FULL TEXT: ICC 34th report pursuant to para 8 of UNSC resolution 1593 (2005), 17 January 2022

Report : 17 January 2022

THIRTY-FOURTH REPORT OF THE PROSECUTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT TO THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL PURSUANT TO RESOLUTION 1593 (2005)

1. INTRODUCTION

1. On 31 March 2005, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1593 (2005), referring the Situation in Darfur since 1 July 2002 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or “Court”). The Security Council invited the Prosecutor to address it every six months on actions taken pursuant to this Resolution. 

2. This is the thirty-fourth report to the Security Council on the activities of the Office of the Prosecutor (“OTP” or “Office”) in the Situation in Darfur, covering the period of July to December 2021. It is the first report of the Prosecutor Karim Asad Ahmad Khan QC to the Security Council under Resolution 1593 (2005) since he assumed office on 16 June 2021. 

3. The Prosecutor reiterates his position that situations referred by the Security Council must be given greater prioritisation. It therefore follows that the Situation in Darfur constitutes an important priority for the Office. Since assuming office, Prosecutor Khan has initiated a comprehensive review of the Darfur file and all cases before the Office, including an assessment of the state of evidence in the cases where the Court has issued warrants of arrest. 

4. The Prosecutor has also commenced a review of the structure, content, and purpose of his reports to the Security Council with a view to more effectively meeting the expectations of the Council and providing a roadmap for the completion of such referrals. 

5. In keeping with his commitment to respect the core principle of complementarity enshrined in the Rome Statute, the Prosecutor further instructed the Office to explore all possibilities and options available under the Rome Statute and Resolution 1593 (2005), to expedite accountability for the crimes subject to the ICC’s jurisdiction committed in Darfur. 

6. In August 2021, immediately upon reviewing the Darfur case files and in light of that review, Prosecutor Khan travelled to Khartoum, Sudan. During that mission, the Prosecutor met with the Sudanese authorities at the highest level to confirm his commitment to delivering justice for victims and survivors in Darfur, and to seek enhanced cooperation from the Government of Sudan to strengthen the evidentiary foundations of the cases for which the Court has issued warrants of arrest. 

7. The Office has undertaken several subsequent missions to Sudan, however recent political and security developments in the country have complicated follow-up investigative initiatives, and this remains a cause for concern moving forward. 

8.  The present report sets out the main developments during the reporting period, including in relation to investigation, cooperation and complementarity strategies to secure justice for the victims of atrocity crimes committed in Darfur. As set out below, important progress has been made, notwithstanding the significant ongoing challenges. 

2. VOLUNTARY RECUSAL FROM THE CASE OF ABDALLAH BANDA ABAKAER NOURAIN

9. Given Prosecutor Khan’s prior representation of Mr Abdallah Banda Abakaer Nourain (“Mr Banda”) as his defence counsel before the ICC, the Prosecutor and the Office have taken all necessary legal and practical measures to protect the integrity of the proceedings from any risk or perception of a conflict of interest. 

10. Directly upon assuming office as ICC Prosecutor, Prosecutor Khan voluntarily recused himself pursuant to article 42(6) of the Rome Statute, from all cases where a conflict of interest may be perceived to arise due to his prior participation in ICC proceedings as defence counsel. As a consequence of his voluntary recusal from the Banda case, the Prosecutor has not had access to any non-public filings and non public evidence, and will have no involvement in discussions or decisions related to this case. The Prosecutor has delegated his functions to the Deputy Prosecutor for the purposes of the Banda case.

3.  THE PROSECUTOR’S VISIT TO SUDAN

11. As referenced above, immediately upon reviewing the Darfur case files, Prosecutor Khan visited Sudan from 10 to 13 August 2021, making Sudan the first Situation country he travelled to as Prosecutor. During this visit, the Prosecutor met with the Chairman of Sudan’s Sovereignty Council, General Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman al-Burhan; the then Prime Minister, H.E. Abdalla Hamdok; Vice-Chairman of the Sovereignty Council, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo; then Foreign Minister, H.E. Mariam Al-Mahdi Al- Sadig; then Minister of Justice, H.E. Mr Nasredeen Abdulbari; then Acting Attorney General, H.E. Mr Mubarak Mohammad Osman; and other senior members of the Transitional Government at the time. 

12. Prosecutor Khan also met with Darfuri representatives and Sovereignty Council members, Dr El Hadi Idris, Head of the Sudan Revolutionary Front and General Al-Tahir Hajar, Chair of the Sudan Liberation Forces Alliance. 

13. The focus of these meetings was to reaffirm the Prosecutor’s commitment to prioritise efforts to bring justice to Darfuri victims and survivors through the successful prosecution of those cases where there are outstanding warrants of arrest issued by the Court, and thereby potentially bring closure to this Security Council referral. The Prosecutor further called upon the Government of Sudan to deepen its cooperation with his Office, and the Court as a whole, to achieve this end. 

14. In particular, the Prosecutor requested access to documents, archives, witnesses and other evidence in relation to the Darfur cases, as well as unhindered access to the territory, including to crime scenes. Importantly, the Prosecutor emphasised that any surrender of suspects in Sudanese custody should be preceded and accompanied by tangible cooperation; notably access to, and provision of, relevant evidence. The Prosecutor also highlighted the importance of Sudan fulfilling its obligations under Resolution 1593 (2005), the Juba Peace Agreement, and the Rome Statute.

15. During his official meetings in Khartoum, the Prosecutor echoed his previous public statements that, with respect to the principle of complementarity, he was open to considering and engaging on all potential options available under the Rome Statute that would provide meaningful and effective justice to the survivors of the Darfur crimes. At the same time, the Prosecutor underscored that the integrity of independent investigations and any subsequent judicial process was of paramount importance. 

16. Prosecutor welcomed the commitment by General al-Burhan, and all government officials with whom he met, to fully support the ICC, and in particular, to cooperate with the investigative activities of the Office. Practical steps were agreed that included Sudan’s commitment to facilitate the establishment of a full-time presence of the Office in the country. The Prosecutor further welcomed the decision at the time, conveyed to him by the then Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, that Sudan intended to ratify the Rome Statute. 

17. The Prosecutor’s visit concluded with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (“MoU”), on 12 August 2021 which, for the first time, extended the Government of Sudan’s cooperation with the Office to include commitments to cooperate in relation to each of the four suspects not currently in ICC custody. Importantly, the Government of Sudan has reassured the Office, in recent weeks, that this MoU continues to remain in effect. 

18. In this reporting period, the Prosecutor also met with representatives of Darfuri civil society, including Darfuri victim and survivor groups. In these meetings, the Prosecutor provided an update on the status of investigations and judicial proceedings, and reaffirmed the Office’s commitment and responsibility to promote accountability for the crimes committed in Darfur. It was emphasised that to discharge this responsibility, the Office would redouble efforts in the Darfur Situation and strive to independently and impartially investigate cases in relation to each of the suspects against whom warrants have been issued by the Court.

4.  RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN SUDAN

Status of suspects

19. Mr Banda remains a fugitive from the Court and his exact whereabouts are unknown. 

20. In addition to Mr Banda, three ICC arrest warrants remain outstanding in the Darfur Situation, pertaining to the cases of Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir (“Mr Al Bashir”), Ahmad Muhammad Harun (“Mr Harun”) and Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein (“Mr Hussein”). 

21. Since July 2020, Mr Al Bashir has been detained in Khartoum and is currently on trial domestically for charges relating to the 1989 military coup that brought him to power. The trial has been adjourned several times and as yet a final judgement has not been reported. Mr Hussein is believed to still be in custody and on trial for charges relating to the 1989 military coup. Mr Harun also remains in detention in Sudan. To the best of the Office’s knowledge at the present time, none of these three ICC suspects has been charged with the same criminal conduct as that which forms the basis of the ICC warrants against them. 

22. An update in relation to the case of Mr Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman, also known as Ali Kushayb (“Mr Abd-Al-Rahman”), who surrendered to the Court in June 2020, is set out below in Part 5, “Recent Judicial Activities”. 

23. An update on the Office’s effort to ensure accountability for ICC suspects who remain at large is set out below in Part 7, “Cooperation and Complementarity”. 

5. RECENT JUDICIAL ACTIVITIES

24. Following the 24-26 May 2021 hearing on the Confirmation of Charges in the case against Mr Abd-Al-Rahman, on 9 July 2021, the Office successfully secured Pre-Trial Chamber II’s confirmation of all 31 charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity that had been proffered against him.

25. The confirmed charges brought by the Office against Mr Abd-Al-Rahman relate to alleged crimes committed in Kodoom, Bindisi and surrounding areas in August 2003 (Counts 1-11), including attacking civilians, murder, pillaging, destruction of property, other inhumane acts, outrages against personal dignity, rape, forcible transfer of population, and persecution. The charges also relate to alleged crimes in Mukjar and surrounding areas in February-March 2004 (Counts 12-21) and Deleig and surrounding areas in March 2004 (Counts 22-31), including torture, other inhumane acts, cruel treatment, outrages against personal dignity, murder, attempted murder, and persecution.

26. On 8 September 2021, Trial Chamber I scheduled the opening of the trial against Mr Abd- Al-Rahman for 5 April 2022.

6. ONGOING INVESTIGATIONS AND ALLEGATIONS OF CURRENT CRIMES

Ongoing investigations

27. At the outset of the reporting period, and upon review of the case files, the Prosecutor allocated additional resources to the Office’s Darfur team, increasing the number of investigators and trial lawyers, and ensuring the requisite skills, including Arabic language proficiency, are available to the team. The Prosecutor further ensured that the team was allocating resources sufficiently across all cases within the Darfur file. Additionally, the Prosecutor appointed a pro bono Special Adviser, whose portfolio is devoted solely to Darfur, to enhance investigative and cooperation efforts. Special Advisers to the Prosecutor are persons with outstanding professional credentials and expertise in their fields and provide advice to the Prosecutor within their respective mandates as Special Advisers.

28. During the reporting period, the Office conducted multiple missions to Sudan and interviewed a number of witnesses. In line with the MoU referenced above, and in an effort to improve efficiency and reduce costs, the Office had finalised plans to deploy an investigation team to be based full-time in Sudan. With the cooperation of the Government of Sudan, this team was planning to work closely with the relevant Sudanese authorities to advance the Office’s investigations. 

29. The insecurity that followed the events of 25 October 2021, compelled the Office to suspend this deployment and to immediately pause its investigative activities in the country. While a team from the Office was able to travel to Khartoum in December 2021 to discuss cooperation matters, the interruption of investigative activities in Sudan has been a significant setback for the investigation and cooperation activities of the Office in regard to all cases in this Situation. It is essential that the Office is able to deploy a team to Sudan as envisaged, without delay, and with the full support of the Sudanese authorities, in order to resume its investigative work. The sooner investigations can resume, the sooner justice can be delivered for the people of Darfur as contemplated by Resolution 1593 (2005). The Prosecutor respectfully requests the Government of Sudan to redouble its engagement with the Office and to facilitate and enhance such efforts. 


Allegations of ongoing crimes 

30. The security situation in Darfur has deteriorated significantly during the present reporting period. The Secretary-General in his 3 December 2021 report on the Situation in the Sudan and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (“UNITAMS”), noted the deteriorating security environment in the country, highlighting that Darfur remains a main focus of tension. 

31. According to various reports from UNITAMS, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, attacks against civilians, often in the context of inter- communal fighting, continued in several locations, in particular in West and North Darfur resulting in civilian deaths, rape of women and girls, forced displacement of thousands, and destruction of property. 

32. This cycle of violence must come to an end. Accountability plays a critical role in this regard. Those who continue to commit violence against innocent civilians must know that there are consequences for their actions. The Security Council has recognised the imperative for such accountability. The Prosecutor calls on the authorities to investigate these reported incidents to establish the facts and to ensure accountability and justice for the victims. 

33. Notwithstanding jurisdiction over the current Situation in Darfur, due to the limited resources available to the Office, the Prosecutor will, at this time, continue to prioritise resources in this Situation in relation to the cases for which there are outstanding warrants issued by the Court. 

7. COOPERATION AND COMPLEMENTARITY

Cooperation

34. Cooperation between the Office and the Government of Sudan remains essential if this Situation is to be ultimately closed in line with this Security Council referral. It is important to recall that the Security Council referred the Situation in Darfur to the Prosecutor over sixteen years ago, in 2005. However, it was not until October 2020 that the Office had meaningful access to the territory of Sudan due to former Sudanese President, Mr Al-Bashir’s open hostility to the Court. This complete lack of cooperation, including with respect to the arrest of suspects, led to former Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda’s decision to hibernate the investigation until such time as cooperation from Sudan and the international community became meaningful. This previous lack of cooperation has presented significant investigative challenges that must be noted and finally addressed.

35. The evidence, in particular in relation to the cases against former President Mr Al-Bashir and also Mr Hussein, must be strengthened. This requires enhanced and genuine cooperation between the Office and the Government of Sudan and other stakeholders. The Sudanese Government undertook a significant commitment in this regard with the signing of the August 2021 MoU that extended cooperation between the Office and Sudan to include all suspects for which the Court has issued warrants of arrest. Progress now requires that these commitments are welded to action and a joint and collective determination to ensure effective investigations and meaningful accountability. 

36. It is vital that full effect is given not only to this MoU, but also to Sudan’s obligations to the Security Council under Resolution 1593 (2005) and its domestic obligations under the Juba Peace Agreement. In particular, the Office reiterates that it must be granted full access to the territory of Sudan, including to documents, archives, crime scenes, witnesses, and other evidence in relation to Darfur. 

37. This access is essential to ensure that all the cases are built on the strongest possible foundations. This is especially true in complex cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity and genocide, where significant time has elapsed since the alleged crimes began in 2003. Without such access and full cooperation from Sudan, investigations will have to continue and the successful adjudication of the open cases in the Darfur Situation may continue to be delayed. 

38. The Sudanese authorities have facilitated the issuance of visas to staff of the Office and have continued to provide logistical support to its delegations travelling to Sudan. This cooperation and assistance is fully recognised and greatly appreciated. At the same time, it must be stated that during this reporting period, the Office has made a number of formal Requests for Assistance that, as of the date of this report, have still not been executed. 

39. Progress has only been made in relation to two out of the seven Requests for Assistance, despite numerous follow-up requests by the Office. From the previous reporting period, out of four Requests for Assistance, one was executed, one is partially executed and two remain to be executed. Notwithstanding the challenging events in Sudan during this reporting period, it must still be emphasised that the timely and full execution of these Requests for Assistance remains essential. In short, the state of cooperation must improve. 

40. Another challenge facing the Office in its investigative and cooperation activities has been the turnover of government officials following the events of 25 October 2021. Many of the government officials who were interlocutors with the Office no longer hold their official positions, and this has stymied follow-up requests for support and cooperation. The Office was pleased to be able to conduct its most recent mission to Khartoum from 11 to 15 December 2021 in an effort to re-engage with the Sudanese authorities. While some progress was made on this mission, the Office still awaits notification as to Sudan’s nominated focal points. This has acted as somewhat of a barrier to sustained engagement with various Sudanese ministries and offices whose support is needed to continue and advance cooperation. The Prosecutor hopes that the requested focal points can be nominated by Sudan without delay to help accelerate cooperation and dialogue with the Office, and notes with appreciation efforts underway in this regard. 

41. The Office acknowledges the support it has received for its investigations from various States, in Africa, Europe and elsewhere, including those States that facilitated exemptions to COVID-19 requirements, which would have otherwise hampered these investigations. In particular, the Office is grateful for the support received from ICC States Parties and non-States Parties in Khartoum, including the European Union (“EU”) Delegation and EU member states, as well as Norway, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. The Office is also appreciative of the excellent execution rate of Requests for Assistance sent to a number of States, including Canada, in relation to the Darfur Situation. 

Complementarity

42. During the Prosecutor’s visit to Khartoum, and in subsequent missions and correspondence, the Office has expressed an openness to engage with the Sudanese authorities in relation to potential complementarity approaches, in particular with respect to those ICC suspects who remain in custody in Sudan. 

43. Subject to the requirements of the Rome Statute, the Office is willing, when and where appropriate, to explore and consider viable options that can deliver genuine, transparent, impartial, and effective justice to the victims in the Darfur Situation, without further delay. 

8. CONCLUSION

44. The violence and suffering witnessed today in Darfur is a stark reminder of the need to break the cycle of impunity that has plagued Darfur in the past. Justice and accountability for atrocity crimes remain an essential component of Sudan’s quest towards a democratic and rule-based society. These aims cannot be achieved, and the Security Council’s referral of the Darfur Situation cannot come to a close, without the full and effective cooperation of the Government of Sudan. 

45. The Office recognises the significant progress which was underway before the events of 25 October 2021. Just two years ago, it was unthinkable that the Government of Sudan would invite the Prosecutor of the ICC to Khartoum, pledge support and cooperation, and signal an intent to ratify the Rome Statute. A palpable change was underway that, if continued and strengthened, would have led to significant progress in the Office’s investigations and prosecutions with respect to the Security Council’s referral of the Situation in Darfur. Victims and survivors of the Darfur conflict could also sense this momentum. 

46. While Sudan remains in a delicate phase of transition, progress on accountability for past crimes can still move forward. The Office has consistently expressed its readiness to work in partnership to progress the Darfur cases in conformity with the Rome Statute and in a manner that does not negatively impact this transition. For this to be achieved, further genuine and tangible steps must be taken by Sudan, through a frank and positive dialogue with the Office. 

47. The opportunity created by the conclusion of the recent MoU between the Office and Sudan must be fully seized and realised, to urgently secure accountability for suspects in the Darfur Situation against whom ICC warrants have been issued. Pending Requests for Assistance must be executed, full access to Sudan must be granted in a secure and safe environment and all complementarity options must be fully explored. 

48. The Office will continue to prioritise the Situation in Darfur. However, to achieve meaningful accountability, and to enable this Office to bring closure to this referral, the Office counts on the support of Sudan, the Security Council and all States committed to securing long-awaited justice for the victims in the Darfur Situation. | OTP 

Thirty-fourth report pursuant to paragraph 8 of UN Security Council resolution 1593 (2005), 17 January 2022

View original in English: https://www.icc-cpi.int/itemsDocuments/220117-otp-report-unsc-darfur-eng.pdf

View original in Français: https://www.icc-cpi.int/itemsDocuments/220117-otp-report-unsc-darfur-fra.pdf

View original in العربية: https://www.icc-cpi.int/itemsDocuments/220117-otp-report-unsc-darfur-ara.pdf

SOURCE:  Office of the Prosecutor | Contact: OTPNewsDesk@icc-cpi.int  https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/item.aspx?name=220117-otp-report-unsc-darfur

Statement of ICC Prosecutor, Karim A.A. Khan QC, to the United Nations Security Council on the Situation in Darfur, pursuant to Resolution 1593 (2005)

Statement : 17 January 2022

Statement of ICC Prosecutor, Karim A.A. Khan QC, to the United Nations Security Council on the Situation in Darfur, pursuant to Resolution 1593 (2005)

Thirty-Fourth report: EN | FR | Arabic

Madam President, your Excellency,
Distinguished members of the Council,

1. Firstly may I congratulate Norway for its presidency of the Council this month. It is a real honour to have the opportunity in this new year to present the 34th report of the Prosecutor of the ICC in relation to the Darfur situation in Sudan, pursuant to Resolution 1593 that the Council passed of course in 2005. Despite the strictures of COVID and the wearing of masks, it is wonderful even with these constraints to be here in person.

2. I would like to begin Madam President, if I may, by recalling what I said when I was meeting with Darfur survivors and victims, when I was in Khartoum on the 17th of August last year. I convened a meeting with Darfur civil society. Many individuals have been struggling for almost two decades for something that should be simple but seems extremely complex, namely justice, a modicum of accountability that underlines the fact that every life matters. They have struggled and they have shown perseverance, in relation to crimes that have unfortunately characterised a generation at least of men, women and children. It was that suffering that led this Council to use its Chapter VII powers in 2005 and refer the situation to the ICC. I share the frustrations, the impatience and the hopes of those survivors that that singular moment, the first referral by the Council to the ICC, will reap dividends. Expectations are not unreasonable, it is simply that there should be some justice.

3. The victims, the survivors, the people of Darfur have shown that persistence, but it is important, as I said in my interactions with Sudanese government members, that this referral cannot be a never-ending story. It cannot be. We are approaching middle age: 34 reports. We need collectively to do better – my Office of course, but also this Council – to make sure the promise and the purpose of the referral is wedded with concrete action. There is sign for hope, and there has been progress notwithstanding difficulties that remain. In July of this year, all 31 charges relating to a notorious Janjaweed leader, Ali Kushayb, were confirmed and the trial has been set down to start on the 5th of April of this year. The charges include war crimes, crimes against humanity, murder, rape, torture, attacks against the civilian population in Wadi Salih and Mukjar. That's an important moment. This year in just three months' time, the promise of the Council will start being demonstrated in action by the allegations that the Office have proffered, being placed before independent and impartial judges.

4. At the same time, outreach is important. And also I am hoping to work with the Registry of the Court to make sure there is an organised and effective outreach program so that Sudanese people in Sudan, in Darfur or outside can follow the proceedings because they have a right to know what happened, and they have a right to see the truth. But the Ali Kushayb case is one case; there are of course four warrants outstanding: The case against former President Omar al-Bashir; the case against the former Minister of Interior, Abdul Raheem Mohammad Hussein; the former Governor of South Kordofan, Ahmad Harun; and the case against the former JEM rebel Commander Abdullah Banda. In relation to Abdullah Banda, I recused myself from that case and that case is being supervised directly by the Deputy Prosecutor.

5. It is important, as I said in relation to my Libya briefing in December, that during my term I wish to prioritise cases that have been referred by the Council. And I started that in the Sudan situation by conducting a review of the evidence to look at the strength of those cases. And I also ensured additional resources are brought into that case so that we can hopefully be more effective. But the reality is this: that for a variety of reasons over the last 17 years, including the non-cooperation of the government of Sudan by the previous administrations, there were no field investigations in the country. And my predecessor hibernated for a long period this situation so that investigations did not mature. As a result, I realised that the evidence particularly against Mr al-Bashir and Mr Hussein needs strengthening. I am satisfied with the strength of the evidence regarding Ali Kushayb but in relation to those two cases I have mentioned, we need to make sure we do better. And that requires cooperation from Sudan. It requires assistance from Sudan and it also requires cooperation, collaboration from members of this Council and member states of the United Nations.

6. In that evidential landscape I have given more resources to the team, put more investigators on the case, also people with Arabic language skills as well. And immediately in August, two months after my term commenced, I went to Sudan to speak to the government, realising the importance of cooperation. That brought tangible results, because for the first time, we concluded a memorandum of understanding, not only in relation to Ali Kushayb, but in relation to all four of the cases for whom judges of the ICC have issued warrants. I also appointed a pro bono special adviser to focus exclusively on the Darfur situation so we can move together, get cooperation to a greater extent and that is Ms Amal Clooney. And again, this is evidence of my intent not just to say I am prioritising Security Council referrals but to make sure that the resources that are needed are put into that case.

7. During my trip to Khartoum in August, we had some constructive meetings. I met with General al-Burhan of the Sovereignty Council, then Prime Minister Hamdok and Foreign Minister and Minister of Justice. We also met UNITAMS' SRFS Volker Perthes and members of the international community. And in this, I also underlined a new approach: it is not – and this is the beautiful thing about the law, there are many different solutions to one fundamental problem – it is not the location of trial or even the forum of adjudication that is critical. What is critical are independent and impartial investigations, independent and impartial adjudications, and then the rule of law that should triumph so victims can move forward, realising that everything has been done to try to ensure justice. And I emphasised to the government members that I would be willing to use the full panoply of options that are entwined in the Rome Statute to try to make sure that we can work together and forge better bonds so that this chapter could be closed. But the simple issue is this: if we don't accelerate cooperation between the government of Sudan and my Office, investigations will keep continuing.

8. If we are to carve out a road map for the completion of this situation in the way that I believe the Council wants, that the victims want, the way to do it is to accelerate, to inject more cooperation and assistance within the Office. And if that is done, I think we can move forward in an effective way.

9. On the 25th of October, of course the landscape changed and that has not been particularly helpful. In my meetings in August, not only was the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed, there had been commitments by the government to sign the Rome Statute, there had been commitments to work more closely with my Office, and there had been the agreement to help ensure a permanent field presence of the Office of the Prosecutor in Khartoum. But the hiatus from the 25th of October has meant that we have lost focal points. We are trying to catch up. We had to for a couple of months – in fact, until now – we had to suspend active investigations. And so this was a very troublesome or concerning turn of events. The upside is that just before Christmas, my team went to Khartoum again. They spoke to General al-Burhan and General al-Burhan reassured members of my Office that the MoU was still valid, that he was looking at cooperating and he said, on more than one occasion to me directly and to the team in December, that it was essential to have justice for the victims in Darfur. The challenge now collectively, for all of us, is to make sure those assurances are translated into concrete tangible partnerships and accountability.

10. This is a delicate stage of course in the transition in Sudan, but I would underline again the only option for us to move forward and close this situation or find a pathway towards closure is accelerating cooperation. I mentioned this on Friday with the distinguished representative of Sudan, Ambassador Elbahi. And I also emphasised that these cases are not against Sudan. Sudan is a partner, not an adversary. They are against individuals for whom the evidence discloses their responsibility in relation to crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court. We do need safe and secure access to Sudan. We need safe and secure access to the archives. We need to be able to look at where the mass graves are and we need to be able to go to all parts of Sudan and work independently. This is required not just by the MoU that was signed in August of last year, it is not only required by Resolution 1593, it is also required by the Juba Peace Agreement. So there is this tripartite tiers of responsibilities, of commitments, that I hope very much the Sudan will honour and work with us more closely.

11. Cooperation from outside of Sudan is also critically important, and we have had fantastic support from the European Union, from African States, from other countries, including Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States of America and the People's Republic of China. Really, this is an area, if we are to close this chapter and allow Sudan to move forward, there can be no passive spectators, we have to help the Sudanese people get what they deserve, which is justice and closure. I hope to go again to Sudan in the next period, in the next few months, I hope around April time. Hopefully I have been promised that will be facilitated, including going to Darfur, speaking to some of the survivors and victims and displaced people there. I am ready to try to build an acceleration in the work across the cases that are before the Court.

12. I do want, Madam President, with your leave, to speak directly to those victims, to underline during my term that we have an unwavering commitment to ensure that the intention of this Council in the landmark decision of 2005 is honoured and respected. That we can have proper rigorous investigations to put before judges what the truth of the matter is. And in my view, and I'll be quite candid about the state of the evidence but I'll also be quite candid about one simple truth: Sudan runs the risk of always being defined by the past conduct, by the events that compelled this Security Council to act in 2005 until and unless we get justice. If we work together, if we work in partnerships, the Office of the Prosecutor, the government of Sudan, this Council, member states, we can close this chapter. And if we close that chapter, I believe unencumbered and relieved by some of the burdens of the past, by ensuring justice, Sudan will have every possibility to do something which every Council member wants, which is to write a new chapter so it can march forward to a better and more prosperous and safer future. So thank you so much for your time and this is my report.

Source: Office of the Prosecutor | Contact: OTPNewsDesk@icc-cpi.int

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ICC Prosecutor briefs UNSC on Darfur, Sudan

NOTE from Sudan Watch editor: I have typed this near verbatim transcript of a briefing on Darfur given by ICC Prosecutor Khan at a meeting of the UN Security Council held in New York 17 Jan 2022. The meeting was live streamed by UN Web TV. The briefing can be viewed via a link at the end of this post. 

Photo: ICC Prosecutor Karim Asad Ahmad Khan QC briefing UNSC 17 Jan 2022 (Photo credit: UN)

17 January 2022

Madam President,

Firstly may I congratulate Norway for its presidency of the Council this month. It is a real honour to have the opportunity in this new year to present the 34th report of the Prosecutor of the ICC in relation to the Darfur Situation in Sudan pursuant to Resolution 1593 that the Council passed of course in 2005.

Despite the strictures of Covid and the wearing of masks, it is wonderful even with these constraints, to be here in person. 

I would like to begin Madam President if I may by recalling what I said when I was meeting with Darfur survivors and victims when I was in Khartoum on the 17th of August last year. 

I convened a meeting with Darfur civil society. Many individuals have been struggling for almost two decades for something that should be simple but seems extremely complex, namely justice, a modicum of accountability that underlines the fact that every life matters. 

They have struggled and they have shown perseverance in relation to crimes that have unfortunately characterised a generation, at least of men, women and children. It was that suffering that led this council to use its Chapter 7 powers in 2005 and refer the Situation to the ICC. 

I share the frustrations, the impatience and the hopes of those survivors but that singular moment the first referred by the Council to the International Criminal Court would reap dividends. Expectations are not unreasonable, it is simply that there should be some justice.

The victims, the survivors, the people of Darfur, have shown that persistence but it is important as I said in my interactions with Sudanese government members that this referral cannot be a never-ending story. It can’t be, we are approaching middle age, 34 reports. We need collectively to do better, my Office of course but also this Council to make sure the promise and the purpose of the referral is wedded with concrete action. There is signs for hope and there has been progress notwithstanding difficulties that remain. 

In July of this year all 31 charges relating to a notorious Janjaweed leader Ali Kushayb were confirmed and a trial has been set down to start on the 5th of April of this year. The charges include war crimes, crimes against humanity, murder, rape, torture, attacks against the civilian population in Wadi Salih and Mukjar. That’s an important moment. 

This year, in just three months time, the promise of the Council will start being demonstrated in action by the allegations of the Office of the preferred being placed before independent and impartial judges. 

At the same time outreach is important and also I am hoping to work with the Registry of the Court to make sure there is an organised and effective outreach programme so that Sudanese people in Sudan, in Darfur, outside, can follow the proceedings because they have a right to know what happened and they have a right to see the truth.

But Ali Kushayb case is one case. There are of course four warrants outstanding: the case against former president Omar Al Bashir, the case against the former Minister of Interior Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, the former Governor of South Kordofan Ahmad Harun and the case against the former jan..rebel commander Abdallah Banda. In relation to Abdallah Banda I recuse myself from that case and that case is being supervised directly by the Deputy Prosecutor.

It’s important as I said in relation to my Libya briefing in December that during my term I wish to prioritise cases that have been referred by the Council and I started that in the Sudan Situation by conducting a review of the evidence to look at the strength of those cases and I also ensured additional resources are brought into that case so that we can hopefully be more effective.

But the reality of this is, that for a variety of reasons over the last seventeen years, including the non cooperation of the Government of Sudan by the previous administrations, there were not field investigations in the country and my predecessor hibernated for a long period this Situation so that investigations did not mature. As a result I realise that the evidence particularly against Omar al-Bashir and Mr Hussein need strengthening. 

I am satisfied with the strength of the evidence regarding Ali Kushayb but in relation to two cases I’ve mentioned we need to make sure we do better and that requires cooperation from Sudan. It requires Assistance from Sudan and it also requires cooperation, collaboration from members of this Council and member States of the United Nations.

I have realising the evidential landscape, I have given more resources to the team, put more investigators on the case, also people with Arabic language skills as well, and immediately in August, two months after my term commenced, I went to Sudan to speak to the Government realising the importance of cooperation. That brought tangible results because for the first time we concluded a Memorandum of Understanding not only in relation to Ali Kushayb but in relation to all four of the cases for whom Judges of the ICC have issued have Warrants.

I also appointed a pro bono Special Adviser to focus exclusively on the Darfur Situation so we can move together, get cooperation to a greater extent and that is Ms Amal Clooney. And again this is evidence of my intent not just to [...?] prioritising Security Council referrals but to make sure the resources that are needed are put into that case.

In my trip to Khartoum we had some, in August, we had some constructive meetings. I met with General al-Burhan of the Sovereignty Council and Prime Minister Hamdok and Foreign Minister and Minister of Justice. We also met UNITAMS [...?] Volker Perthes and members of the international community. 

And in this I also underlined a new approach, it’s not, and this is the beautiful thing about the law, there is many different solutions to one fundamental problem. It’s not the location of trial or even the forum of adjudication that is critical, what is critical are independent and impartial investigations, independent and impartial adjudications, and then the rule of law that should triumph so victims can move forward realising that everything has been done to try to ensure justice.

And I emphasised to the Government members that I would be willing to use the full panoply of options that are enshrined in the Rome Statute to ensure that we can work together and forge better bonds so this chapter could be closed.

The simple issue is this. If we don’t accelerate cooperation between the Government of Sudan and my Office, investigations will keep continuing.

If we are to carve out a Road Map for the completion of this Situation in the way that I believe the Council wants, that the victims want, the way to do it is to accelerate to inject more cooperation and Assistance within the Office and if that is done I think we can move forward in an effective way.

On the 25th of October of course the landscape changed and that has not been particularly helpful. In my meetings in August not only was the MoU signed, there had been commitments by the Government to sign the Rome Statute, there had been commitments to work more closely with my Office and there had been the agreement to help ensure a permanent field presence of the Office of the Prosecutor in Khartoum.

But the hiatus from 25th October has meant we have lost focal points, we’re trying to catch up. We had to for a couple of months, in fact until now, we had to suspend active investigations and so this was a very troublesome, concerning turn of events.

The upside is that just before Christmas my team went to Khartoum again, they spoke to General Burhan, and General Burhan reassured members of my Office that the MoU was still valid, that he was looking at cooperating and he said on more than one occasion to me directly and to the team in December that it was essential to have justice for the victims in Darfur. 

The challenge now collectively for all of us is to make sure those assurances are translated into concrete tangible partnerships and accountabilities. This is a delicate stage of course in the transition in Sudan but I would underline again the only option for us to move forward and close this Situation or find a pathway towards closure is accelerating cooperation.

I mentioned this on Friday with the distinguished Representative of Sudan, Ambassador Al-Bahi [Ed: fact-check name/spelling] and I also emphasised that these cases are not against Sudan, Sudan is a partner not an adversary, they are against individuals for whom the evidence discloses their responsibility in relation to crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court. 

We do need safe and secure access to Sudan, we need safe and secure access to the archives, we need to be able to look at where the mass graves are, and we need to be able to go to all parts of Sudan and work independently. This is required not just by the Memorandum of Understanding that was signed in August of last year, it is not only required by Resolution 1593, it is also required by the Juba Peace Agreement. So there is this tripartite tiers of responsibilities of commitments that I hope very much Sudan will honour and work with us more closely.

Cooperation from outside of Sudan is also critically important and we’ve had fantastic support from the European Union, from countries, the African States, from Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and the People’s Republic of China.

Really, this is an area to close this chapter and allow Sudan to move forward there can be no passive spectators, we have to help the Sudanese people get what they deserve which is justice and closure.

I hope to go again to Sudan in the next period, in the next few months, I hope around April time, hopefully, I have been promised that will be facilitated including going to Darfur, speaking to some of the survivors and victims and displaced people there and really try to build an acceleration in the work across the cases that are before the Court.

I do want, Madam President with your leave, to speak directly to those victims to underline during my term that we have an unwavering commitment to ensure that the intention of this Council and the landmark decision of 2005 is honoured and respected and so that we can have proper rigorous investigations so we are able to put before Judges what the truth of the matter is.

And in my view, I’ll be quite candid about the state of evidence, I’ll also be quite candid about one simple truth: Sudan runs the risk of always being defined by the past conduct by the events that compelled this Security Council to act in 2005 until and unless we get justice.

If we work together, if we work in partnerships, the Office of the Prosecutor, the Government of Sudan, this Council’s member States, we can close this chapter. And if we close that chapter I believe, unencumbered and relieved by some of the burdens of the past by ensuring justice, Sudan will have every possibility to do something which every Council member wants which is to write a new chapter so it can march forward to a better and more prosperous and safer future.

Thank you so much for your time, and this is my report.

View original video at the website of the United Nations Web TV here: https://media.un.org/en/asset/k1j/k1jms0qgvt

ICC Chief Prosecutor to brief UNSC on Darfur, Sudan

Photo: ICC Prosecutor Mr Karim Asad Ahmad Khan QC. Courtesy of the ICC © ICC-CPI

HERE below is a full copy of a report by What's in Blue dated 28 December 2021 confirming that next month the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, Netherlands, Mr Karim Asad Ahmad Khan, will give his very first briefing to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on the ICC's Darfur-related activities.

Note, according to Wikipedia, 51-year-old Scottish-born Mr Karim Asad Ahmad Khan QC (pictured here taking his solemn oath as ICC Prosecutor on 16 June 2021) is a British lawyer and a specialist in international criminal law and international human rights law. 

Following his appointment by United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, he was, until 2021, an Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations and served as the Special Adviser and Head of the UN Investigative Team for the Promotion of Accountability for Crimes Committed by Da'esh/ISIL in Iraq, which was established pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2379 to support domestic efforts to hold ISIL accountable for acts that may amount to war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity in Iraq.

January 2022 Monthly Forecast

Sudan (Darfur)

Expected Council Action

In January, the Security Council is expected to receive the semi-annual briefing of the ICC Prosecutor on Darfur. Karim Asad Ahmad Khan, who began serving as ICC Prosecutor in mid-June 2021, will provide his first briefing to the Council on the ICC’s Darfur-related activities.

Key Recent Developments 

On 9 June 2021, in her final briefing to the Council as ICC prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda referred to the “constructive dialogue and a good spirit of cooperation” that her office had developed with the transitional government in Sudan. She spoke about her visit to Darfur the previous week and stated: “The clear and consistent message I received from Darfur victims in El Fasher, Nyala and Zalingei is that the four outstanding warrants must be executed and that suspects must be handed over to the ICC.” (ICC arrest warrants remain outstanding against former President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir, Ahmad Muhammad Harun, Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, and Abdallah Banda Abakaer Nourain.) Bensouda had stressed this same message to government officials at all levels during her visit to the country, she said, and called for Sudan “to fully cooperate with the Office’s investigations, including by providing unhindered access to its territory and to the relevant records, information and materials, as well as the protection of witnesses”.

The ICC’s Pre-Trial Chamber II confirmed charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity against Ali Muhammad Abd-Al-Rahman (also known as Ali Kushayb) on 9 July 2021. Abd-Al-Rahman, reportedly a former Janjaweed militia leader who is alleged to have committed these crimes in Darfur in 2003 and 2004, surrendered in the Central Africa Republic in June 2020. His trial is expected to begin in April 2022.

Khan visited Sudan from 9-13 August 2021, meeting with senior members of the transitional government—including Chairperson of the Transitional Sovereign Council Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, among others—and civil society representatives.  In a press conference in Khartoum on 12 August, he said that he had “stressed and requested that the Government of Sudan further deepen its cooperation with [his] office”. He further underscored that: “Transfer of any suspect is an important step towards achieving justice but should be preceded and accompanied by substantive and ever deepening cooperation by the Sudanese authorities”.

Also on 12 August, Sudanese Foreign Minister Mariam al-Mahdi reportedly told Sudan state media that Sudan “would hand over wanted officials to the ICC”.  At the time of writing, this had yet to occur.

On 14 December, some seven weeks after the military takeover in Sudan, an ICC delegation met in Khartoum with Malik Agar and Tahir Hajar, two former rebels who now serve on the transitional government’s Sovereign Council. Media sources indicate that the discussion focused on preparations for another visit to Sudan by Khan and the potential handover of former Sudanese officials wanted by the ICC to The Hague.

Sudan has undergone considerable political turmoil in recent months. On 25 October, the Chairperson of the Transitional Sovereign Council, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, declared a nationwide state of emergency and the suspension of key provisions of the August 2019 Constitutional Document, including the transfer of the Sovereign Council chair from the military to the civilian government, which was set to take place in November. He also announced that the military would oversee Sudan’s transition until elections, to be held in July 2023. The military detained Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and his wife and placed them under house arrest. Government officials, including ministers and civilian members of the Sovereign Council, were also arrested.

On 21 November, Hamdok was released from house arrest, following significant international criticism and mass demonstrations in Sudan against the military takeover, which were met with violence by security forces. Appearing together on television, he and al-Burhan announced a new 14-point power-sharing agreement, including Hamdok’s reinstatement as prime minister, and the release of all political detainees. Under the terms of the agreement, the parties decided to “[a]ccelerate the completion of all transitional governance institutions including the Transitional Legislative Council and the Constitutional Court”, to form “a civilian government of independent national experts (technocrats)”, and to investigate injuries and deaths during the protests following the 25 October military takeover.

The power-sharing agreement has faced opposition in Sudan. Several parties have rejected the agreement, including the main opposition alliance, the Forces for Freedom and Change Coalition (FFC). Large protests against the 25 October military takeover and the subsequent power-sharing agreement erupted in several cities in Sudan, including in the capital, Khartoum, at various times in December.

Key Issues and Options 

An underlying key issue for the Council is how to promote justice and accountability for past atrocities committed in Sudan.  A related issue for the Council is how to support enhanced cooperation between the ICC prosecutor and the government of Sudan.

In addition to receiving Khan’s briefing, Council members supportive of the ICC’s work could consider holding an informal meeting with the prosecutor to facilitate a dialogue on ways in which his office can strengthen its cooperation with the Sudanese government.

They could also hold a joint press stakeout encouraging improved relations between the Sudanese government and the ICC.

Council and Wider Dynamics

The Council is divided on the work of the ICC.  Albania, Brazil, France, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Ireland, Mexico, Norway, and the United Kingdom are states party to the Rome Statute of the ICC, while China, India, Russia, the UAE, and the US are not. These distinctions do not necessarily reflect how members view the court’s work on Sudan, however. For example, although not a party to the Rome Statute, the US has long supported the ICC’s efforts with regard to Sudan.

Among the wider membership of the UN, African countries have long expressed concern that the court focuses its work inordinately on Africa.

View original: https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/monthly-forecast/2022-01/sudan-darfur-12.php?

ICC: Lay off Naomi – Farrow’s the celebrity culprit here - Mia Farrow played a key role in dumbing down the complex conflict in Darfur, W. Sudan

Brendan O’Neill: Mia Farrow is a celebrity imperialist, labouring to save Africa from itself. Never mind Naomi - the really outrageous, diva-esque, crazed celebrity in this story is her accuser, Mia Farrow

• A few years back she was calling for Western militarism in Sudan. As part of the 'Save Darfur' antics she and other celebs arranged for a Black Hawk helicopter to be placed on Second Avenue in New York with a banner pleading: 'Send me to Darfur'.

• Frustrated by the unwillingness of Washington to send the military to Darfur, Farrow held talks with Blackwater, the super-controversial private military firm that wrought so much destruction in Iraq. She was effectively trying to organise her own Mia's Military, to put the mad blacks Over There back in their place.

• She played a key role in dumbing down the complex conflict in Darfur, presenting it to Westerners as a simple case of "good vs evil". And ironically, for an actress who got into bed with the notorious Blackwater outfit, she campaigned extensively to have Khartoum officials sent to The Hague to be tried for crimes against humanity.

• When she failed on that front, too, she had to make do with playing her Hollywood colonialist card at The Hague instead.

Source: Article from The First Post - www.thefirstpost.co.uk
By Brendan O'Neill
Published: Friday, 06 August 2010
Last updated 8:07 AM, Friday, 06 August 2010. Full copy:

Lay off Naomi – Farrow’s the celebrity culprit here
Why is everyone down on Naomi Campbell for accepting diamonds, or what she calls "dirty stones", from former Liberian president Charles Taylor? Never mind Naomi - the really outrageous, diva-esque, crazed celebrity in this story is her accuser, Mia Farrow.

Campbell only did what supermodels do all the time: as she testified at The Hague yesterday, she accepted a pouch of diamonds from men who knocked on her hotel door. She didn't even look in the bag until she'd got her beauty sleep.

Farrow, however, seems to fancy herself as a one-woman saviour of the Dark Continent. Having agitated for war against the savages of Sudan as part of her campaign to 'Save Darfur' a few years ago, she now wants to help reveal The Truth about Charles Taylor, by giving evidence against Campbell, and by extension against the former warlord.

Campbell might be a naive catwalk-strutter, but Farrow is something worse: a celebrity imperialist, labouring under a White Woman's Burden to save Africa from itself.

The actress is due to appear in person at The Hague next week, having already sworn an affidavit asserting that in South Africa in 1997, at a dinner hosted by Nelson Mandela, Campbell was given 'blood diamonds' by Taylor's people.

Campbell admitted yesterday that she had received a bag of diamonds, albeit rather miserable dirty ones. But given that there was no note explaining their provenance, she was unable to finger Taylor, as the prosecution had hoped. She also made it very clear that she did not want to attend the trial at The Hague, but had been subpoenaed to attend. "I was made to be here," she said. "This is a big inconvenience for me."

The same cannot be said for Farrow. She couldn't wait to get involved. She scribbled her affidavit and gave a primetime interview with ABC News in which she recalled the events of 1997 and explained the importance of her telling "the truth".

This is because Farrow really does believe she's a whiter-than-white celebrity activist who has a duty to fix those less-white parts of the world.

A few years back she was calling for Western militarism in Sudan. As part of the 'Save Darfur' antics she and other celebs arranged for a Black Hawk helicopter to be placed on Second Avenue in New York with a banner pleading: 'Send me to Darfur'.

Perhaps she has never seen the film Black Hawk Down, which might have given her a clue as to the kind of barbarism that can occur when the Pentagon does send fighter helicopters to African countries (in that instance, Somalia).

Frustrated by the unwillingness of Washington to send the military to Darfur, Farrow held talks with Blackwater, the super-controversial private military firm that wrought so much destruction in Iraq. She was effectively trying to organise her own Mia's Military, to put the mad blacks Over There back in their place.

She played a key role in dumbing down the complex conflict in Darfur, presenting it to Westerners as a simple case of "good vs evil". And ironically, for an actress who got into bed with the notorious Blackwater outfit, she campaigned extensively to have Khartoum officials sent to The Hague to be tried for crimes against humanity.

When she failed on that front, too, she had to make do with playing her Hollywood colonialist card at The Hague instead.
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Campbell demands photo ban at trial
News report from bigpondnews.com - Tuesday, August 03, 2010; 02:51pm - excerpt:
Campbell's lawyer, Lord Macdonald, has written to the United Nations special court requesting a ban on media coverage. ... According to the Sunday Times, Macdonald asked that 'members of the public, the media, the parties and the court not follow, photograph, video record or sketch Miss Campbell's transit to the court within the Netherlands'....

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Mandela party photo that put Naomi Campbell in 'blood diamond' storm‎
War crimes trial of former Liberian president may rest on events surrounding 1997 photograph taken at party in South Africa
Article from The Guardian - guardian.co.uk
By Ed Pilkington in New York
Published: Friday, 23 July 2010 18.06 BST. Full copy:



Nelson Mandela is pictured with guests at a party in South Africa in 1997. The interaction of Charles Taylor, Naomi Campbell and Mia Farrow at the event is likely to come under the spotlight at The Hague when Farrow and Campbell appear as witnesses at Taylor's war crimes trial. Photograph: Sipa Press / Rex Features

The picture speaks volumes. At the centre of a group of 10 people stands Nelson Mandela and beside him his partner and later wife, Graça Machel. On Mandela's other flank is a short man dressed in a military-style jacket with his hand held out as though he, and not the great South African leader, was hosting the gathering.

He is Charles Taylor, and the photograph was taken a month after he was elected president of Liberia. Now Taylor is in prison at The Hague, the first African president to face trial for war crimes.

The events that surround the photograph could prove to be a significant part of the case against Taylor, who is charged with 11 counts including murder, rape and turning children into soldiers.

The picture was taken in 1997 at Mandela's home in Cape Town and the assembled guests, who included Jemima and Imran Khan, the music producer Quincy Jones and Chinese actor Tony Leung, had been invited to mark the opening of South Africa's luxury passenger rail service, the Blue Train.

To Taylor's right is Naomi Campbell, the British model, dressed in an elegant white dress and a cross pendant around her neck. Five people to Taylor's left is Mia Farrow, the actress who starred in Rosemary's Baby and several of her former husband Woody Allen's films.

The interaction of Taylor, Campbell and Farrow is likely to come under the spotlight at The Hague next month when both Farrow and Campbell are due to appear as witnesses.

Their testimony goes to the heart of the case against Taylor – that he obtained illegally procured "blood diamonds" from the Revolutionary United Front rebels in neighbouring Sierra Leone, smuggled in mayonnaise jars.

The prosecution alleges he used some of the enormous profits from the sale of the diamonds to traffic weapons to the RUF, thus fomenting and prolonging Sierra Leone's brutal civil war that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.

Taylor has always denied the charges. "I'm supposed to be such a scumbag that people bring me diamonds in nothing more than a mayonnaise jar? How much more can you demonise me?" he told the court.

But Farrow has claimed that on that night in 1997 Taylor, struck by Campbell's beauty, arranged for the model to be given a rough diamond.

Farrow told ABC News that Campbell told her that during the night Taylor's men "knocked on her door and that they had given her a huge diamond and it was like, Oh my gosh!"

Farrow, who was in South Africa along with some of her children, insists that her memory of the conversation with Campbell is accurate. "You don't forget when a girlfriend tells you she was given a huge rough diamond in the middle of the night," she said.

She said Campbell had told her that she was going to donate the diamond to Mandela's children's charities. She added she thought no more about it until the Taylor prosecution unfolded.

The prosecution at The Hague says the incident corroborates its case that Taylor was involved in trafficking blood diamonds. But Campbell has denied receiving a diamond and has refused to speak on the subject, attempting to avoid appearing before the court.

When ABC News tried to ask her about it she ended the interview and lashed out at a camera. "I didn't receive a diamond and I'm not going to speak about that thank you very much, and I'm not here for that," she snapped.

In May, Campbell told Oprah Winfrey that she had no desire to be involved in the case against Taylor. "He has done some terrible things and I don't want to put my family in danger," she said.
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Naomi Campbell: I handed 'blood diamonds' to Mandela charity
Article from The Daily Telegraph - telegraph.co.uk
By Bruno Waterfield, in The Hague, Aislinn Laing and Caroline Gammell
Published: 9:00PM BST 05 Aug 2010 - excerpt:
Naomi Campbell, the model, told a war crimes tribunal that she gave alleged "blood diamonds" to the head of Nelson Mandela's children's charity...
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More on this story

• Naomi Campbell tells war crimes tribunal of diamonds gift

  Supermodel Naomi Campbell says she received 'dirty looking' stones that she was later told must be diamonds from Charles Taylor

• Live blog: Naomi Campbell at The Hague

• Naomi Campbell at war crimes tribunal

• Naomi Campbell's privacy plea strange for a woman who bathes in limelight

• Naomi Campbell granted special protection during war crimes trial

• Counting the cost of Zimbabwe's 'blood diamonds'