The new funds for the EU's African Peace Facility, created three years ago with a 250 million euro budget, are intended to cover the 2006-10 period.
"There is no development without stability, and no development without security," EU Development Commissioner Louis Michel told a news conference after a ministerial meeting of the 25-nation bloc.
The African Peace Facility has been mostly used to support African Union efforts to halt violence in Darfur, Michel said.
He confirmed the EU was preparing to give 50 million euros to help the AU finance a six-month extension of its mission, adding to 162 million already given by the bloc for that operation.
The AU says it costs around $24 million a month to run its [Darfur] mission, for which it relies on donor nations.
Tuesday, April 11, 2006
EU gives $424 million for Africa peace operations
The European Union has set aside 350 million euros ($424 million) for continued support of African-led peacekeeping operations in Africa, including Darfur, EU officials said April 11, 2006 - Reuters:
UN Security Council calls for Sudan to explain Egeland fiasco
The UN Security Council reports this morning its regret at the Sudanese government denying entry of the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator to Darfur and called for an explanation:
In a presidential statement read by this month's Council President, Wang Guangya (China), the Council also expressed its regret and its "grave concern over the humanitarian consequences" at the Government's decision not to renew the contract of the Norwegian Refugee Council.Also today, China's Xinhua reports UN Council demands parties in Sudan to reach agreement by April 30.
The Council, reiterating its full support for the Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks on the Conflict in Darfur in Abuja, Nigeria, endorsed the decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council that 30 April was the final deadline for reaching an agreement.
Vacancy: Ockenden seeks Field Director, South Sudan
Ockenden International, a UK-based secular NGO working with refugees, seeks a Field Director to oversee their programmes in south Sudan. Full job specification and details on how to apply are on the Ockenden website.
Propaganda war in Chad aimed at sowing fear and panic
"The UN and most NGOs have decided to reduce staff at Goz-Beida ... as a security precaution," UNHCR spokesman Matthew Conway told Reuters:
Speaking by telephone from Abeche, some 270 km (170 miles) to the north of Goz-Beida, Conway said the rebels appeared to have pulled back from both Koukou Angarana and the refugee camp.
"All our offices in the east have checked in and calm is prevailing," he said.
"PROPAGANDA WAR"
Diplomats and aid workers said recent rebel statements announcing the capture of major towns in the east -- which later turned out to be false or exaggerated -- appeared aimed at sowing fear and panic among local officials.
The government says it still controls the country.
"There's a propaganda war being fought here," said one diplomat, who asked not to be named.
Chad's government blamed Sudan for Monday's raid on the refugee camp, which it said caused damage and casualties.
The UNHCR's Conway said the agency had received no reports of civilian casualties.
"Sudan has decided to destabilise Chad with carefully planned terrorist strikes," Chad's Information Minister Hourmadji Moussa Doumgor said in a statement which described the rebels as "mercenaries in the pay of Sudan".
Since last year, insurgent groups, their ranks swelled by army deserters, have been harrying Deby's forces from the east.
Diplomats say it remains to be seen whether they can push to N'Djamena before the elections. Rebel fighters killed the Chadian army commander, who was Deby's nephew, last month.
In May's election, Deby -- who won power in a 1990 military revolt from the east -- will face four candidates with links to his government.
Source: Reuters report by Betel Miarom 11 April, 2006 with additional reporting by Pascal Fletcher in Dakar.
- - -
Chad rebels from bases in Darfur attack refugee camp
BBC report: Chad has 12 camps hosting Sudanese refugees from Darfur. A large number of army officers have deserted to join the FUCD, a coalition of rebel groups led by Mahamat Nour from bases in Darfur on Sudan's border with Chad. But Chad's government is refusing to call the attackers rebels and blames Sudan for the incident at the camp. Chad says the assailants were mercenaries supported by Khartoum.
Apr 10 2006 FUC in eastern Chad mount fresh offensive to get to N'Djamena and oust Chadian President Deby
Apr 11 2006 BBC Chadian rebels raid central town
Apr 12 2006 BBC Chad rebels 'advance on capital' - The BBC's Stephanie Hancock in N'Djamena says people in the capital are going to work as usual, but are not sending their children to school in case of unrest.
Speaking by telephone from Abeche, some 270 km (170 miles) to the north of Goz-Beida, Conway said the rebels appeared to have pulled back from both Koukou Angarana and the refugee camp.
"All our offices in the east have checked in and calm is prevailing," he said.
"PROPAGANDA WAR"
Diplomats and aid workers said recent rebel statements announcing the capture of major towns in the east -- which later turned out to be false or exaggerated -- appeared aimed at sowing fear and panic among local officials.
The government says it still controls the country.
"There's a propaganda war being fought here," said one diplomat, who asked not to be named.
Chad's government blamed Sudan for Monday's raid on the refugee camp, which it said caused damage and casualties.
The UNHCR's Conway said the agency had received no reports of civilian casualties.
"Sudan has decided to destabilise Chad with carefully planned terrorist strikes," Chad's Information Minister Hourmadji Moussa Doumgor said in a statement which described the rebels as "mercenaries in the pay of Sudan".
Since last year, insurgent groups, their ranks swelled by army deserters, have been harrying Deby's forces from the east.
Diplomats say it remains to be seen whether they can push to N'Djamena before the elections. Rebel fighters killed the Chadian army commander, who was Deby's nephew, last month.
In May's election, Deby -- who won power in a 1990 military revolt from the east -- will face four candidates with links to his government.
Source: Reuters report by Betel Miarom 11 April, 2006 with additional reporting by Pascal Fletcher in Dakar.
- - -
Chad rebels from bases in Darfur attack refugee camp
BBC report: Chad has 12 camps hosting Sudanese refugees from Darfur. A large number of army officers have deserted to join the FUCD, a coalition of rebel groups led by Mahamat Nour from bases in Darfur on Sudan's border with Chad. But Chad's government is refusing to call the attackers rebels and blames Sudan for the incident at the camp. Chad says the assailants were mercenaries supported by Khartoum.
Apr 10 2006 FUC in eastern Chad mount fresh offensive to get to N'Djamena and oust Chadian President Deby
Apr 11 2006 BBC Chadian rebels raid central town
Apr 12 2006 BBC Chad rebels 'advance on capital' - The BBC's Stephanie Hancock in N'Djamena says people in the capital are going to work as usual, but are not sending their children to school in case of unrest.
Egypt: Mubarak tackles Darfur over phone with Annan
President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt received a phone call from UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to discuss Darfur, SIS/andn reported April 11, 2006.
Monday, April 10, 2006
FUC in eastern Chad mount fresh offensive to get to N'Djamena and oust Chadian President Deby
Apr 10, 2006 AFP report says rebels from the United Front for Change (FUC) Monday mounted a fresh attack in eastern Chad. Excerpt:
The rebels seized the village of Koukou, 50 kilometres (31 miles) southeast of the town of Goz Beida, where they also took a refugee camp, home to 17,000 Sudanese who fled the civil war in Darfur, said a source close to the UNHCR. Armed men took control of the UNHCR's offices in the camp, taking nine staff hostage and killing a Chad policeman, the same source said.
A spokesman for the FUC confirmed to AFP that the rebels had taken Koukou, but denied that they had invaded the refugee camp. "We attacked Koukou around 1500 GMT, and took the village without encountering any resistance," said Abdoulaye Abdelkerim. "We did not enter the refugee camp... it wouldn't make any sense for us to do that," he added. "Our goal is to get to N'Djamena and oust (President Idriss) Deby."
Apr 2 2006 Mohamat Nour's Chadian rebel United Front for Change (FUC) aims to depose Chadian president Deby
Photo: Chadian rebel group FUC leader Mohamat Nour. See Feb 12 2006 Reuters exclusive interview: Mahamat Nour the Chad rebel leader demands change, by force if needed
Apr 10 2006 BBC Chad rebels attack military base - "This is only the beginning - our morale is very high," Abdel Rahman Abdel Karim, one of the rebel FUCD leaders, told Reuters news agency by phone after the attack on the Haraze Mangueigne garrison.
Apr 10 2006 Sapa-dpa Rebel attacks in Chad ahead of polls - Ndjamena renewed its accusation against neighbouring Sudan of supporting the rebels, who are stepping up attacks in a bid to topple embattled president Idriss Deby's 15-year hold on power.
Apr 4 2006 SLM claims Sudanese troops and Janjaweed now massed in Geneina, W Darfur to bring down Chad's President Deby
Mar 31 2006 Mercenaries from Sudan attacked Chadian town of Modeina - dozens killed, 4,000 civilians displaced
The rebels seized the village of Koukou, 50 kilometres (31 miles) southeast of the town of Goz Beida, where they also took a refugee camp, home to 17,000 Sudanese who fled the civil war in Darfur, said a source close to the UNHCR. Armed men took control of the UNHCR's offices in the camp, taking nine staff hostage and killing a Chad policeman, the same source said.
A spokesman for the FUC confirmed to AFP that the rebels had taken Koukou, but denied that they had invaded the refugee camp. "We attacked Koukou around 1500 GMT, and took the village without encountering any resistance," said Abdoulaye Abdelkerim. "We did not enter the refugee camp... it wouldn't make any sense for us to do that," he added. "Our goal is to get to N'Djamena and oust (President Idriss) Deby."
Apr 2 2006 Mohamat Nour's Chadian rebel United Front for Change (FUC) aims to depose Chadian president Deby
Photo: Chadian rebel group FUC leader Mohamat Nour. See Feb 12 2006 Reuters exclusive interview: Mahamat Nour the Chad rebel leader demands change, by force if needed
Apr 10 2006 BBC Chad rebels attack military base - "This is only the beginning - our morale is very high," Abdel Rahman Abdel Karim, one of the rebel FUCD leaders, told Reuters news agency by phone after the attack on the Haraze Mangueigne garrison.
Apr 10 2006 Sapa-dpa Rebel attacks in Chad ahead of polls - Ndjamena renewed its accusation against neighbouring Sudan of supporting the rebels, who are stepping up attacks in a bid to topple embattled president Idriss Deby's 15-year hold on power.
Apr 4 2006 SLM claims Sudanese troops and Janjaweed now massed in Geneina, W Darfur to bring down Chad's President Deby
Mar 31 2006 Mercenaries from Sudan attacked Chadian town of Modeina - dozens killed, 4,000 civilians displaced
AU mediators fail to move Darfur peace talks forward
The warring parties finished two days of high level talks mediated by AU Chairman but failed to achieve a breakthrough to end more than three years of fighting, IRIN reported today. A seventh round of peace-talks will continue in the Nigerian capital Abuja.
NATO officials cautious on support for Darfur peacekeepers
April 10, 2006 AP report says NATO officials gave a cautious response Monday to a report that the US will propose sending several hundred alliance advisers to beef up an African peacekeeping mission in Darfur. Excerpt:
Mar 7 2006 NATO rules out troop presence in Darfur
The Washington Post reported the Bush administration wants the advisers assigned to African Union headquarters units to assist with logistics, communications, command and intelligence. Citing administration officials, the report said plans under consideration envisaged fewer than 500 NATO advisers including some US troops.- - -
NATO military planners are drawing up options for boost the alliance's support for the AU force in response to a request last month from UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. However, officials at alliance headquarters said the US would struggle to persuade allies to commit so many troops.
One official said the military planners were looking at dozens rather than hundreds of NATO experts to support the AU. The military is expected to submit options to NATO's political authorities this month, said officials who spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the planning.
NATO planes helped fly in the current 7,000-strong African peacekeeping force and the alliance has sent a small number of experts to AU headquarters in Ethiopia to provide training and advice. Officials said the number of NATO experts there rarely reached double figures.
The UN is seeking to replace the AU force with a stronger UN peacekeeping mission and has asked NATO to help prepare the changeover.
NATO has agreed to increased support, but allied and UN officials want to keep the mission African-led. They are concerned any deployment large numbers of European or North American troops could inflame regional sensitivities - particularly if the mainly Muslim Sudanese government opposes a NATO deployment.
NATO's Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer has repeatedly said increased support for the African peacekeepers will not entail allied "boots on the ground" in Darfur.
Mar 7 2006 NATO rules out troop presence in Darfur
Why a more robust force in Darfur needs to be a UN force
Jan Pronk (the UN Secretary-General's Special Representative for the Sudan and head of the peace support operation for southern Sudan) in his blog entry 7 April 2006, explains the only way to avoid failure with a new ceasefire agreement is to bring a more robust force to Darfur and why, in his view, it can only be a UN force. Excerpt:
"Before the Security Council can take further decisions concerning the proposed transition towards a UN peace force in Darfur, it expects to receive an assessment of the situation in Darfur and of the possible modalities of a take-over. It is self evident that his should be a joint assessment, carried out by experts from both the AU and the UN. However, the Government has already declared that an assessment mission would not be welcome. After all, so they say, why would an assessment be necessary if there is no transition? Minister of Foreign Affairs Lam Akol has even declared that a transition, if any, would only imply a change of the present AU mandate into a new AU mandate. So far, the African Union has not corrected this surprising interpretation. Neither has the AU approached the Sudanese authorities requesting permission for an assessment. It seems that we are in a deadlock.
In Abuja there is progress, however. Early this month I paid another visit to the negotiations, my fourth time since the beginning of his year. I concluded that as far as the two substantial chapters are concerned - sharing of power and sharing of wealth - further talks will not help. Time is ripe for decisions, to cut the knot and strike a bargain. This could happen soon. We may expect a fresh position of SPLM within the Government of National Union. SPLM so far has supported its coalition partner, the NCP. However, it has come under pressure to take a more independent and forthcoming stance. From his side President Beshir seems to have instructed his negotiating team to define a possible deal.
The talks concerning the third chapter, security and cease fire arrangements, are also showing some progress. The military experts at both sides are talking with each other. A certain mutual understanding seems to emerge. For the first time the SLA has disclosed the positions which it claims to hold. The mediators have become engaged in some mapping of positions. If parties would recognize each others strengths and positions, mediators could try to convince them to freeze the status quo. Thereupon positions could be consolidated in the medium term, creating space for further peace talks - including the start of an all inclusive Darfur-Darfur dialogue - and for disarmament and demobilisation.
The African Union intends to reach an agreement around end April. Calling this a deadline would not be credible. The parties, despite the commitments made by all of them, had so clearly disregarded the previous deadline (31 December 2005) that setting a new one would not make much sense. End April is an objective which could be reached, in particular if the parties and the mediators would not aim at complete, unambiguous texts. The text of the so-called Enhanced Humanitarian Cease Fire Agreement which seems to emerge from the present talks is much better than the D'Jamena cease fire agreement of May 2005. However, it is also more complicated, because of the zoning of positions, which have to be verified, and the introduction of buffer zones and corridors between the zones, which requires checking and monitoring of troop movements. I am afraid that the African Union peace force in Darfur, given its present size, strength and composition, will not be able to carry out that task. Success in the talks may breed failure on the ground. The only way to avoid a new failure is to bring a more robust force to Darfur. In my view that can only be a UN force."
"Before the Security Council can take further decisions concerning the proposed transition towards a UN peace force in Darfur, it expects to receive an assessment of the situation in Darfur and of the possible modalities of a take-over. It is self evident that his should be a joint assessment, carried out by experts from both the AU and the UN. However, the Government has already declared that an assessment mission would not be welcome. After all, so they say, why would an assessment be necessary if there is no transition? Minister of Foreign Affairs Lam Akol has even declared that a transition, if any, would only imply a change of the present AU mandate into a new AU mandate. So far, the African Union has not corrected this surprising interpretation. Neither has the AU approached the Sudanese authorities requesting permission for an assessment. It seems that we are in a deadlock.
In Abuja there is progress, however. Early this month I paid another visit to the negotiations, my fourth time since the beginning of his year. I concluded that as far as the two substantial chapters are concerned - sharing of power and sharing of wealth - further talks will not help. Time is ripe for decisions, to cut the knot and strike a bargain. This could happen soon. We may expect a fresh position of SPLM within the Government of National Union. SPLM so far has supported its coalition partner, the NCP. However, it has come under pressure to take a more independent and forthcoming stance. From his side President Beshir seems to have instructed his negotiating team to define a possible deal.
The talks concerning the third chapter, security and cease fire arrangements, are also showing some progress. The military experts at both sides are talking with each other. A certain mutual understanding seems to emerge. For the first time the SLA has disclosed the positions which it claims to hold. The mediators have become engaged in some mapping of positions. If parties would recognize each others strengths and positions, mediators could try to convince them to freeze the status quo. Thereupon positions could be consolidated in the medium term, creating space for further peace talks - including the start of an all inclusive Darfur-Darfur dialogue - and for disarmament and demobilisation.
The African Union intends to reach an agreement around end April. Calling this a deadline would not be credible. The parties, despite the commitments made by all of them, had so clearly disregarded the previous deadline (31 December 2005) that setting a new one would not make much sense. End April is an objective which could be reached, in particular if the parties and the mediators would not aim at complete, unambiguous texts. The text of the so-called Enhanced Humanitarian Cease Fire Agreement which seems to emerge from the present talks is much better than the D'Jamena cease fire agreement of May 2005. However, it is also more complicated, because of the zoning of positions, which have to be verified, and the introduction of buffer zones and corridors between the zones, which requires checking and monitoring of troop movements. I am afraid that the African Union peace force in Darfur, given its present size, strength and composition, will not be able to carry out that task. Success in the talks may breed failure on the ground. The only way to avoid a new failure is to bring a more robust force to Darfur. In my view that can only be a UN force."
Gulf countries and their charities not publicised enough
Talking to IRIN during his first visit to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Jan Egeland said that too often humanitarian aid was associated with the West, adding that Gulf countries gave 94 per cent of their assistance directly to countries needing it. IRIN quotes Mr Egeland as saying:
SINCE WHEN WAS THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES AT THE CENTRE OF THE RELIEF WORLD?
Dubai, city of gold souks and luxury hotels, gateway to the Gulf, hub of humanitarianism... Er, did someone say "humanitarianism"?
Read more by AlertNet's Tim Large who is blogging the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid and Development (DIHAD) Conference and Exhibition.
- - -
GLOBAL AID CONFERENCE IN DUBAI APRIL 10-12
Keynote address by Jan Egeland at DIHAD 2006. - via ReliefWeb April 10.
Apr 10 2006 UN News Centre UN relief chief calls on Middle East to channel more aid through United Nations
"The Gulf region was among the most generous in the world. They are excellent at providing water and sanitation, very effective and quick.- - -
All the important work that the Gulf countries and their various charities are doing is not well enough recognized, in particular in the West."
SINCE WHEN WAS THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES AT THE CENTRE OF THE RELIEF WORLD?
Dubai, city of gold souks and luxury hotels, gateway to the Gulf, hub of humanitarianism... Er, did someone say "humanitarianism"?
Read more by AlertNet's Tim Large who is blogging the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid and Development (DIHAD) Conference and Exhibition.
- - -
GLOBAL AID CONFERENCE IN DUBAI APRIL 10-12
Keynote address by Jan Egeland at DIHAD 2006. - via ReliefWeb April 10.
Apr 10 2006 UN News Centre UN relief chief calls on Middle East to channel more aid through United Nations
Geldof blames China for problems in Sudan's Darfur
Anti-poverty campaigner and Live 8 organiser Sir Bob Geldof accused China on Monday of being responsible for the continuing civil war in Darfur.
The Irish rock star, nominated for the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for organising last year's Live 8 benefit concerts, said China was protecting the Sudanese government because it provides 6% of China's oil.
Reuters graphic shows a detailed map of Sudan's Darfur region and location of refugee camps well over a year ago. Since the graphic was produced, around the the time when the International Criminal Court was about the announce a formal investigation into suspected crimes against humanity in Darfur, more camps have opened. (Sudan Watch archives)
The Irish rock star, nominated for the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for organising last year's Live 8 benefit concerts, said China was protecting the Sudanese government because it provides 6% of China's oil.
"I was in Darfur 20 years ago and people were killing each other then. It's an ancient battle between nomadic people and settled people, between Arab Africans and black Africans, between Islam and Christians ... The reason why it has not been resolved is because of China," Geldof said.Full story Mail & Guardian 10 Apr 2006.
"The Chinese protect the Khartoum government, who are killers, and they will not allow a vote in the Security Council ... so 250 000 people die in Darfur," he said.
Today's greatest political problem, Geldof said, was the "continuing economic decline of a continent [Africa] that is 12,8km from Europe".
Reuters graphic shows a detailed map of Sudan's Darfur region and location of refugee camps well over a year ago. Since the graphic was produced, around the the time when the International Criminal Court was about the announce a formal investigation into suspected crimes against humanity in Darfur, more camps have opened. (Sudan Watch archives)
Mendez: Action is particularly needed in Darfur, where the threat of genocide continues to loom large
Excerpt from article entitled Darfur, much more needs to be done by Juan E Mendez, Special Adviser to the United Nations Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, The Washington Times, 9 April 2006 via Sudan Tribune:
"Part of my job is to provide the Security Council information regarding the worst type of human-rights violations, those warranting a response by the international community.
I have based my work on the existing, universally binding legal obligation expressed in the 1948 Genocide Convention not only to punish genocide, but to prevent it. This legal commitment was reinforced at the September 2005 World Summit with a broader, political and moral commitment by which all member states of the United Nations have now accepted the responsibility to protect civilians from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.
That protection may include, in limited cases, nonconsensual means when governments are unwilling or unable to protect their own citizens. As special adviser, I have stressed that international involvement with the consent of the government in question is always preferable.
Yet despite these obligations and commitments, people continue to be targeted for violence and murder solely because of their ethnic origin. This is happening most flagrantly today in the Sudanese region of Darfur.
Action is particularly needed in Darfur, where the threat of genocide continues to loom large."
Further reading
Apr 7 2006 UN's Mendez on Darfur: "Left unattended, the situation may degenerate into genocide"
Apr 8 2006 UN Action Plan to Prevent Genocide - Juan E Mendez of Argentina, Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide
Apr 8 2006 What is the difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing?
Apr 9 2006 Juan Mendez, UN Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide, tells press "definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur"
Apr 9 2006 The Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide - Mendez
"Part of my job is to provide the Security Council information regarding the worst type of human-rights violations, those warranting a response by the international community.
I have based my work on the existing, universally binding legal obligation expressed in the 1948 Genocide Convention not only to punish genocide, but to prevent it. This legal commitment was reinforced at the September 2005 World Summit with a broader, political and moral commitment by which all member states of the United Nations have now accepted the responsibility to protect civilians from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.
That protection may include, in limited cases, nonconsensual means when governments are unwilling or unable to protect their own citizens. As special adviser, I have stressed that international involvement with the consent of the government in question is always preferable.
Yet despite these obligations and commitments, people continue to be targeted for violence and murder solely because of their ethnic origin. This is happening most flagrantly today in the Sudanese region of Darfur.
Action is particularly needed in Darfur, where the threat of genocide continues to loom large."
Further reading
Apr 7 2006 UN's Mendez on Darfur: "Left unattended, the situation may degenerate into genocide"
Apr 8 2006 UN Action Plan to Prevent Genocide - Juan E Mendez of Argentina, Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide
Apr 8 2006 What is the difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing?
Apr 9 2006 Juan Mendez, UN Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide, tells press "definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur"
Apr 9 2006 The Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide - Mendez
Jan Pronk's Weblog: Talks deadlocked over transition from AU to UN peace force in Darfur
Excerpt from blog entry April 7, 2006 by Jan Pronk, UN special envoy in Sudan:
Talks about a transition from an African Union peace force in Darfur towards a United Nations force are deadlocked. The final decision is in the hands of the Government of Sudan. The transition is meant to protect unarmed civilians against attacks by militia that still seem to be supported by Government forces. However, the Government rejects such a transition and seems to get away with this. Read more...
African military monitors now on Sudan-Chad-CAR border
On Feb 8, 2006 the leaders of Sudan and Chad signed a peace agreement to end increasing tension over Darfur, pledging to normalize diplomatic relations and deny refuge to each other's rebel groups. The agreement is known as the Tripoli Declaration.
On March 21, 2006 the African Union Peace and Security Council endorsed plans to deploy military observers on the Chad-Sudan border as per the Tripoli Declaration. Next day, the African Union sent observers on the Chad-Sudan border.
Photo: Leaders of Chad and Sudan on the evening of Wednesday 8 Feb 2006 signed a peace agreement in Tripoli, Libya under which they promised to immediately expel armed groups hostile to their respective governments. - PANA
Today, Apr 10, 2006, an unsourced article at Sudan Tribune says the deployment of military monitors through the Sudan Chad border started April 9, 2006 when African observers departed from Tripoli, Libya, to monitor the common border from Chadian, Sudanese and Central African sides. Excerpt:
Photo: Click on map image to see Chad-Sudan-CAR border
Photo: Map of Libya
Feb 18 2005 Tony Blair hails Gaddafi's efforts for Darfur
Feb 21 2006 Libya's Gaddhafi and Senegal's Wade discuss African solution to Darfur crisis - United States of Africa?
Feb 23 2006 Libya offers African Union 100,000 troops, 1,000 tanks, 100 aircraft to close Chad-Sudan border
Feb 24 2006 Libya's Gaddhafi and Sudan's al-Bashir discuss Darfur crisis - see list of further reports
Feb 26 2006 Chad-Sudan border peacekeeping force - AU chair and Libyan leader Col Gaddafi follow up on Tripoli mini-summit
Feb 28 2006 Libya's Kadhafi urges Africans to fund AU troops in Darfur
Feb 28 2006 Egypt, Libya leaders reject UN Darfur force
Mar 6 2006 Libya sets up surveillance groups on Chad-Sudan borders
Mar 8 2006 Libya receives Sudanese Vice-President Ali Taha
Mar 9 2006 US hopes Libya could expand its mediation efforts for peaceful solution to Darfur conflict
Mar 8 2006 Sudan, Egypt, Libya to hold new Darfur talks
Mar 8 2006 Libya, US discuss relations and Darfur problem
Mar 10 2006 AU proposes 9 month Darfur mission - Sudan ready to reinforce it with 10,000 troops - half SPLA - within 3 wks
Mar 15 2006 Libya to host summit on Darfur - Sudan, Egypt leaders to attend
Mar 15 2006 Gaddafi will urge Sudanese President al-Bashir to hold direct talks with Darfur rebel leaders
Mar 24 2006 Sudan will be president of Arab League summit in Khartoum
Mar 24 2006 Gaddafi lashes out at 'backward society' in Middle East
Mar 25 2006 Sudan says UN takeover of AMIS would encourage intransigence from the armed groups - Sudan wants South Sudan CPA as a model for Darfur
Mar 25 2006 Sudan believes Arab summit supports Khartoum stance on Darfur
Mar 26 2006 Gaddafi arrives in Khartoum for Arab summit Mar 28-29
Mar 27 2006 Libya, Sudan leaders meet to discuss Darfur and Chad
On March 21, 2006 the African Union Peace and Security Council endorsed plans to deploy military observers on the Chad-Sudan border as per the Tripoli Declaration. Next day, the African Union sent observers on the Chad-Sudan border.
Photo: Leaders of Chad and Sudan on the evening of Wednesday 8 Feb 2006 signed a peace agreement in Tripoli, Libya under which they promised to immediately expel armed groups hostile to their respective governments. - PANA
Today, Apr 10, 2006, an unsourced article at Sudan Tribune says the deployment of military monitors through the Sudan Chad border started April 9, 2006 when African observers departed from Tripoli, Libya, to monitor the common border from Chadian, Sudanese and Central African sides. Excerpt:
Chad-Sudan border monitoring team which is made up of members from Libya, Burkina Faso, Congo and Sudan left Tripoli International Airport this morning for the city of Al-Fashir in Sudan's Darfur to carry out its mission of monitoring the Sudanese side of the border with Chad at points set along the Sudanese side of the border.Note, the article explains dispatch of these teams comes in implementation of the decision of the ministerial committee set up under the Tripoli Declaration issued by the African mini summit which was held on 8 February 2006 in Libya to contain the tension between Sudan and Chad. The ministerial committee set up teams to monitor the Sudan-Chad border and identified arrangements to implement the mechanism agreed by the directors of external security services of Libya, Congo, Burkina Faso, Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic in their Tripoli meeting held on 28 February 2006. Under the Tripoli agreement signed on 8 February, the leaders of Sudan and Chad agreed to normalize diplomatic relations and to immediately commit themselves to work to prevent the presence of rebel groups on each other territory.
Another team of observers from the Libya and the CAR left Tripoli International Airport for the city of Birao in CAR to start its mission of monitoring the Sudan-Chad-Central African Republic border.
A third team of observers from the Libya, Burkina Faso, and Congo is also scheduled to leave tomorrow for the city of Abeche in Chad where Chadian monitors will join them. The team of monitors from these four countries will be in charge of monitoring the Chadian side of the border with Sudan along set monitoring points.
Photo: Click on map image to see Chad-Sudan-CAR border
Photo: Map of Libya
Feb 18 2005 Tony Blair hails Gaddafi's efforts for Darfur
Feb 21 2006 Libya's Gaddhafi and Senegal's Wade discuss African solution to Darfur crisis - United States of Africa?
Feb 23 2006 Libya offers African Union 100,000 troops, 1,000 tanks, 100 aircraft to close Chad-Sudan border
Feb 24 2006 Libya's Gaddhafi and Sudan's al-Bashir discuss Darfur crisis - see list of further reports
Feb 26 2006 Chad-Sudan border peacekeeping force - AU chair and Libyan leader Col Gaddafi follow up on Tripoli mini-summit
Feb 28 2006 Libya's Kadhafi urges Africans to fund AU troops in Darfur
Feb 28 2006 Egypt, Libya leaders reject UN Darfur force
Mar 6 2006 Libya sets up surveillance groups on Chad-Sudan borders
Mar 8 2006 Libya receives Sudanese Vice-President Ali Taha
Mar 9 2006 US hopes Libya could expand its mediation efforts for peaceful solution to Darfur conflict
Mar 8 2006 Sudan, Egypt, Libya to hold new Darfur talks
Mar 8 2006 Libya, US discuss relations and Darfur problem
Mar 10 2006 AU proposes 9 month Darfur mission - Sudan ready to reinforce it with 10,000 troops - half SPLA - within 3 wks
Mar 15 2006 Libya to host summit on Darfur - Sudan, Egypt leaders to attend
Mar 15 2006 Gaddafi will urge Sudanese President al-Bashir to hold direct talks with Darfur rebel leaders
Mar 24 2006 Sudan will be president of Arab League summit in Khartoum
Mar 24 2006 Gaddafi lashes out at 'backward society' in Middle East
Mar 25 2006 Sudan says UN takeover of AMIS would encourage intransigence from the armed groups - Sudan wants South Sudan CPA as a model for Darfur
Mar 25 2006 Sudan believes Arab summit supports Khartoum stance on Darfur
Mar 26 2006 Gaddafi arrives in Khartoum for Arab summit Mar 28-29
Mar 27 2006 Libya, Sudan leaders meet to discuss Darfur and Chad
Sunday, April 09, 2006
Darfur war criminals chat and luxuriate in hotels while millions depend on UN aid
Still no breakthrough in Darfur peace talks today. Deadline is April 30.
Obasanjo and Sassou, the past and current AU chairmen, held all-night talks with the warring parties in a secluded guest house in Nigerian presidential complex and Sassou reconvened with them for a plenary on Sunday afternoon but failed to break the impasse.
Photo: Nigerian President Obasanjo (R) hosted the talks. Current AU chairman, Congolese President Denis Sassou Nguesso (Reuters)
Photo: Mohamed Tugod, JEM chief negotiator
After two years of negotiations between the Sudanese government and two rebel groups (who's paying for the rebels' expenses, fancy suits and hotels?) there is this gem to report:
Meanwhile, in Darfur, where the uprising over the past three years has killed 400,000 people and forced 2 million to flee their homes, most parts are inaccessible for aid workers due to violence, anarchy and lack of security.
Sudan is the size of Europe or one quarter of the United States. North Darfur is 1,000 miles away from Khartoum. 7,500 African Union peacekeepers monitoring a non-existent peace agreement are hamstrung without a protection force mandate and helicopters. 14,000 aid workers in Darfur, a region the size of France, are hindered from their work by the Sudanese government, and risk their lives to reach the millions of displaced Sudanese people who rely on food aid and emergency relief.
Obasanjo and Sassou, the past and current AU chairmen, held all-night talks with the warring parties in a secluded guest house in Nigerian presidential complex and Sassou reconvened with them for a plenary on Sunday afternoon but failed to break the impasse.
Photo: Nigerian President Obasanjo (R) hosted the talks. Current AU chairman, Congolese President Denis Sassou Nguesso (Reuters)
Photo: Mohamed Tugod, JEM chief negotiator
After two years of negotiations between the Sudanese government and two rebel groups (who's paying for the rebels' expenses, fancy suits and hotels?) there is this gem to report:
"I can't say that there are any tangible results," Ahmed Tugod, chief negotiator for the JEM rebel group, said after today's talks.
"We are back to the stage of consultations between the parties and the mediation at the hotel."
Meanwhile, in Darfur, where the uprising over the past three years has killed 400,000 people and forced 2 million to flee their homes, most parts are inaccessible for aid workers due to violence, anarchy and lack of security.
Sudan is the size of Europe or one quarter of the United States. North Darfur is 1,000 miles away from Khartoum. 7,500 African Union peacekeepers monitoring a non-existent peace agreement are hamstrung without a protection force mandate and helicopters. 14,000 aid workers in Darfur, a region the size of France, are hindered from their work by the Sudanese government, and risk their lives to reach the millions of displaced Sudanese people who rely on food aid and emergency relief.
The Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide - Mendez
Note the following excerpt from Sudan Watch entry today entitled Juan Mendez, UN Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide, tells press "definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur" - particularly where it says "In legal terms, it was not only genocide that required the international community to act. The International Commission of Inquiry had stated that war crimes and crimes against humanity also required the international community to act. In addition, the Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide."
Asked if what was happening in Darfur was genocide, Mr Mendez replied that there had been a separate body entrusted with making that decision. His job was not to qualify situations that he paid attention to as whether or not they could be defined as genocide, but rather prevention. The International Commission of Inquiry determined that there was, at the very least, enough evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and that the element of intent, of whether it was genocide or not, should be left to a court of law -- the International Criminal Court.
He did not believe that just calling the situation genocide would help, he said, adding that there was definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur. All of that should prompt the international community to act. In legal terms, it was not only genocide that required the international community to act. The International Commission of Inquiry had stated that war crimes and crimes against humanity also required the international community to act. In addition, the Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide.
Juan Mendez, UN Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide, tells press "definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur"
The twelfth anniversary of the beginning of the Rwandan genocide should serve as the occasion for the international community to renew its commitment to ensure that it did not let genocide happen ever again, Juan Mendez told correspondents today, April 9, 2006 at a Headquarters press conference.
(PressZoom) - "As we remember the almost 1 million victims, we also have to remember that the international community failed to protect those victims, and that we were unable or unwilling to do what needs to be done to prevent persecution and murder on the basis of ethnicity or race", stated Mr Mendez, who serves as the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide.
For that reason, he continued, it was important to use the date -- 7 April -- to renew the commitment not to let it happen again. In that sense, the creation of his office had to be seen as "an act of self-criticism on the part of the United Nations for having been unable to prevent the genocide in Rwanda". In resolution 1366 (2001), the Security Council had acknowledged that failure and asked the Secretary-General to refer to it situations that risked deteriorating into genocide unless urgent action was taken.
His job, based on the 1948 Genocide Convention, was to follow situations around the world where populations were at risk due to their ethnicity, race, religion or national origin and, if left unattended, might deteriorate into something like genocide. He said he and his staff followed such situations and tried to come up with suggestions for early action that might alter the course of events.
Noting that the obligation to prevent and punish genocide was a fundamental norm in international relations, he said he was pleased that world leaders at last year's World Summit had adopted the norm of the responsibility to protect vulnerable populations, not only from genocide but from ethnic cleansing and massive violations of human rights. "My office was given an important boost with that declaration."
On the other hand, it was important to translate those commitments into action, he said. For that reason, he and his staff had embarked not only on making the new office -- established in July 2004 - work, but also to examine how it worked and what could be done to strengthen it and make it more effective.
As was seen in Darfur, populations continued to suffer attacks due to their ethnic origin, he stated. He had visited Darfur twice since his appointment, and had made a number of recommendations to the Secretary-General, and through him to the Security Council. Those recommendations involved four areas which had to be addressed simultaneously: physical protection of vulnerable populations, if necessary through armed contingents; humanitarian assistance; accountability, since the cycle of impunity must be broken before victims could expect to find conditions of security that would allow them to return home; and support for the peace process.
"In all four of those areas in Darfur, the international community has taken measures. At the same time, in each one of those four, the measures have been insufficient yet to let us have the sense that we are going in the right direction", he said. The matter of protection, in particular, had become a serious matter today because the situation continued to deteriorate. It was much worse now than it was six months ago, when he visited Darfur, and certainly much worse that it was a year ago.
Describing the situation, he cited renewed fighting between the rebel forces, the militias and the Government of Sudan. Also, the fighting was directed at the civilian population, not against armed contingents. Therefore, there had been several new attacks against the civilian population, resulting in new displacements and hundreds of thousands cut off from international assistance.
At the same time, he noted, the latest news about the peace process indicated that there might be a draft agreement on security conditions that might offer a glimmer of hope that a real, verifiable ceasefire could be reached. In the next few months, while considering a transition from the African Union force to a larger and more internationalized force, it was important to bear in mind that the situation would be complicated due to the vacuum that might be created. Whatever decision was adopted, the most important thing was that the international community must fund and equip that presence in troop strengths larger than was the case now, so they could protect everyone everywhere.
It was also vital, he added, to clarify the mandate under which those troops operated. Debates about troop strength on the ground and about mandate were "very eerily reminiscent" of what happened in Rwanda, and the international community was still debating today.
Asked if what was happening in Darfur was genocide, Mr Mendez replied that there had been a separate body entrusted with making that decision. His job was not to qualify situations that he paid attention to as whether or not they could be defined as genocide, but rather prevention. The International Commission of Inquiry determined that there was, at the very least, enough evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and that the element of intent, of whether it was genocide or not, should be left to a court of law -- the International Criminal Court.
He did not believe that just calling the situation genocide would help, he said, adding that there was definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur. All of that should prompt the international community to act. In legal terms, it was not only genocide that required the international community to act. The International Commission of Inquiry had stated that war crimes and crimes against humanity also required the international community to act. In addition, the Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide.
On whether he was disappointed that the Europeans and the North Americans were "nowhere to be seen" when it came to providing troops to prevent possible genocide in Darfur, he replied that he was certainly disappointed since the situation continued to deteriorate. Among other things, he was disappointed that the African Union was left to organize a protective mission with less means than they needed from the start. The Union was short $200 million from the beginning, and trapped in a situation where the consent of the Government of Sudan was an important limitation on what it could do.
In effect, he said, for the last two years, the international community had engaged in half measures, which had not been sufficient to protect and which were showing signs of unravelling. All countries bound by the Genocide Convention were not living up to their obligation to prevent the violations from happening. In response to another question, he replied "I think there's still a reluctance to intervene that comes... that's not all that changed from 1994."
As for whether countries were more determined to prevent such atrocities, he said that he had received numerous expressions of support and commitment to establish a clear procedure for early warning and early action and to prevent genocide from happening. However, expressions of support were one thing and being ready to act on recommendations were another. He added that some of his proposals for Darfur and elsewhere had had some immediate effect, including the presence of an international police presence in Darfur, and the abatement of hate speech in Cote d'Ivoire.
In response to further questions, he said that calling a situation genocide would in effect be a confession of failure on his part, because by definition he had not been able to prevent it. The discussion of whether something constituted genocide or not had been "sterile and paralysing", and operated on the wrong assumption that a situation first needed to be qualified before action was taken. He strongly disagreed with that notion, believing that it was necessary to act before a situation became genocide.
Part of the problem in Sudan, he said, was that the Government was "playing games" with the consent that it originally gave to the African Union Mission by, for example, refusing from time to time to give them jet fuel and in effect grounding their helicopters and planes, as well as refusing for months to let them import the armoured personnel carriers that had been donated to the Mission. "It is high time that the African Union, the Security Council and all of us tell the Government of Sudan that consent is indispensable but that consent has to be given in good faith."
Asked about the situations in Ingushetia and Chechnya, he said that he was trying to get more information on those situations and was keeping an eye on them because of the "undeniable ethnic character of what might happen there". He had not yet made any open call for early action because he was trying to monitor the situation, and did not see a "value added" in doing so at the current stage.
Further reading
Apr 7 2006 UN assembly president calls Darfur violence "ethnic cleansing" - ICC Summary
Apr 7 2006 EU parliament says Darfur is "tantamount to genocide"
Apr 7 2006 UN's Mendez on Darfur: "Left unattended, the situation may degenerate into genocide"
Apr 8 2006 UN Action Plan to Prevent Genocide - Juan E Mendez of Argentina, Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide
Apr 8 2006 What is the difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing?
Apr 9 2006 The Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide - Mendez
Apr 10 2006 Mendez: Action is particularly needed in Darfur, where the threat of genocide continues to loom large
(PressZoom) - "As we remember the almost 1 million victims, we also have to remember that the international community failed to protect those victims, and that we were unable or unwilling to do what needs to be done to prevent persecution and murder on the basis of ethnicity or race", stated Mr Mendez, who serves as the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide.
For that reason, he continued, it was important to use the date -- 7 April -- to renew the commitment not to let it happen again. In that sense, the creation of his office had to be seen as "an act of self-criticism on the part of the United Nations for having been unable to prevent the genocide in Rwanda". In resolution 1366 (2001), the Security Council had acknowledged that failure and asked the Secretary-General to refer to it situations that risked deteriorating into genocide unless urgent action was taken.
His job, based on the 1948 Genocide Convention, was to follow situations around the world where populations were at risk due to their ethnicity, race, religion or national origin and, if left unattended, might deteriorate into something like genocide. He said he and his staff followed such situations and tried to come up with suggestions for early action that might alter the course of events.
Noting that the obligation to prevent and punish genocide was a fundamental norm in international relations, he said he was pleased that world leaders at last year's World Summit had adopted the norm of the responsibility to protect vulnerable populations, not only from genocide but from ethnic cleansing and massive violations of human rights. "My office was given an important boost with that declaration."
On the other hand, it was important to translate those commitments into action, he said. For that reason, he and his staff had embarked not only on making the new office -- established in July 2004 - work, but also to examine how it worked and what could be done to strengthen it and make it more effective.
As was seen in Darfur, populations continued to suffer attacks due to their ethnic origin, he stated. He had visited Darfur twice since his appointment, and had made a number of recommendations to the Secretary-General, and through him to the Security Council. Those recommendations involved four areas which had to be addressed simultaneously: physical protection of vulnerable populations, if necessary through armed contingents; humanitarian assistance; accountability, since the cycle of impunity must be broken before victims could expect to find conditions of security that would allow them to return home; and support for the peace process.
"In all four of those areas in Darfur, the international community has taken measures. At the same time, in each one of those four, the measures have been insufficient yet to let us have the sense that we are going in the right direction", he said. The matter of protection, in particular, had become a serious matter today because the situation continued to deteriorate. It was much worse now than it was six months ago, when he visited Darfur, and certainly much worse that it was a year ago.
Describing the situation, he cited renewed fighting between the rebel forces, the militias and the Government of Sudan. Also, the fighting was directed at the civilian population, not against armed contingents. Therefore, there had been several new attacks against the civilian population, resulting in new displacements and hundreds of thousands cut off from international assistance.
At the same time, he noted, the latest news about the peace process indicated that there might be a draft agreement on security conditions that might offer a glimmer of hope that a real, verifiable ceasefire could be reached. In the next few months, while considering a transition from the African Union force to a larger and more internationalized force, it was important to bear in mind that the situation would be complicated due to the vacuum that might be created. Whatever decision was adopted, the most important thing was that the international community must fund and equip that presence in troop strengths larger than was the case now, so they could protect everyone everywhere.
It was also vital, he added, to clarify the mandate under which those troops operated. Debates about troop strength on the ground and about mandate were "very eerily reminiscent" of what happened in Rwanda, and the international community was still debating today.
Asked if what was happening in Darfur was genocide, Mr Mendez replied that there had been a separate body entrusted with making that decision. His job was not to qualify situations that he paid attention to as whether or not they could be defined as genocide, but rather prevention. The International Commission of Inquiry determined that there was, at the very least, enough evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and that the element of intent, of whether it was genocide or not, should be left to a court of law -- the International Criminal Court.
He did not believe that just calling the situation genocide would help, he said, adding that there was definitely ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur. All of that should prompt the international community to act. In legal terms, it was not only genocide that required the international community to act. The International Commission of Inquiry had stated that war crimes and crimes against humanity also required the international community to act. In addition, the Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide.
On whether he was disappointed that the Europeans and the North Americans were "nowhere to be seen" when it came to providing troops to prevent possible genocide in Darfur, he replied that he was certainly disappointed since the situation continued to deteriorate. Among other things, he was disappointed that the African Union was left to organize a protective mission with less means than they needed from the start. The Union was short $200 million from the beginning, and trapped in a situation where the consent of the Government of Sudan was an important limitation on what it could do.
In effect, he said, for the last two years, the international community had engaged in half measures, which had not been sufficient to protect and which were showing signs of unravelling. All countries bound by the Genocide Convention were not living up to their obligation to prevent the violations from happening. In response to another question, he replied "I think there's still a reluctance to intervene that comes... that's not all that changed from 1994."
As for whether countries were more determined to prevent such atrocities, he said that he had received numerous expressions of support and commitment to establish a clear procedure for early warning and early action and to prevent genocide from happening. However, expressions of support were one thing and being ready to act on recommendations were another. He added that some of his proposals for Darfur and elsewhere had had some immediate effect, including the presence of an international police presence in Darfur, and the abatement of hate speech in Cote d'Ivoire.
In response to further questions, he said that calling a situation genocide would in effect be a confession of failure on his part, because by definition he had not been able to prevent it. The discussion of whether something constituted genocide or not had been "sterile and paralysing", and operated on the wrong assumption that a situation first needed to be qualified before action was taken. He strongly disagreed with that notion, believing that it was necessary to act before a situation became genocide.
Part of the problem in Sudan, he said, was that the Government was "playing games" with the consent that it originally gave to the African Union Mission by, for example, refusing from time to time to give them jet fuel and in effect grounding their helicopters and planes, as well as refusing for months to let them import the armoured personnel carriers that had been donated to the Mission. "It is high time that the African Union, the Security Council and all of us tell the Government of Sudan that consent is indispensable but that consent has to be given in good faith."
Asked about the situations in Ingushetia and Chechnya, he said that he was trying to get more information on those situations and was keeping an eye on them because of the "undeniable ethnic character of what might happen there". He had not yet made any open call for early action because he was trying to monitor the situation, and did not see a "value added" in doing so at the current stage.
Further reading
Apr 7 2006 UN assembly president calls Darfur violence "ethnic cleansing" - ICC Summary
Apr 7 2006 EU parliament says Darfur is "tantamount to genocide"
Apr 7 2006 UN's Mendez on Darfur: "Left unattended, the situation may degenerate into genocide"
Apr 8 2006 UN Action Plan to Prevent Genocide - Juan E Mendez of Argentina, Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide
Apr 8 2006 What is the difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing?
Apr 9 2006 The Genocide Convention required States to prevent genocide - Mendez
Apr 10 2006 Mendez: Action is particularly needed in Darfur, where the threat of genocide continues to loom large
Chad says Sudan-backed rebels attack southern base
Chad's government said insurgents backed by Sudan had attacked an army base in its southeastern border region on Sunday with the aim of derailing presidential elections.
The Chadian army sent reinforcements to the garrison in the town of Haraze Mangueigne, close to the borders with Sudan and Central African Republic, to try to overcome the attackers, Communication Minister Hourmadji Moussa Doumgor said. Full report Reuters 9 Apr 2006.
The Chadian army sent reinforcements to the garrison in the town of Haraze Mangueigne, close to the borders with Sudan and Central African Republic, to try to overcome the attackers, Communication Minister Hourmadji Moussa Doumgor said. Full report Reuters 9 Apr 2006.
No breakthrough in Darfur talks but efforts still on
Reuters says all-night negotiations involving the warring parties from Darfur and two African heads of state failed to produce a breakthrough in deadlocked peace talks but further meetings were planned later on today.
"So far there's nothing new. We heard from the AU chairman the same proposals we'd heard before from the AU mediation team. It was very disappointing," said Ahmed Tugod, chief negotiator of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) rebel movement.Note, the report points out the peace talks between the government and the rebels, in their seventh round, have been going on for almost TWO YEARS on the three key issues of power-sharing, wealth-sharing and security.
"There's still a big gap. ... We have about nine core issues outstanding and decisions need to be taken on these issues at the political level," said Tugod of the JEM.
Turabi says women's testimony is equal to that of a man
Sandmonkey blog says Dr Hassan Al Turabi, the islamic leader of Sudan, has just issued a Fatwa (arabic link): 
Note, one commentator at the post rightly says "I hope this gets some play in the western media. It is such a good sign that progress IS possible and we should support all those courageous enough to openly call for it."
He stated that the muslim woman has the right to marry a jewish or christian man if she wants to, and that it's not haram at all, and that the rule that says that muslim women can not marry non-muslim men is a bunch of lies [-] "aimed to keep women behind/down".
Not only that, he stated that a woman's testimony is equal to that of a man (Islam considers women to be lying wicked creatures, and therefore1 man's testimony = 2 women's testimony), and that the Hijab (head cover) is wrongly interperted, and that it's supposed to mean a cover, as in women should cover their breasts and the s*xy parts of their body and not to bind her up completely.
He did this all in an islamic conference nonetheless.
Note, one commentator at the post rightly says "I hope this gets some play in the western media. It is such a good sign that progress IS possible and we should support all those courageous enough to openly call for it."
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)