trade Center bombing in 1993 and an assassination attempt on Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in 1995. Bin Laden collaborated closely with Dr. Hassan al-Turabi, a Muslim cleric who supported Omar al-Bashir's coup as a fellow member of the National Islamic Front (NIF). Upon being designated a terrorist state, a whole host of sanctions are instituted. For the US, it meant that US businesses could not operate within Sudanese borders under penalty of law. The US also could not import anything from Sudan, including oil. The only exception, thanks to lobbying from Coca-Cola, others in the food industry, and the pharmaceutical lobby, was gum arabic, of which Sudan has the largest supply in the world. The majority is currently harvested in areas under the Khartoum Government's control.

When South Sudan was given semi-autonomous status following the 2005 peace agreement, some grey legal area was created. Could a US business legally work only with the parallel administration in South Sudan, and still get away with it legally by being in sovereign Sudanese territory? Well, Marathon Oil decided to push the proverbial envelop, and signed up for Block B along with TotalElfFina and the Kuwait Foreign Petroleum Company. However, legal wrangling between Total and the UK-firm White Nile left the political situation in Block B unstable. Additionally, the divestment movement in the United States brought a lot of unwanted publicity to the oil companies operating in Sudan. Marathon turned over its shares to White Nile while Total still currently holds the majority shares over most of Block B. This is, in part, why the pro-American administration of President Sarkozy is supporting US efforts to get a UN and/or EU force into Darfur because the French desire a regional balance of power. The French currently maintains a quiet presence in Chad and Darfur. French soldiers are operating from the French military base in Bangui, Central African Republic.

Sudanese oil has increased interest for the French as their relations with Russia, the chief oil and (especially) gas supplier to Central Europe, have recently soured over Iran policy disagreements and France's pro-US relations. Europe still has the North Sea for some oil supply if need be, but it will not sustain Western Europe for too long and they need an outside source of supply. Sudan offers one such source. In addition, through their concession on Block B, the French will also expand sphere of influence and increase French access in the region. Total's operations in Africa have a longstanding history of acting as a front for the DGSE that goes back to the days of Jacques Foccart.

Additionally, the French are interested in the unexploited Uranium deposits in Darfur near the Central African Republic border. The French, as a result of not having any inherent petroleum supply of their own, depleting fossil fuel deposits in Europe, and stricter environmental laws through the European Union, have turned toward nuclear power plants as their primary alternative energy source and the uranium deposits would supply ample amounts of raw materials for the reactors in the future. However, some of the uranium deposits are located at the tail end of oil concession Block 6, which the Chinese own and wants to develop, as mentioned earlier.

In 2004, 79% of France's national energy production came from nuclear power, and in 2006, France commissioned the creation of a new high-tech reactor. France produces so much electricity from nuclear power that they export 18% of it to Britain, Germany, and Italy, which has kept electricity prices very low. Therefore, France's acquisition of uranium is not only important for them, but for other EU nations who import the France's extraneous nuclear energy as well. The German Government owns 34% of Areva NP through Siemans. Areva NP, a subsidiary of industry giant Areva, has the contract to build France's new nuclear reactor.

Officially, US businesses are out of Sudan. However, a company called Jarch Capital, based in New York City (on the 9th floor at 445 Park Avenue), bought a Block B concession back in 2003 from the SPLM/A before the 2005 peace agreement was signed. Jarch Capital is owned and chaired by an American named Phil Heilberg, also owner of Heilberg Management Group. He is also the manager of AIG's Hong Kong office. AIG, an insurance giant, has an African Infrastructure Fund. Don't be surprised if South Sudan will be a large recipient in the future after independence.

Back in 2003, before the North-South peace deal was signed, the legality could be debated because South Sudan did not have semi-autonomous status and any sovereignty they had was de facto. So due to sanctions, Mr. Heilberg could not do business in Sudan. However, he had a novel solution. He helped create Jarch Management Group LLC, of which he became Chairman. Jarch Management (JMG) was registered in the Virgin Islands:

Akara Building
24 De Castro Street
Wickhams Cay I
Road Town, Tortola
British Virgin Islands

As a result, since it was technically not an American company even though an American owned and ran it because it is not registered as a corporation on American soil. It is a time-honored trick, and as result, there are no problems doing business in Sudan, even with the de facto SPLM government, because such restrictions do not exist for British Virgin Island businesses. JMG would eventually buy the Block B concession from Jarch Capital. According to Jarch's management team the following individuals were aware of the original deal made in 2003: Dr John Garang (late leader of SPLM), Rebecca Garang (Minister of Transport and Roads for GOSS), Dr. Riek Machar (Vice President of GOSS), Kuol Mangyang Juuk (Minister of Transport GONU and board member of White Nile, Ltd.), Arthur Akuien Chol (Minister of Finance and Economic Planning of GOSS), Dr. Lual A. Deng (State Minister of State for Finance of GONU and non-executive board member of White Nile, Ltd.), Steven Wondu (North American representative).

As of 2006 JMG's Advisory Board included:

1. Mr. Saville Lau- Chairman of the Board of Advisers for Jarch Management Group and President of Jarch Management Group. Mr Lau is located in Hong Kong

2. Dr. David de Chand- Chairman of the South Sudan United Democratic Alliance (SSUDA) and Professor at the University of Nebraska. Dr. Chand is located in Omaha and is an expert on Sudan.

3. Dr. Amir Idris- Professor at Fordham University. Dr. Idris is located in New York and is an expert on the African region.

4. Commander Thowath Pal Chay- Chairman of Ethiopian Unity Patriots' Front (EUPF) and Commander in Chief of Ethiopian Unity Patriots' Army (EUPA). He is located in East Africa. This individual, who has called for an overthrow of the Tigray government in Ethiopia, cannot sit well with the US, a staunch ally of Ethiopia.

5. Mr. Peter Kueth Kor- Secretary for External Relations for the South Sudan Defence Forces (SSDF). He is located in Nairobi, Kenya.

One will notice the preponderance of members of the Sudanese Diaspora residing in the United States.

Note that Mr. De Chand was sacked in October 2006.

The SPLM, who has been backed by the US since their creation, gave Block B to White Nile, disregarding the previous deal with Jarch made back in 2003. Jarch threatened to sue the SPLM. They also forged ties with the South Sudan Defense Force (SSDF), who are primarily Nuer but are comprised of several groups that split off from the SPLM/A during the north-south war. The SSDF and the SPLA fought in the late 1990s until 2006. The SSDF has also allied with the Government of Sudan in the past. The SSDF and its political wing issued an exploration license to JMG in late February 2006. They said they would consider declaring their own independence and split South Sudan in two if JMG was not respected as the sole authority. However, on 27 February 2006, just 2 days after this announcement, the US said it wanted to build a military base in South Sudan to protect the oil. The SSDF's Brig Mohamed Chol al-Ahmar warned the Government of South Sudan (GOSS) not to approve it. In December 2006, JMG threw its support behind General Matip, angering some southern factions and causing tensions.

JMG sought to use the existing pipeline going to Port Sudan as a means of transport, but the Ministry of Energy in Khartoum refused to strike a deal. JMG and the SSDF were left to look for an alternative. While this situation has not been resolved yet, I postulate that they may be planning to persuade for an extension of the planned Uganda-Kenya-Rwanda pipeline into South Sudan. The pipeline is set to begin construction in May, but this is contingent on the Kenyan power-sharing agreement holding and peace returning to Kenya of course. Transport for the oil is taken care of. The Germans are financing a new railway line that will up Kenya, Uganda, and South Sudan, allowing for shipping to and from the port city of Mombasa. In addition, both Uganda and Kenya would profit handsomely from the transport fees (customs) and taxes during the shipping process. It would also help develop Uganda's budding petroleum sector, currently being exploited by Heritage Gas and Oil, Tullow Oil, Neptune (Tower) Resources, and Dominion Petroleum.

The reader should realize just how much of a stake the US has in the Kenyan pipeline project. The contract to build, operate, and transfer the oil was awarded to the Uganda-based Tamoil East Africa Ltd. This firm is a subsidiary of Tamoil Africa Holding, based in Libya. In June 2007, US private equity firm Colony Capital LLC bought out the majority shares in Oilinvest and Tamoil Africa Holding (TAC) for 5.4 Billion dollars (US). Colony was founded and is currently run by Mr. Thomas Barrack Jr., the Deputy Undersecretary of the Department of the Interior for President Ronald Reagan. Therefore, the US has the contract to build, operate, and maintain the new pipeline. This is, in part, why the US pushed so hard for the power-sharing deal in Kenya to stop the violence, but at the same time ensuring President Kibaki, whose administration approved the contact, remains in a prominent position of power. In fact, Nexant, a subsidiary of Bechtel, completed the cost-benefit analysis of the pipeline project. It was, in large part, their recommendations that allowed the pipeline extension project to be approved. But there is more. Only months after their acquisition, TAC acquired an exploration licenses in Chad for the Irdiss 1, Idriss 2 and Wadjadou 1 blocks near the Libyan border, the same relative area the US has quietly built a military base in Libyan territory under the guise of the Pan-Sahel Initiative.

At the same time, TAC reportedly received exploration permits from the Moroccan Government to explore in Western Sahara, a disputed territory that is not recognized as a state, making any such exploration highly illegal under international law. Colony Capital spokesman have vigorously denied that they received any such deal in W. Sahara. TAC also has oil concessions in Mail and Niger, where battles with the Tuareg militias have been raging. The US has been training and supplying the Mali and Niger Governments' armies under the Pan-Sahel Initiative. They have even dropped supplies under fire to government troops on the battlefield. The President of Mali visited President Bush in Washington D.C. shortly before he left on his recent official state visit to Africa recently. The natural resources in the area cannot be developed while the Tuareg conflict rages on. The French are interested in the uranium stores in the region as well. Areva, a firm mentioned earlier, owns vast concessions in Niger to mine for Uranium and the EU's planned Trans-Sahara Gas Pipeline from Algeria to Nigeria will go right through Niger.

Uganda needs to procure the land to build the pipeline on, which may be a part of the reason for the ongoing Buganda land ownership debates. They also need peace in North Uganda and South Sudan. Consider this: Why is it now that there is such a political push to get a lasting agreement with the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA)? They are currently in South Sudan around Juba and in the Central African Republic and are destabilizing the area and slowing the development of infrastructure in Northern Uganda, including the border with South Sudan. The US in particular, including President Bush himself, has pushed for a final peace agreement. Why such an aggressive and concerted effort to get this particular armed group to end its insurrection? Why not make put this high-level of pressure on the earlier? After all, the LRA was armed by the Khartoum Government as a way to get back at Uganda for arming the SPLA. All parties with a stake in the project want lasting peace and stability in Uganda so they can develop the land in the northwest and LRA was supported by the Khartoum Government for a long time as a way to get back at Uganda for arming the SPLA.

JMG has not sat idle in the meantime. In January 2007, Jarch Capital named Mr. Joseph Wilson as the Vice Chairman of Jarch Capital. Yes, this is the same Ambassador Joseph Wilson, who has a wife, Mrs. Valerie Plame, that was exposed as a covert Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) agent by Mr. Karl Rove and certain members of the Bush Administration following Ambassador Wilson's revelation that the Niger 'yellowcake' claims make in Pres. Bush's State of the Union address in 2003 were utterly false and the administration knew this when they included the information in the speech. Ambassador Wilson served as the Senior African Affairs Advisor at the National Security Council (NSC) under President Clinton's NSC Advisor Anthony Lake in 1997 during the time period the Khartoum Agreement was signed. Mr. Lake was originally nominated to be the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI), but was rejected by the Republican-controlled Congress. Mr. Wilson rotated into the NSC as Ms. Susan Rice was rotating out of the NSC's African Desk and into the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs. Working under him at the NSC's East African Desk was John Prendergast. Ambassador Wilson was also the chief planner for President Clinton's trip to Africa in 1998.

Ambassador Wilson dealt with the SPLM/A in his capacity as an NSC advisor. In 1997, the north-south civil war was in full swing and was a major issue at the NSC African Desk. He was also a seasoned diplomat who had served in several African countries, including as the Ambassador to Gabon and Sao Tome and Principe. His negotiating skills and knowledge of the region were incredibly valuable to Jarch and it did not take long for them to pay off. White Nile's legal claim to Block B was rejected by a decision adopted by the Sudanese National Petroleum Commission on 17 June 2007. In August 2007, President Salva Kiir and General Matip confirmed JMG's 2003 agreement claims in exchange for 10% following months of meetings. In order to gain full political support for their claims, JMG began appointing members of the SPLM/A to its advisory board. In November 2007, General Matip was appointed as an Advisor and Vice President. At the same time, in an official company release, JMG urged GOSS to declare South Sudan's independence. In late February 2008, Joseph Wejang, the Minister of Health of the Government of Southern Sudan also joined JMG's advisory team as did Ambassador Emmanuel Touaboy, the Ambassador of the Central African Republic to the US. With support from both the Dinka and Nuer sides through their diversified advisory board, JMG has strengthened its political position and tempered potential SPLA-SSDF skirmishes over the oil fields. Since JMG is essentially acting as a holding company, it follows to ask: just who are they holding it for? Perhaps they are waiting for South Sudan's independence referendum in 2011 so they can sell it legally to a U.S.-registered oil company. Only time will tell.
Sep. 14, 2006 - Sudan Tribune:
Jarch Management Group announces its Board of Advisers
Jarch Management Group, Ltd
Press Release

September 13, 2006 — Jarch Management Group, Ltd. announces its Board of Advisers. We expect this board to grow over the next year.

Below are the members of the Board of Advisers for Jarch Management Group:

1. Mr. Saville Lau- Chairman of the Board of Advisers for Jarch Management Group and President of Jarch Management Group. Mr Lau is located in Hong Kong

2. Dr. David de Chand- Chairman of the South Sudan United Democratic Alliance (SSUDA) and Professor at the University of Nebraska. Dr. Chand is located in Omaha and is an expert on Sudan.

3. Dr. Amir Idris- Professor at Fordham University. Dr. Idris is located in New York and is an expert on the African region.

4. Commander Thowath Pal Chay- Chairman of Ethiopian Unity Patriots’ Front (EUPF) and Commander in Chief of Ethiopian Unity Patriots’ Army (EUPA). He is located in East Africa.

5. Mr. Peter Kueth Kor- Secretary for External Relations for the South Sudan Defence Forces (SSDF). He is located in Nairobi, Kenya.
Mar 07, 2006 - Sudan Tribune:
US Jarch Capital accuses SPLM of violating oil deal on Block B
JARCH CAPITAL, LLC
445 Park Avenue
9th Floor
New York, NY 10022

March 6, 2006
AN OPEN LETTER TO THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH SUDAN

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen:

In February 2003, the SPLM signed a contract with Jarch Capital, LLC and its partners to explore and exploit oil in an area called Block B. In addition, this contract gave Jarch Capital, exclusive rights to all commodity contracts until 2009. Furthermore, the SPLM was required to contact Jarch Capital prior to any commodity deals.

Eighteen months after the signing of our agreement, the SPLM signed a contract with a public company called White Nile, Ltd. Jarch Capital considers the signing of this new deal a violation of the representations and warranties given by the SPLM and a violation of the agreement as a whole.

The following people were directly involved in the Jarch deal or were made aware of this deal prior to an agreement with White Nile, Ltd.- Dr John Garang (late leader of SPLM), Rebecca Garang (current Minister of Transport and Roads of GOSS), Dr. Riek Machar (Vice- President of the Government of South Sudan), Kuol Mangyang Juuk (current Minister of Transport GONU and board member of White Nile, Ltd.), Arthur Akuien Chol (current Minister of Finance and Economic Planning of GOSS), Dr. Lual A. Deng (State Minister of State for Finance of GONU and non-executive board member of White Nile, Ltd.), Steven Wondu (North-American representative).

This contract was approved and we have supporting documents including pictures and emails to prove this. Since the SPLM and now the GOSS have violated our agreement, Jarch is exploring legal options.

It is our belief that the damages could exceed US$ 10 billion. Though it is heartbreaking to see the people of South Sudan continue to suffer, the leadership cannot be allowed to operate outside international law. Jarch will donate 10% of its proceeds of any legal action back to the people of South Sudan.

Sincerely,
Phil Heilberg, Chairman
Email: pheilberg@jarchcapital.com
- - -

Jarch & Sudan

Image source:
International Land Coalition, 09, January, 2009:
US investor buys Sudanese warlord’s land

SUDO appeals against HAC decision

Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Activists Mount Legal Challenge to NGO Closures
9 April 2009 via UNHCR Refworld 16 April 2009

Civil society groups attempt to resist government crackdown in wake of ICC's indictment of Bashir.

By Amy Stillman in London
It was late in the afternoon when the letter arrived at the Sudan Social Development Organization, SUDO, headquarters in Khartoum.

Signed by the Sudanese government's Humanitarian Assistance Commission, HAC, it sounded the death knell for the largest Sudanese humanitarian organisation operating in Darfur.

Claiming that SUDO had been working outside its humanitarian mandate, the letter called for its immediate closure. It wasn't long before security forces arrived to ensure that all of SUDO's ten offices, computers, documents and furniture were handed over to the government. Its bank accounts were instantly frozen.

"We have no access to our funds, so we can't even pay our employees," said SUDO's head, Mudawi Ibrahim Adam.

"The government shut us down because we are an independent organisation. They want their own organisations, organisations that are following the line of the government."

SUDO is among many NGOs that have fallen victim to a recent government crackdown, which led to the expulsion of 13 foreign aid agencies and the closure of two other local human rights organisations.

An NGO representative close to SUDO said "the human rights scene in Sudan has been wiped off the map" since the International Criminal Court, ICC, indicted Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir for war crimes on March 4. Bashir said the NGOs were targeted because they "threatened the security of Sudan", accusing them of collaboration with the ICC.

Only two hours after the warrant was issued, security forces shut down the Khartoum-based Amel Centre for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture. The centre works to inform people of their rights and provide psychological and medical assistance to victims of human rights violations. According to the Amel Centre director Najib Najm El Din, the organisation had been seeing up to 30 new torture victims a month.

"We don't know what is going on with our clients, because we can't reach them," said Najib. "For those that went to court, now nobody is following their cases. We are trying to do something through other organisations, but we don't have enough money to offer care and pay for victim's treatment."

The Khartoum Centre for Human Rights and Environmental Development, KCHRED, was targeted on the same day, with security forces raiding the offices and confiscating a safe, computers and classified documents. KCHRED provides legal aid to victims of torture and human rights training to lawyers.

The organisation's staff has since fled Sudan, including legal aid coordinator, Ali M Agab who is in the United Kingdom. He told IWPR that files containing the names and details of thousands of victims are now in the hands of HAC, which works closely with the security forces. "Those people's lives are in danger now," he said.

SUDO, which had 300 members of staff, has provided clean drinking water, health services and sanitation to 700,000 internally displaced persons.

A major project was the construction of a much-needed health clinic at the Zam Zam refugee camp in north Darfur. Several international aid agencies IWPR spoke to said they don't know how the clinic will survive.

Selena Brewer from Human Rights Watch said the closure of SUDO and the other NGOs is having a massive impact. "It's basically closing down that sector of Sudanese civil society. For anybody that works on human rights in Darfur or anywhere else in the country, the situation is really terrifying," she said.

But the NGOs are determined to challenge the government over the closures. On March 10, the activists appealed the HAC decision. Their case will be heard on April 13 at the Administrative Court of Justice in Khartoum. And, they say, if that is unsuccessful, they will take their case to a higher court.

"We are not going to give up on our supporters. We have to go to the courts," said Najib.

While outwardly bullish, some are concerned about their prospects, as there are doubts about whether Adam will be able to turn up for the appeal. He is due to appear in court on corruption charges the day before, accused of embezzling 40,000 US dollars of SUDO funds in 2004.

"They have found this out now? I don't think they have any case, and I'm not at all scared about what they are saying," he told IWPR.

The closure of the Sudanese NGOs follows years of state pressure on civil society activists. "The pattern of repression has been getting worse and worse, and it's becoming impossible for people to speak out," said Brewer.

Both SUDO and Adam have previously been subject to government intimidation. In March 2003, officials closed two of the organisation's offices and froze its bank accounts. Adam was arrested the same year for alleged anti-state crimes. After no evidence could be produced, he was released. He was arrested again without charge in 2005, and released on bail.

Though the outcome of their appeal is uncertain, Brewer is cautiously hopeful that the NGOs will be allowed to resume their work. "I don't think the government wants to take on providing food and water for a million people, and they certainly don't have the capacity to do it," she said. "So I'm hoping that the appeals process will give them a way to back down without losing face."

Amy Stillman is an IWPR contributor in London.

Declaration by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union on the announcement of elections in Sudan

The European Union, together with the United Nations and other international partners, stands ready to support the preparations and the conduct of elections in Sudan, as appropriate, including by providing election observers, in accordance with requests from the National Electoral Commission.

Source: European Union (EU)
Date: 15 Apr 2009 via ReliefWeb
8712/09 (Presse 88) P 41/09
The European Union welcomes the announcement by the National Electoral Commission of Sudan that nationwide elections are to be held in February 2010.

Holding of free and fair elections is an important element in the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and holds the perspective of a peaceful national, political and democratic transformation of Sudan, as set out in the Interim National Constitution.

A conducive electoral environment should be created to ensure the participation of all Sudanese citizens, including necessary amendments of legislation regarding media and security, as well as appropriate voter information and education.

Outstanding issues such as the declaration of the results of the National Census and the demarcation of the borders need to be concluded as soon as possible.

All efforts must be made to create conditions which allow all citizens of Darfur to exercise their rights to participate in elections in a secure environment.

The European Union, together with the United Nations and other international partners, stands ready to support the preparations and the conduct of elections in Sudan, as appropriate, including by providing election observers, in accordance with requests from the National Electoral Commission.

The Candidate Countries Turkey, Croatia* and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia*, the Countries of the Stabilisation and Association Process and potential candidates Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, and the EFTA countries Iceland, Liechtenstein and (orway, members of the European Economic Area, as well as Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Armenia and Georgia align themselves with this declaration.

* Croatia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia continue to be part of the Stabilisation and Association Process.

BBC video: Microchip aids in kidnap fight - WFP and Italian army's course to avoid sniper and land mines

BBC Technology reporter Jason Palmer goes on training exercises with aid organisation technicians and the Italian army.

Engineers are among the most vulnerable aid workers because they often go to disasters to set up communication systems before rescuers arrive.

They learn to avoid sniper fire, kidnapping and mines on the programme, set up by the World Food Programme, UN Foundation and Vodafone Foundation.

See BBC video report 16 April 2009: Techies learn to dodge bullets. Also, Duncan Kennedy's video report Microchip aids in kidnap fight - excerpt:
A Mexican security firm has developed a microchip that allows satellites to help locate kidnap victims.

Sales of the chip which is implanted under the skin have increased by 13% in the past year, as kidnap rates soar in Mexico.

Wednesday, April 15, 2009

UNAMID: Security situation in Darfur April 15, 2009

From UNAMID EL FASHER (DARFUR) Sudan - via APO
April 15, 2009 Daily Media Brief
Security Situation in Darfur

The security situation in Darfur has been reported to be relatively calm.

UNAMID military conducted 22 Confidence building patrols, 17 escort patrols and seven night patrol covering 44 villages/IDP Camps. UNAMID Police conducted a total of 92 patrols in and around the villages and IDPs.

Human Rights Forum

Members of the Human Rights Forum yesterday gathered in El Geneina, West Darfur, to participate in the second meeting of the Forum since it was launched last year.

It was attended by the Speaker of the West Darfur Legislative Council, the General-Prosecutor for Darfur, Government of Sudan officials, diplomatic missions in Sudan and the Head of the West Darfur State Judiciary. UNAMID Deputy Joint Special Representative for Operations and Management, Mr. Hocine Medili led the UNAMID team.

The purpose of the forum is to provide a venue for transparent and constructive dialogue on human rights issues between the GoS and UNAMID. It is also intended to form part of the ongoing efforts by UNAMID to support the GoS in the discharge of its responsibilities in the promotion and protection of human rights in Darfur. The National Human Rights Forum was established as a place where members of the International Community, the UN and the GoS can openly discuss human rights issues and actions taken by the GoS to improve the human rights situation in Darfur.

Following the meeting, the participants visited the new premises of UNAMID headquarters located about 20 kilometers north-east of town of El Geneina.

Rotation of UNAMID troops

The Nigerian Battalion stationed in South Darfur began the rotation of its troops in Darfur yesterday, with a total of 200 personnel arriving, while another 200 left the Mission for their home country. This is part of the ongoing troop rotation within the Sector which is expected to conclude on 21 April.

The South African Contingents deployed with in North Darfur has completed their tour of duty and new contingents will soon arrive to replace them. The rotation of troops will take place between 22 April and 28 April.

US Senator John Kerry arrives in Khartoum

From Miraya FM Wednesday, 15 April 2009:
Khartoum highlights importance of Kerry's visit
The Sudanese Government has welcomed the visit of John Kerry, US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which starts today.

The US relations officer in the Sudanese Ministry of Foreign affairs, Nasr el Din wali, told the press that the visit is a positive step towards developing the US-Sudanese relations.

John Kerry arrives in Khartoum today heading a delegation from the US Congress.

He is expected to meet a number of Sudanese Officials among them is the first Vice President, Ali Osman Mohammed Taha.

The US Charge D'Affaires, Alberto Fernandez, said that the visit will include south Sudan and Darfur.

Speaking to Miraya FM, Fernandez said that the visit will concentrate on solving the Darfur crisis, specially the humanitarian situation after the government's decision of expelling aid organizations from Darfur, in addition to following up the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
U.S. senator arrives in Khartoum for talks on Sudan-U.S. ties
KHARTOUM, April 15, 2009 (Xinhua) -- A U.S. congressional delegation led by Senator John Kerry arrived in Khartoum on Wednesday for talks with Sudanese officials on ties between Khartoum and Washington.

Kerry, chairman of U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and his delegation are expected to meet Sudanese Vice President Ali Osman Mohammed Taha, Presidential Assistant Nafie Ali Nafie, Presidential Adviser Ghazi Salah al-Din and Foreign Minister Deng Alor.

He will then head for Al-Fisher, the capital city of North Darfur State, where he will meet local officials and representatives of the hybrid peacekeeping mission of the United Nations and the African Union in Darfur (UNAMID), and visit some refugee camps.

The U.S. senator's visit to Sudan came only one week following a tour in the eastern African country by Scott Gration, the special envoy of the U.S. president to Sudan.

Abdul Basit Badawi Snoussi, director-general of bilateral relations in the Sudanese Foreign Ministry, reiterated on the eve of Kerry's arrival Sudan's firm position in dealing with the United States.

He said at the Sudanese Media Center that any problems between Khartoum and Washington, no matter how complicated they are, should be ironed out through dialogue rather than pressures and threats.

Expressing his government's satisfaction with the new approach of the U.S. administration in dealing with various issues in Africa, the Sudanese official said that Sudan had received the U.S. special envoy with an open heart and heard from him "good words" that sent optimistic signals.

"This is not the end but the beginning of the road for solutions through dialogue and understanding as a first step, which should be followed by others," he said.

Editor: Mu Xuequan
US Senator John Kerry

Photo source: Sudan Watch Tuesday, April 07, 2009 - US Senator John Kerry to visit Darfur and Khartoum, Sudan

10 JEM rebels sentenced to death for Khartoum attack

From Reuters Wed Apr 15, 2009 by Khalid Abdel Aziz:
Darfur rebels sentenced to death for Khartoum attack
KHARTOUM (Reuters) - A Sudanese court on Wednesday sentenced to death 10 members of the Darfur rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) for an unprecedented 2008 attack on the Sudanese capital.

The men were found guilty of involvement in the attack on the Khartoum suburb of Omdurman in May 2008. Three others were acquitted and will be freed, the court said.

After the sentence was announced, the men raised their shackled hands and shouted in unison "Allah Akbar" (God is great) and "Revolution until victory".

The men were found guilty of 12 charges, including treason, violence against the state and illegal possession of weapons. The group has seven days to appeal the decision.

The sitting judge rejected requests for leniency from their lawyers.

More than 200 people were killed and hundreds injured when JEM launched the shock attack.

The rebels drove across hundreds of miles of desert and scrubland to reach the capital and were only repelled at a bridge a few kilometres away from the presidential palace.

Some 50 JEM members have previously been sentenced to death for the attacks. None have yet been executed.

The court was specially created to try JEM members involved in the attack.
From AFP Wed Apr 15 2009:
Sudan condemns Darfur rebels to death
KHARTOUM (AFP) — A Sudanese court on Wednesday condemned 10 rebels from the Darfur rebel Justice and Equality Movement to death for an unprecedented attack on Khartoum in 2008 which killed more than 220 people.

"I condemn you to death by hanging," Judge Mutasim Tajisir said in delivering the verdict.

The men were found guilty of terrorist activities, overthrowing the regime, destruction of public property and possession of illegal arms, he said.

"God is Great! JEM is strong! Revolution, revolution until victory!" cried the defendants, dressed in traditional long robes, after hearing the verdict.

Tajisir, who ordered the release of three others accused in the case, gave the defendants one week to appeal the verdict -- which was swiftly branded illegal by JEM.

Fifty members of JEM -- the most active Darfur rebel group -- have already been condemned to hang over the attack on the capital's twin city of Omdurman in May 2008.

More than 222 people were killed when rebels thrust more than 1,000 kilometres (600 miles) across the sandy expanse from conflict-torn Darfur in western Sudan to Omdurman, just across the Nile from the presidential palace.

"This judgement is illegal, illegitimate and violates international law," JEM spokesman Ahmed Hussein told AFP. "This is yet another evidence that the judicial system of the regime is not independent."

The verdict is "a clear violation of Doha because the regime recognised there that these guys are war prisoners that have to be exchanged," Hussein said.

Last year, the United Nations expressed concern over the trials in the Sudanese courts especially created for the case and urged Khartoum to abolish capital punishment.

Defence lawyers have argued that the special courts are unconstitutional and have not guaranteed their clients' legal rights.

Under Sudanese law, any death sentence must be ratified by an appeal court and the high court. All death warrants must then be signed and approved by President Omar al-Beshir.

The JEM last month said it would no longer hold peace talks with the Sudanese government after Khartoum's expulsion of foreign aid agencies from the war-ravaged region.

It had signed an accord in the Qatari capital of Doha in February with Khartoum on a package of confidence-building measures, paving the way for substantive peace negotiations.

But it said peace talks were no longer possible after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Beshir on March 4 for war crimes in Darfur.

The world court has accused Beshir of criminal responsibility for "exterminating, raping and forcibly transferring large numbers of civilians" from Darfur.

The United Nations says that up to 300,000 people have died and more than 2.2 million have fled their homes since ethnic minority rebels in Darfur rose up against the regime in February 2003. Sudan says 10,000 have been killed.