Friday, July 12, 2019

Sudan's ruling militia says it's survived coup attempt

TOP general says plotters were trying to disrupt recent truce between army and protesters. “Officers and soldiers from the army and national intelligence and security service, some of them retired, were trying to carry out a coup,” Gen Jamal Omar of the ruling military council said in a statement broadcast live on state television. 

“The regular forces were able to foil the attempt.”  He did not say when the attempt was made.

Full story:  The Guardian UK by AFP in Khartoum, Thu 11 Jul 2019 23.04 BST
Last modified on Thu 11 Jul 2019 23.27 BST

Thursday, July 11, 2019

Sudan’s ‘revolution’ was a military coup in disguise

Opinion piece from Middle East Monitor.com
By KHALIL CHARLES @khalilcharles
Published: July 4, 2019
Title: Sudan's 'revolution' was a military coup in disguise

Photo: Sudan's ousted President Omar Al-Bashir in Khartoum on 28 February 2019 [ASHRAF SHAZLY/AFP/Getty Images]

According to well-informed sources, on the night of 22 February this year, as the invited guests in Sudan’s presidential palace gardens and television crews waited for the President to arrive and address the nation, the country’s former head of intelligence was also waiting. 

Enraged by President Omar Al-Bashir’s words, Major General Salah Abdallah, also known as Salah Gosh, made the snap decision to do everything in his power to depose him.

Just hours before, Abdallah had agreed with the President on the three points that he would later make in his own statement to the foreign media prior to Al-Bashir’s speech: The President would step down as head of the ruling National Congress Party; he would become a national figure independent of political parties; and he would not seek re-election next year.

Abdallah’s agreement with President Al-Bashir followed weeks of protests and civil unrest calling for the end of his 30-year rule. On the night of 22 February, the political pressure within the corridors of power as well as the tension on the streets made the agreed statement the most prudent course of action. However, as Al-Bashir walked out with the aid of his customary walking stick, the atmosphere had changed. He had arrived some six hours late. The delay only increased the anticipation and tension, but when Salah Abdallah asked quietly about the delay and the outcome of the leadership meeting, sources say that, “His impatience turned to seething rage.”

It transpired that Al-Bashir had been persuaded by the leadership of the National Congress, his close family and, indeed, some elements in the Army, neither to step down as leader, nor to declare himself a national figure and, crucially, not to announce that he would not be seeking re-election in 2020. The reaction to his speech was almost universal condemnation across Sudan and in the Sudanese diaspora. According to Sudanese journalist and activist Faisal Mohammed Salih, this was “one of the worst” speeches ever heard in Sudan. “I was appearing on satellite on Sky News Arabia,” he explained, “and seconds after the speech ended that is how I described it.”

The following morning, Abdallah put the wheels in motion to unseat the President. He gave strict orders to the security services not to intervene to stop the demonstrations from going ahead, despite the announcement of a state of emergency preventing movement after midnight and prohibiting gatherings in public places. Days after Al-Bashir’s announcement, public marches and protests intensified.
Photo: Sudanese demonstrators gather to protest demanding a civilian transition government in front of military headquarters outside the army headquarters in Khartoum, Sudan on 3 May 2019 [Mahmoud Hjaj/Anadolu Agency]

Abdallah then contacted his trusted confidante, Mohammed Hamdan Dalagu of the Rapid Support Forces [the former Janjaweed militias] and now Deputy President of the Transitional Military Council, as well as Taha Hussein, a Sudanese-Saudi national dismissed by Al-Bashir for siding with the Saudis against Qatar during the Gulf crisis. Hussein maintained close links with the United Arab Emirates, where the government was kept informed of Abdallah’s master plan every step of the way. The intelligence chief then met secretly with Sudanese army officers to galvanise support for the takeover.

According to the source, who spoke directly to Abdallah, he was fully aware of the level of discontent among high ranking officers. Having sought agreement to his plan he then cleared the way for protesters to change the direction of their marches towards the Army Headquarters rather than towards the palace.

All attempts to gather on the area in front of the palace had previously been repelled with great force by the security forces, but on the 6 April anniversary of the coup against former President Gaafar Numeri the crowds swelled to hundreds of thousands.

It is unclear whether or not President Al-Bashir was made aware of the full extent of the protests. However, Salah Abdallah deployed up to 15,000 security personnel among the protesters to agitate and support the protest against the President. “As ordered, I spent three nights outside the Army Headquarters calling for the fall of Al-Bashir,” said security officer Badderdeen, who doubles as a taxi driver during the day. “I only moved when I got word that the Rapid Support Forces had been given orders to break up the protests and I knew there would be bloodshed.” Indeed, Al-Bashir had ordered the streets to be cleared but Dalagu told audiences weeks later of his refusal to follow the order to kill innocent people. “In the end, Dalagu is part of the revolution,” Badderdeen added. “If it was not for him this revolution could never have happened.”

On the morning of 11 April, the fifteen bodyguards accompanying President Al-Bashir to the dawn prayer were surrounded by 90 soldiers who encircled the small mosque in Hai Al-Matar. At the end of the prayer, Al-Bashir was surrounded as he stood in the first row to the left of the Imam. Salah Abdallah’s preparations had finally paid off. Al-Bashir was led away without a struggle to the guest room of his home adjoining the Army headquarters. Eventually, he was transferred to Kober Federal Prison, along with dozens of prominent members of the ruling National Congress Party who had been arrested simultaneously that morning, where he was to be held in isolation.

The Transitional Military Council then set about the task of camouflaging its coup d’état with the euphoria of revolutionary sentiment but woefully misjudged the demands of the Sudanese people. The coup may have been successful as far as the military was concerned, but in the minds of the protesters, the revolution was never just about removing Omar Al-Bashir. His 30 years in power not only represented the worst excesses of corruption, oppression and mismanagement, but more than anything he also represented the illegitimacy of the military’s unwelcomed role in politics since Sudan’s independence in 1956. Sudan’s “revolution” was a military coup in disguise; the struggle for civilian rule continues.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

Tuesday, July 09, 2019

Wyclef Jean writes and sings a great song for Sudan

Wyclef Jean is a Haitian rapper, musician and actor. At the age of nine, Jean emigrated to the USA with his family. He first achieved fame as a member of the New Jersey hip hop group the Fugees. Jean has won three Grammy Awards for his musical work. 

Here is Wyclef's tweet with a clip of him singing a great new song he wrote for Sudan.
Here is a direct link to the above tweet: https://twitter.com/wyclef/status/1145327756504391681

Monday, July 08, 2019

Sudan’s TMC talks with Alliance of Freedom and Change (AFC) includes NUP, SLA-MM, SPLM-N

Article from Al-Ahram Weekly.org.eg
By HAITHAM NOURI
Published Thursday 4 Jul 2019
Title: Sudan’s message to the world

Sudan needs a government of technocrats and interest-based relationships with other countries if its political transition is to succeed, says Deputy Chairman of National Umma Party Mariam Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi from Khartoum
Photo caption: Sudan’s message to the world

Sudan’s opposition Alliance of Freedom and Change (AFC) returned to the capital Khartoum after a two-day visit to Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, where its delegation held meetings with leaders of the African Union (AU) and African ambassadors “to update them on the situation in Khartoum.”

The AFC delegation comprised opposition figures Wagdi Saleh, Hassan Abdel-Ati, Monser Al-Tayed and Moetaz Saleh, in addition to Deputy Chairman of the opposition National Umma Party (NUP) Mariam Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi.

It also included Mona Arko Minawi, head of the Sudan Liberation Army-Minni Minawi (SLA-MM) and Yassir Arman, deputy chairman of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), militarily active in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan states.

Al-Mahdi, a physician, has been one of the “staunchest opponents” of the 30-year regime of ousted former president Omar Al-Bashir who toppled her father’s government in June 1989.

Since the onset of negotiations between the Transitional Military Council (TMC) and the AFC, the umbrella bloc that includes the NUP headed by Mariam’s father Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi, the physician has been a member of the team negotiating with the TMC.

She did not take part in the latest round of negotiations that took place after communications were temporarily severed between the TMC and AFC, however. Sitting in her stead was Ibrahim Al-Amin.

“These negotiations are part of an attempt to break the ranks of the AFC,” Mariam Al-Mahdi told Al-Ahram Weekly in an interview from Khartoum. “But it is normal to change the members of the negotiating delegation, particularly if the talks take a long time, as is the case with Sudan.”

Like her father, she has been no stranger to jail and self-exile. But she has always preferred to stay in Khartoum to make fiery statements against Al-Bashir’s regime and take part in opposition activities over the past two decades.

With the eruption of the nationwide protests that toppled Al-Bashir on 6 April, Al-Mahdi ended her self-exile and returned from London, despite facing threats from Sudan’s security forces, according to family sources.

Al-Mahdi was not arrested when she arrived in Sudan, but she was later arrested along with her sister Rabah on charges of illegal protests. The sisters were fined, but they refused to pay.

Al-Mahdi told the Weekly that the AFC’s visit to Addis Ababa was “important. We met the chairperson of the AU Commission and a number of African ambassadors to put them in the picture about what is happening in Sudan.”

“The AU has suspended Sudan’s membership until authority is handed over to a civilian government. This is in line with AU agreements,” she said.

The AU also froze Burkina Faso’s membership following the overthrow of dictator Blaise Compaore in 2014 within the framework of the 2003 Protocol on Amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union. The AU had earlier granted the TMC three months to hand over power to a civilian government.

Al-Mahdi pointed to the “positive environment” in Addis Ababa that houses the headquarters of the AU Commission. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had also stepped in to mediate between the AFC and TMC, she said.

She accused the TMC of “stalling in handing over authority” to civilians. “We don’t want to end one period of authoritarian rule to be handed over to another one. We want a government of technocrats as soon as possible,” she added.

Regarding accusations made by the TMC that it was the AFC that was “stalling the negotiations,” Al-Mahdi said that “this is not true. We accepted Ethiopia’s mediation to resume the talks, albeit with conditions, such as investigating the dispersal of the sit-in [in front of the army headquarters in central Khartoum], the resumption of Internet services and freeing the detainees.”

“We suspended the successful civil disobedience out of a desire to build trust, offer our good will and show our commitment to the negotiations. The TMC has not responded to any of our demands.”

NUP head Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi had rejected the calls for a general strike and civil disobedience on the grounds that these were “escalatory measures” against the TMC, which he called a “partner in change.”

TMC Spokesperson Shamseddin Al-Kebashi said that elements from the armed forces had dispersed the sit-in “without receiving orders from general command.”

He said the army was intent on investigating their conduct and would punish them if they were found to have contravened orders.

Activists have pointed accusing fingers at the Rapid Support Forces (RDF) led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti). The Sudan Doctors’ Union said 118 Sudanese were killed in the incident, while the Ministry of Health put the figure at 46.

Al-Mahdi avoided implicating any specific party, saying “let’s leave it to a neutral investigating committee” instead.

She stated that she was coordinating with Saudi Arabia and the UAE after she and her father had received the Riyadh and Abu Dhabi ambassadors at their house in Omdurman.

“We want to establish interest-based relationships with all the countries in the world. We don’t want relationships between rulers that are then terminated with the end of their regime. We want relationships based on clear economic and political interests and relationships that don’t change no matter how governments change,” Al-Mahdi told the Weekly.

“Sudan has plenty to offer the Arab world and Africa, primarily in the economic field. We don’t want the aid we received during Al-Bashir’s rule. We want investments that will be to the benefit of all,” she added.

“Why is it that when Ethiopia offered to mediate, no one in Sudan objected, and then their voices grew louder when it came to Sudan’s relationship with Gulf countries? The Gulf countries, Egypt and Ethiopia are our neighbours. This is a fact no one can deny,” Al-Mahdi said.

“Everybody wants to end the state of stagnation, but any hint at holding elections within nine months or [anytime soon] is refused,” she stated.

Regarding news that the TMC could ask Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi to form a civilian government, Mariam Al-Mahdi said that “this can’t take place unless there is nationwide accord from the TMC, the AFC, and all the groups in Sudan. It is a big step that can’t be taken without a consensus.”

 *A version of this article appears in print in the 4 July, 2019 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly under the headline: Sudan’s message to the world

Sunday, July 07, 2019

Sudan TMC release 235 fighters from Darfur rebel group faction SLA that is part of protest movement

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: The following report from AFP says a group of 235 fighters from a faction of a Darfur rebel group that is part of the protest movement were released by Sudan's TMC on 04 July 2019. I wonder whether they were the captives featured in the first of four film clips posted here 25 June: https://sudanwatch.blogspot.com/2019/06/shocking-sudan-film-cruel-tmc-rsf.html
Screengrab from news report "Sudan's military council releases 235 prisoners" - to view report and video showing the prisoners are fighters from the Sudan Liberation Army rebel group click herehttp://www.africanews.com/2019/07/05/sudan-s-military-council-releases-235-prisoners/
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Report by AFP
Published 04 July 2019 18:51 Agency Staff
Sudan talks enter day two with key issue still unresolved
Ruling generals resist demand for civilian-led administration but agree to release detainees

Photo: Members of the Sudanese Military Council and the protest movement the Alliance for Freedom and Change meet at the Corinthia Hotel in the capital Khartoum on July 3, 2019. Picture: AFP/ASHRAF SHAZLY

Khartoum — Talks between Sudan’s ruling generals and protest leaders, held after weeks of standoff following a deadly crackdown on protesters, entered a second day on Thursday [04 July] with the key issue of forming a new governing body still unresolved.

Sudan has been rocked by a political crisis since the army ousted longtime ruler Omar al-Bashir in April on the back of widespread protests, with the ruling generals resisting demonstrators’ demands to hand power to a civilian administration.

The generals had previously agreed over a broad civilian structure, but talks between the two sides collapsed in May following a disagreement over who should lead an overall new governing body — a civilian or a soldier.

Tensions further surged between the generals and protest leaders after a deadly predawn raid on a longstanding protest camp in Khartoum on June 3 killed dozens of demonstrators and wounded hundreds.

Talks finally resumed on Wednesday after intense mediation by Ethiopian and AU envoys, who have put forward a draft proposal to break the deadlock. The two sides were due to meet again on Thursday evening.

“The discussion will be about who heads the sovereign council,” a prominent protest leader who is part of the talks, Ahmed al-Rabie, told AFP, referring to the governing body.

He said the ruling military council that took power after Bashir’s ouster insists the head of the new governing body be from the army. “We believe that symbolically the head of the state must be a civilian,” Rabie said.

For weeks this issue has rocked Sudan, extending the political crisis triggered since the fall of Bashir.

The joint Ethiopian and AU blueprint calls for a civilian-majority ruling body.

On Wednesday, the first day of the latest round of talks, the two sides did not discuss the crucial issue of the governing body.

“The parties conducted responsible negotiations and agreed on some issues,” AU mediator Mohamed El Hacen Lebatt told reporters overnight after long hours of talks held at a luxury hotel in the capital. “There’s a decision taken to release all political detainees.”

A group of 235 fighters from a faction of a Darfur rebel group that is part of the protest movement were released later on Thursday.

They were freed from Al-Huda prison in Omdurman, the twin city of Khartoum across the Nile river, an AFP correspondent reported, adding that many relatives had arrived to receive the fighters.

Protest leaders have exerted pressure on the generals since the June 3 raid on the mass sit-in outside army headquarters. The raid was carried out by men in military fatigues.

The ruling military council insists it did not order the violent dispersal of the sit-in.

At least 136 people have been killed across the country since the raid, including more than 100 on June 3, according to doctors close to the umbrella protest movement, the Alliance for Freedom and Change. The health ministry says 78 people have been killed nationwide over the same period.

On Sunday protest leaders managed to mobilise tens of thousands of supporters in the first mass protest against the generals since the raid.

The mass rally had been seen as a test for the protest leaders’ ability to mobilise crowds after the generals imposed a widespread internet blackout and deployed security forces in the capital’s key squares and districts, and in Omdurman and other towns and villages.

Protest leaders have upped the pressure on the generals by calling for a similar mass protest on July 13, to be followed by a nationwide civil disobedience campaign a day later.

The campaign, if observed, would be the second such agitation since the June 3 raid. The first, held between June 9 and 11, paralysed the country, hitting an already dilapidated economy hard. 
-AFP

Saturday, July 06, 2019

Hospitals targeted, activists tortured, 10 people killed, 181 wounded in protests 30 June across Sudan

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: The following press release from UNHCR provides details of the protests across Sudan last Sunday 30 June and serves as a fair and accurate amalgamation of many articles published online by mainstream media.
Press Release from UNHCR
Published: 04 July 2019 via APO
Title: Bachelet urges Sudan to restore freedoms, investigate violations and move swiftly to civilian rule

Bachelet said her office had received a number of allegations of excessive use of force by the security forces against protestors

GENEVA, Switzerland, July 4, 2019/APO Group/ -- As more details emerge about casualties during Sunday’s [30 June] mass protests in towns and cities across Sudan, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on Wednesday [03 July] called on the Sudanese authorities to lift restrictions on the internet and launch proper independent investigations into all acts of violence and allegations of excessive use of force, including attacks on hospitals.

She also urged the authorities to respect people’s right to protest peacefully and to ensure a swift transition to a civilian government, in line with the clear wishes of large segments of the Sudanese population and of the African Union.

The mass protests reportedly took place in more than ten major towns and cities, including Khartoum, Omdurman, Kassala, Gadaref, Madani, Port Sudan, Atbara, El Fasher, Nyala, Zalingie and Kosti, in response to calls from the Sudan Professionals Association to support demands for a civilian-led transitional authority.

Despite the total shutdown of the internet by the Transitional Military Council (TMC) on 10 June, the scale and breadth of Sunday’s protests appear to have been unprecedented in recent Sudanese history.

Bachelet said her office had received a number of allegations of excessive use of force by the security forces against protestors. A senior Ministry of Health official reportedly announced late on 30 June that seven people had been killed and 181 wounded during the protests that day. He blamed much of the violence on the protestors, noting that the injured included ten members of the security forces.

The Sudanese Doctors Central Committee, affiliated with the Sudan Professionals Association, also reported that seven protestors had been killed in Omdurman and Atbara by live bullets allegedly fired by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and other security forces.

An additional three bodies of local activists were found in Khor Abu Anga in Omdurman on the morning of 1 July, reportedly with visible signs of torture, taking the death toll to at least ten since the start of Sunday’s nationwide protests. “It is essential there are prompt, transparent and independent investigations into how all these people lost their lives, as well as into the causes of such a large number of injuries,” Bachelet said.

Bachelet said she was especially disturbed by reports that, once again, hospitals had been attacked by security forces. The public hospital in Gadaref city was allegedly raided by joint RSF, security and police forces who chased protestors inside the hospital, firing live ammunition and tear gas, injuring at least one person. The UN Human Rights Office received similar allegations that RSF and police had pursued protestors into the military hospital in Omdurman firing tear gas and live bullets, and that a member of the medical staff was shot dead inside the hospital. The Al-Tabib hospital in Khartoum was also reported to have been raided by the RSF and police.

The UN Human Rights Chief noted that earlier calls for investigations into the killings, attacks on medical facilities and thousands of reported rapes and sexual assaults that took place on 3 June and subsequent days had gone unheeded.

“The RSF were alleged to have been heavily implicated in the mass violations in early June,” Bachelet said. “The fact that no serious action has been taken to investigate what happened then, and further in the past, simply feeds the belief that members of the RSF and other security forces have carte blanche to do what they want to protestors and other people. This is a completely unacceptable situation and the Transitional Military Council has an obligation to ensure that members of the security forces are held accountable for any crimes they commit.”

She noted that her offer on 7 June to deploy a UN human rights monitoring team to examine allegations of human rights violations committed since 3 June, had gone unanswered.

She said the TMC’s 27 June offer to release prisoners of war was a welcome gesture, but regretted that the 30 June deadline set by the African Union for a handover to a civilian authorities had not been met.

“This recipe of restrictions, unmet promises, and bouts of unbridled violence which are neither investigated nor punished is stoking massive resentment – as Sunday’s protests showed all too clearly,” she said. “If things continue like this, it will be a recipe for disaster.”

The UN Human Rights Chief said the authorities must issue clear instructions to all security forces not to use force against peaceful protestors, noting that use of firearms is prohibited unless there is imminent risk of life or serious injury.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)

Friday, July 05, 2019

Video Transcript of 2004 interview with alleged Janjaweed leader Sudan warlord Musa Hilal

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: Further to the previous two posts at Sudan Watch featuring alleged Janjaweed leader Musa Hilal, here is a copy of the video transcript of a Human Rights Watch interview with Musa Hilal in September 2004. Yellow highlighting is mine for reference. Last paragraph refers to a list of individuals alleged to be guilty of crimes against humanity. Musa Hilal's name is on the list. More later.

March 2, 2005 7:00PM EST
Video Transcript: Exclusive Video Interview with Alleged Janjaweed Leader

In late September 2004, a Human Rights Watch delegation interviewed Musa Hilal, a tribal leader from North Darfur who has allegedly organized Janjaweed militia to attack non-Arab tribes.
* * *
VO: Human Rights Watch confronted Musa Hilal with reports that he had personally commanded the Janjaweed militia that attacked and killed civilians in Tawila in February 2004. He denied leading his tribesmen into battle, stating that they were organized into official militia, known as PDF, led by Sudanese military commanders.
MH: Regarding the problem of Tawila, I already told you about the issue of the commanders, and as for newspaper reports, actually, I’ve said enough already. All of the people in the field are led by top army commanders. The highest rank is major, and officers, and some sergeants, and some captains, and so on. These people get their orders from the western command center, and from Khartoum.
I’ve never thought of becoming a soldier, or a military commander, and of leading troops and attacking the rebels’ command areas in Tawila, or anywhere else. That’s not true.
As a coordinator and mobilizer, as I said before, yes, it’s true, I mobilize people, I coordinate with recruiters. I’ve been with the PDF commanders, but I was never a commander of troops in a war zone, here or there.

VO: Hilal’s denial of leadership is contradicted by eyewitness testimony. Several men interviewed by Human Rights Watch in Kebkabiya, North Darfur, said that they had twice seen Musa Hilal dressed in a military uniform, leading his troops in celebrating military victories. Both instances occurred in January 2004, when Musa Hilal gathered townspeople in the market in Kebkabiya and announced he had rid fifty villages north of town of the “opposition.” He also accused Kebkabiya residents of supporting the opposition. After he spoke, the witnesses said, Janjaweed militiamen on horses and camels looted the marketplace.
Human Rights Watch challenged Musa Hilal’s claim that he had never participated in attacks, citing evidence that he had led groups that committed attacks in the Kebkabiya area.

MH: Listen, Doctor, they have to get this idea out of their heads. These troops in the west of Kebkabiya, in the north of Kebkabiya, in the south of Kebkabiya, inside the mountains of Jebel Marra -- these troops have commanders leading them, in accordance with military rules.
I’m from Kebkabiya. I come and go with groups there, and I travel with the nomads; I visit their families. This much is true. I attended a small conference on reconciliation, and I’m very involved in establishing relationships of mutual coexistence, specifically west of Kebkabiya. It’s very peaceful from the Mea area up to Wadi Bare, especially my area, which is called Serif Umra, there are about 86 villages made up of different tribes -- Arabs, Fur, so many tribes, Tama, Gimir. I’m involved in encouraging good relationships and establishing local defense forces, made up of Arabs and Fur, to defend Arab and Fur villages. We have to make sure that the Arabs patrol Fur villages, and Fur patrol Arab villages, to defend them from attack.
There are some people in this war that are not part of the joint patrols, and they’re not rebels – they’re criminals; they want to profit off the situation. We build the joint defense forces from different tribes to defend these villages. We’ve secured the area very well, especially west of Kebkabiya. This area is not affected by the war: there’s no displacement, no one is fleeing, the markets are open, the roads are open – it’s a very secure area right now. It’s my area, I’m not denying that I’m involved in this, and I’ll continue to be involved: it’s a good thing that I’m doing.
But as for the military units, with guns, that move around to attack rebel areas or that are attacked by rebels – they’re under the orders of field commanders.

VO: The government of Sudan maintains that the Janjaweed militia is not under army supervision but rather is independent of government control or influence. But Musa Hilal claims that his tribesmen are organized into government-sponsored militia, and that he does not have the power to demobilize or disarm them. He says that this responsibility rests with the Sudanese government.
MH: It’s the government’s concern. They’re the ones that gave the PDF the guns; they’re the ones that recruited the PDF; they’re the ones that pay their salaries; they give them their ID cards. They can disarm them or they can leave them alone; that’s the government’s concern.
Our job is to mobilize the people – the government has told us to mobilize people. We’ve gone to the people to tell them to join the PDF and defend your country, defend the land, defend the country’s most important things, and that you have to fight for your survival and the country’s stability. If the government comes back to us and tells us that they want to demobilize the people that we brought to them, that’s the government’s concern.

VO: On July 30, 2004, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution that gave the government of Sudan thirty days to disarm the Janjaweed. But Musa Hilal claims that the government of Sudan has never asked him to tell his tribesmen to disarm.
MH: I don’t have a relation or link by which they can talk to me personally. If they want to talk they can talk to the tribal leaders’ conference and issue the orders, like previous orders to disarm the rebels or the Janjaweed. I think the PDF is a military organization. There’s no link by which they can come talk to me.

VO: Musa Hilal specifically denies that his tribesmen have committed attacks independently, outside of government control. He blames unidentified criminals for such attacks.
MH: Is this question specifically directed to me and my people: are you saying that we attacked the rebels without the presence of the military? That’s not true. I just want to tell you something there’s criminals on all sides, from all tribes in the area, whether my people or other people. There are people who aren’t part of the PDF or the rebels. These people are greedy and selfish. I’ll give you an example: when the bull or the cow dies, all the vultures come from the sky to feed off the carcass. The problem between the government and the rebels -- sometimes criminals take advantage of the situation and they commit crimes. And these crimes exist and you can’t say who’s responsible for them. There’s a lot of propaganda made up about this. You can’t tell who did them, where they went; everything is hazy.

VO: But as a tribal leader in the Kebkabiya area of North Darfur, Musa Hilal is in an excellent position to know exactly who is committing major, large-scale crimes such as massacres and the destruction of villages. All the witnesses Human Rights Watch interviewed in Musa Hilal’s region reported that the military attacks were coming from his people. There is nothing hazy about it: Musa Hilal is covering up his major role in the destruction of Darfur.
Human Rights Watch has obtained Sudanese government documents that show Musa Hilal’s responsibility for leading Janjaweed militia. A memo dated February 13, 2004 from a local government office in North Darfur orders “security units in the locality” to “allow the activities of the mujahedeen and the volunteers under the command of Sheikh Musa Hilal to proceed in the areas of [North Darfur] and to secure their vital needs.” The memo specifically tells security units not to interfere in the activities of Hilal’s volunteers.
Despite the evidence against him, Musa Hilal shows little concern about the possibility that he might someday be found criminally responsible. Asked if he feared prosecution, he said:
MH: With common criminals? First, I am not a criminal. Thank God I’m not afraid. I’ve never had any fear. If there’s a concrete complaint and an investigation is opened against me, I can go to court -- nobody is above the law -- but not because of allegations made by Ali al Haj and Khalil Ibrahim, who are rebel leaders, who make up dark information and give to the UN, and they put my name on the list. That’s not right.

VO: On January 25, a U.N.-sponsored Commission of Inquiry presented a report on the gross violations of human rights committed in Darfur, based on extensive fact-finding and evidence collection conducted in the region. The report stated that the government and Janjaweed militia “conducted indiscriminate attacks, including killing of civilians, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and other forms of sexual violence, pillaging and forced displacement, throughout Darfur. These acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and therefore may amount to crimes against humanity.”
The Commission of Inquiry strongly recommended that the Darfur situation be referred to the International Criminal Court. It said that the prosecution of those likely responsible for the most serious crimes in Darfur would contribute to peace in the region. The report identified individuals possibly guilty of these abuses, but withheld their names from the public. It is likely that the Commission of Inquiry included Musa Hilal on this list of individuals alleged to be guilty of crimes against humanity.

SOURCE

Related Reports

Sudan Watch - Thursday, July 04, 2019
Sudan Warlord Sheikh Musa Hilal interview in Darfur 2004 and Khartoum 2005
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Sudan Watch - Thursday, July 04, 2019
Warlord Sheikh Musa Hilal of Darfur, Sudan: Lynchpin of Arab Janjaweed Militia Recruitment
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Sudan Watch - Friday, June 28, 2019
ICC: Violence against civilians in Darfur Sudan must stop and all ICC Darfur suspects must stand trial
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Sudan Watch - Thursday, June 27, 2019
Mass killings in Darfur, Al-Bashir should face justice, says ICC - Al-Bashir taken from Kober prison to prosecutor's office in Khartoum Sudan, formally charged with corruption and money laundering
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