Showing posts with label Darfur war. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Darfur war. Show all posts

Saturday, March 16, 2024

Darfur War Child raised in Abu Shouk IDP camp: Abdoalnaser Ibrahim, Businessman (Boy) by 11!

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: I received an astonishing email last Monday from a stranger, Mr Abdoalnaser Ibrahim in Canada. Here is a copy, reprinted in full with permission, followed by my reply and Abdoalnaser's story of his childhood in Abu Shouk IDP camp, North Darfur circa 2004.

Email from Abdoalnaser Ibrahim 
Dated Monday, 11 March 2024
Photo: Abdoalnaser Ibrahim, Aspiring Data Analyst | Certified in Data Analytics | Petroleum Engineer

I am a survivor of the 2003 Darfur genocide, spent most of my life in Abushock IDP camp - my Mom wnated for us to get educated and have better life after my father's passing away in the war - I worked hard both in education and in supporting my family. In 2013 I was amongst Sudanese top students and joined University of Khartoum and studied engineering and been volunteering since for the cause of no other child should live what I have been through.

In 2022 I joined UN Youth Delegate program sponsored by Germany for Sudanese youth and attended the UN General Assembly of Sep 2022.

After that I came to Canada, applied for asylum and currently living in a refugees shelter - all excited to enjoy my new life, support family, contribute to Darfur betterment as well as inspire youth around the world in IDP camps and Refugee camps.

Going through your profile was such a delight as you were one of those who have worked hard so that kids like me and all war victims (I was 7 at 2003) can have a better life, heal from what they have lived and get justice.

Also, I witnessed the visit of Koffi Annan, Colin Powell, condoleezza rice and the accompanying delegates to our IDP camps.

Thank you from my bottom of heart for the good that you did to us 🙏

Please let me know if by any chance you would be available for a quick virtual meeting - I would love to know you, the work you did and still doing.

Stay safe and sound !
__________________________________

HERE is a copy of my reply to Abdoalnaser, sent a few days later:

Dear Abdoalnaser, 
Greetings from England UK and thank you for connecting and for your wonderful messages, gratefully received and much appreciated. 

Your news and words brought me to tears. Over the years, I've often wondered what became of all the babies, children and youngsters in Darfur from 2003-4 onwards. Now through the wonders of the internet I have, for the first time in 20 years, heard from one of those children with some feedback. 

You write beautifully with interest, warmth and humour. Your English is very good. I liked your story (boy to man) and wanted to ask you for your permission to publish it and its photos at Sudan Watch. 

Your story is a truly inspiring. What strikes me about your writings and that of some of the Lost Boys [and Girls] of (South) Sudan - some of whom became child soldiers - is that your extraordinary experiences, hard work, resilience, tenacity and persistence have made you incredibly strong clever people with charming manners and personalities. 

I must stop now or another day will pass without you receiving my gratitude and thanks from the bottom of my heart. 

I'm thrilled you got through it all. 
Extremely well done, I look forward to keeping in touch. 
Warm regards, 
Ingrid.
_____________________________

THIS is Abdoalnaser's story of his childhood living in Abu Shouk camp, North Darfur, one of the largest camps for internally displaced persons in Sudan, written in his own words.

Businessman (Boy) by 11!

Dated February 14, 2024


Story about a business idea in my childhood and a message to internally displace persons and refugees around the world

Photo: Myself after a hectic business day in 2010 taking a photograph for high school application.


Post Darfur 2003 conflict at which I lost my father, and after which me, the rest of my family and many others were forced by war to leave our homes and settle into IDP camps — all have lost loved ones and property, I was 7 years old by then. The situation in our IDP camp was very challenging — but luckily humanitarian organizations generously provided us with the needed aids to survive.


That situation tasked me in a very early age with big questions about life and the future, by the age of 10 years old — I asked my mother to allow me work and share with her the financial responsibilities she was desperately trying to meet – selling her valuables and doing tough labor, she agreed after negotiations — with the condition of not defaulting on my education.


I started working as a plastic containers distributor by carrying a big package on my shoulders containing many of them, going to shops across Abushock and Abuja IDP camps block by block — and asking them if they wanted some. But the tremendous effort exerted in distributing / selling never corresponded with the income gained — average of 3 SDGs (SDG: Sudanese Pounds / currency, I SDG = 3.34USD back then) per day at best with scanning the whole two camps walking, after doing that for a year -I started thinking about alternative ways to do a business that rewards better and pays off, that is when I got into Amir Alpha product selling (a glue- adhesive for many surface materials).

Image: Amir Alpha product carton.


The inspiration stemmed from the fact that shop owners in the two camps when bringing products for final selling, they usually go to a specific side of the market (Food and utilities), but the Amir Alpha product was in another side of the market, so after shop owners are loaded with lots of goods from the first side, it becomes harder for them to go to the other side with the amount of goods they bought, and for just one product, but they often do not even remember it. The reliability of a shop owner in Sudan is in part influenced by whether they have all necessities available for customer buyers, that keep customers returning to same shop — so many shop owners ask me a lot about whether I have it or can provide it — for they get asked about the Amir Alpha product a lot by many loyal customers wanting to fix their broken items, I also asked many others whether they have it and would buy if I were to provide it — and a sizable number of them responded positively.


That is when I got a penalty at the 90th minute, and charged myself with providing it for the shop owners, I would buy a carton and divide the Amir Alpha products inside into dozens a pack, a carton like the one attached above in green makes 21 dozens — the whole carton cost around 30 SDGs back then and I would sell a dozen pack for 2.5 SDGs — making around 22.5 SDGs pure profit, and I am the boss of myself — so with this amount of income I turned into only working on weekends to focus on school — and would use half of it and contribute the rest to family welfare, as time goes by — I have scaled up my business and continued profiting until other competitors appeared in the market, but by then I have already built personal connections with my customers and gained their loyalty.


That window of freedom to work in early childhood taught me valuable life lessons and skilled me in many areas of life, which shaped my resilience and creativity of today.


Back then — I would just look at a shop owner and know whether they were going to buy or not, and was resilient enough to rarely skip a prospect buyer in my scanning of the two camp shops.


So this is a message to all struggling youths around the world including those in refugee and IDP camps, experiencing sheer poverty, balancing education and labor — maybe you were not born into the right context you wish have happened, your thinking power, resourcefulness, and grit are priceless if projected and replicated into businesses, tech, and many other walks of life — your minds are capable as much as MIT and Harvard graduates, if not more - provided with an opportunity to grow, be restless in seeking opportunities and learning new tools to gain more flexibility and ease carrying out your day to day affairs, 


(For example; just today as I was applying to a range of jobs - I discovered a setting in windows that enables you to access any item you have copied before, it indeed increased my productivity afterwards).


END

Monday, February 12, 2024

EU aims to further strengthen relations with Chad

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: This report is translated from French using Google translate. If memory serves, in 2003-4 200 French troops were swiftly dropped into Chad by helicopter when news broke of war in Darfur. I blogged about it at the time because I was surprised at France being the first to send troops to land near Sudan on a mission to provide humanitarian aid.  

Report from LE N'DJAM POST
Dated Wednesday, 7 February 2024 in Chad
Cooperation: EU aims to further strengthen relations with Chad

The Minister of Foreign Affairs and Chadians Abroad, Mahamat Saleh Annadif, received in audience, on February 7, 2024, the Special Representative of the European Union for the Sahel, Emanuela Del Re. The objective was to discuss the relations between Chad and the European Union and the crucial role that the Chadian government plays within the Sahel region.


The discussions during this meeting focused on topics related to the promotion of peace and stability in the Sahel. It is in view of the many challenges facing Chad and the subregion that the two stakeholders intend to strengthen their cooperation to eradicate these problems.


Thus, the EU Representative for the Sahel, Emanuela Del Re, took the opportunity to congratulate and encourage Chad for its efforts and contribution to the search for durable solutions. She did not lose sight of the ongoing transition process in Chad and welcomed the commitment of the Chadian government to the reception of thousands of Sudanese refugees in the east of the country.


View original: https://lendjampost.com/cooperation-lue-entend-renforcer-davantage-ses-relations-avec-le-tchad/


Source: Hat tip and thanks to Cameron Hudson @_hudsonc

https://twitter.com/_hudsonc/status/1755506600242979283 


END

Sunday, May 21, 2023

USAID pledges $100M for Sudan and its neighbours

THIS woman's ego knows no bounds. I recall her from Darfur war days. She'd step on dead bodies if it'd further her career. The way she writes says it all.

60,000 Sudanese have crossed into Chad. As villages in Darfur empty, villages in eastern Chad are filling up

NOTE from Sudan Watch Ed: Beige highlight is mine for future reference and to show: a woman with 5 children fled from Sudan to Chad in March; a Chadian official allegedly said Darfur war is just starting; ninety percent of the displaced seem to be children and women; they use westerners' lingo.


At height of Darfur war, usually before rainy season when rebels regrouped and splintered (I stopped counting after 40 groups, identifying them was like trying to nail mercury to a wall) women and children fled to be cared for by humanitarian aid. Rebels looted aid trucks to get the supplies they needed.


Going by what I can gather, people from all walks of life knew weeks before April 15 that fighting would start that week. What were the diplomats and politicians in Sudan doing? It's hard to believe there were no intelligence warnings. The fight for Khartoum was lightning fast and well orchestrated. 


The US embassy in Khartoum alone has 70 staff. People acted surprised. It seems what we're being told doesn't add up. I saw a report about Egyptian soldiers on exercises in Sudan being caught April 13 and Burhan and Hemeti falling out over it. I saw it on video which is why I don't have report to hand.


Also during the fast-moving news at that time I glimpsed news of possible war between Sudan and Ethiopia. I've not had time to reprint those reports here for posterity nor much about Bashir & Co being sprung from prison.


The well-planned fight for Khartoum that erupted April 15 seemed different to previous chaotic coups and rebellions. If, as is reported, Sudan has no functioning government why hasn't a state of emergency been declared? 


It's easy to remember how much Russia needs and appreciates Sudan's gold in order to keep up its war on Ukraine. And that Hemeti agreed to Russia leasing a port in Port Sudan where China has a port too. 


What's China's stance, I wonder. A report HERE recently suggests it's standing back. Next postXi sends congratulations to Arab League meeting.

___________________________


Report from The New York Times


By Elian Peltier - Photographs by Yagazie Emezi


Elian Peltier and Yagazie Emezi visited refugee sites on Chad’s Sudan border, where tens of thousands of people have found refuge since a war started in Sudan last month.


Dated Tuesday 16 May 2023, 3:29 p.m. ET - full copy:


Fleeing Generals at War and Violent Militias, Many Say 'We're Not Coming Back'


The war in Sudan has unleashed a new wave of violence in the western region of Darfur, sending tens of thousands into neighbouring Chad, where a new humanitarian crisis is looming.

An estimated 60,000 Sudanese refugees have crossed into neighbouring Chad since the beginning of the war in Sudan in April. More than 90 percent of them are children and women. 


Thousands of Sudanese refugees watched as the first emergency aid workers reached a village in Chad, days after escaping from their embattled country. Mothers tended to toddlers, while men listed their most urgent needs — water, vaccines, tarps for the looming rainy season.


The fighting that erupted in Sudan’s capital last month has ricocheted far beyond the city’s borders, worsening instability in the restive western region of Darfur and sending tens of thousands of people fleeing to neighboring countries, including Chad in Central Africa.


As villages in western Sudan empty, villages in eastern Chad are filling up: Camps have sprouted up, sometimes in days, with thousands of tents made of colourful sheets mounted on branches, forming a fragile patchwork of uncertainty.

IMAGE by The New York Times, map of Darfur Region, Sudan


The surging conflict in Darfur is the latest ordeal for a region that has been traumatized by two decades of [SW Ed: alleged] genocidal violence. It has also deepened a humanitarian crisis in Chad, where hundreds of thousands of people displaced from Darfur had already taken refuge.


The United Nations’ Refugee Agency said last week that 60,000 Sudanese had crossed into Chad since the start of the conflict — doubling an earlier assessment, with 25,000 refugees recently registered in the Chadian village of Borota alone. Most had fled Kango Haraza, a village on the other side of the border, in Darfur.

Aid workers from the United Nations’ Refugee Agency registering families in the Chadian village of Borota, a few miles from the Sudanese border.


Two New York Times journalists accompanied the U.N. agency last week into Borota, where tens of thousands of refugees have been without food, water and other essential items.


With Sudan’s most powerful groups, the army and the R.S.F., fighting for control in the capital, Khartoum, the unstable situation in Darfur has spiralled into further violence.


Militias, made up mostly of Arab fighters, have exploited the power vacuum to rampage through cities, loot households and kill an unknown number of civilians, according to aid workers, doctors and local activists. In response, some civilians  have begun arming themselves, and non-Arab groups have also retaliated against militias at a small scale.


Along with Khartoum and the two adjoining cities across the Nile, cities in Darfur have been the most affected by the fighting between the Sudanese Army and a paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces. Hospitals have been looted and markets burned.


But while Khartoum had been a peaceful city before April, Darfur has been torn by decades of violence.


More than 300,000 people were killed in Darfur in the 2000s when Sudan’s former dictator, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, ordered militias, widely known as the Janjaweed, to crush a rebellion among non-Arab groups. A popular uprising in 2019 led to Mr. al-Bashir’s ouster, but in Darfur the situation has continued to deteriorate, including with ethnically motivated attacks in recent years.


The latest influx of refugees is also increasing pressure on Chad, a landlocked, vast Central African country that shares 870 miles of border with Sudan and is the among the world’s poorest nations. Its eastern region, semiarid and isolated, already has more than 400,000 refugees from Darfur living in 13 camps, which are now filling with new arrivals helped by the U.N. refugee agency.

In Borota, thousands Sudanese refugees have joined people who had been displaced by earlier conflicts in Darfur.


About 90 percent of the refugees from Darfur recently registered by the United Nations in Chad are women and children. For most families, returning to Sudan is out of the question.


“Move back to what, and where?” said Khadija Abubakar, a mother of five young children who said she fled from Kango Haraza with her husband this month. “As long as there’s no security, we’re staying.”


The violence in Darfur shows no sign of abating. In El Geneina, the capital of West Darfur and 15 miles from Chad, armed groups have looted health care facilities and burned refugee camps. Hospitals are out of service, and humanitarian workers have fled the city for Chad, leaving thousands of people in need and trapped amid the fighting.


Over the past few days, at least 280 people were killed in El Geneina alone, according to the Sudanese Doctors’ Trade Union. Aid workers and Chadian officials now expect that a pause in the fighting there could push tens of thousands to flee to Chad.


In Borota, which is four miles from the Sudanese border, many refugees had fled earlier eruptions of violence in Darfur, according to Jean-Paul Habamungu, the coordinator of the U.N. agency’s operations in Eastern Chad.


He was one of the first humanitarian workers to reach Borota, arriving on May 11. What he saw stunned him: hundreds of children, most of whom had arrived in the previous days, lining up in front of him, so many people that it caught the local authorities and aid agencies by surprise.

Awa Ibrahim Abakar, 35, a refugee from Darfur now staying in Chad, said gunmen killed her husband and wounded one of her four children.


The refugee encampment is at least four hours away from the closest aid outpost in the region, and some parts of the sandy and bumpy tracks used to traverse the area will soon be submerged in the rainy season. As we crossed a few dried-out wadis, or rivers, on our way to Borota, raindrops appeared and puddles began to form.


Ms. Abubakar, the mother of five, has spent her days waiting for her husband to find food in a nearby village. As she tried to keep two toddlers playing in the dust nearby, she said that she also needed water and soap.


Other Sudanese repeated similar pleas. We need vaccination for the children, we need tarp for when the rain comes,” said Adoum Ahmad Issa, a 43-year-old father of four who said he had arrived in Chad in early May.


In nearby tents, children in rags dozed on their mother’s laps, while other parents prepared madeeda hilba, a thick porridge, and grilled small grasshoppers in the 100-degree heat. Most appeared to have fled with little more than a few cooking supplies, sheets and mats and, in some cases, a donkey.


Mr. Issa and nearly two dozens other refugees interviewed this month said the violence in Darfur had preceded the fighting in Khartoum. But many said the new conflict had only made things worse.


It is unclear how many people have died in Darfur, but they are estimated to be in the hundreds. At least 822 civilians have been killed and more than 3,200 injured in the month long conflict, according to the doctors union.

At the border between Koufroune in Chad, and the Sudanese village of Tendelti, people journey back and forth to gather personal belongings.


Aid agencies have rushed to try to help refugees who have gathered in Chad, often in sites miles apart. In some areas, like in the Chadian border village of Koufroune, refugees have managed to bring furniture, mattresses and bed frames.


On a recent morning, some men and teenagers on horse-drawn carts crossed a dried riverbed — the border between the two countries — journeying back and forth between Koufroune and the Sudanese village of Tendelti, just on the other side. Some villagers said they fled under gunfire in the early days of the conflict. Tendelti now stands emptied of most residents.


A few Chadian soldiers stood guard by the riverbed, under the shade of mango trees bending under the weight of ripe fruit.


“Tendelti is now here, in Chad,” said Fatima Douldoum, a 50-year-old mother of five who said she fled in late March. Relatives crossed back in April to retrieve their beds.

“Tendelti is now here, in Chad,” Fatima Douldoum, left, a 50-year-old mother of five, said referring to her village in Darfur. She sat with her family under a tent made of scarves and other fabric.


“It is the first time so many people are bringing everything they can,” said Aleksandra Roulet-Cimpric, the country director for the International Rescue Committee, an aid organization providing health services in Koufroune. “It’s also the first time so many of them say ‘We’re not coming back.’”


Kango Haraza, too, is now mostly empty, and in recent days people have reached Borota from other Sudanese communities, said Mr. Habamungu of the U.N. agency.


As he visited the site last week, Mr. Habamungu said a Chadian official told him that the war in Darfur was only starting. “That made me pause and wonder,” Mr. Habamungu said. “How we are going to cope?”

A family from Darfur organized their belongings under a tree in Koufroune, Chad. Aid agencies have struggled to provide aid to the swelling number of Sudanese refugees arriving in Chad.


Violence in Sudan

Fighting between two military factions has thrown Sudan into chaos, with plans for a transition to a civilian-led democracy now in shambles.

Elian Peltier is the West Africa correspondent. He joined The Times in 2017 and was previously based in Paris and London. He now lives in Dakar, Senegal. @ElianPeltier


View original: https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/16/world/africa/chad-sudan-conflict.html


[Ends]

Saturday, May 20, 2023

Snipers trap civilians in El Geneina, W. Darfur where displacement camps have been burnt down to ashes


[Ends]

Monday, May 15, 2023

Jan Pronk: "Sudan? Europe is busy with itself"

NOTE from Sudan Watch Ed: This report was written in Dutch by Prof Jan Pronk of The Netherlands, UN Special Envoy to Sudan from 2004 to 2006. 

Google Translator enabled me to produce the following translation but it doesn't do justice to his excellent English, communication and writing skills. 

Hopefully, readers will make allowances for this version that's been stripped of the personality and character of a great humanitarian by a machine.

Jan Pronk (pictured) was UN Special Envoy to Sudan from 2004 to 2006.

Opinion editorial from NRC Netherlands - https://www.nrc.nl/

By JAN PRONK

Dated 05 May 2023 - full copy, translated from original Dutch version:

Jan Pronk: "Sudan? Europe is busy with itself"


Sudan Diplomatic pressure was minimal, economic sanctions were not forthcoming, the arms trade flourished. In the run-up to the civil war in Sudan, the international community has looked away, writes Jan Pronk

Sudanese refugees just across the border in Chad, near Koufroun.

Photo Gueipeur Denis Sassou / AFP)


Was to prevent the civil war in Sudan, which erupted last month? When conflicts arise mainly from deeper internal contradictions – ethnic, religious or economic – it is difficult to get a grip on them from the outside. We learned that lesson. International intervention consists mainly of humanitarian aid. 


And UN peacekeeping operations, if they take place at all, are given a limited mandate: protect victims and try to stabilize the situation so that conflict parties can seek a political solution themselves. But no matter how limited that ambition is compared to thirty years ago, the results are small. More and more countries in Africa and Asia are plagued by internal conflicts of violence. The number of victims and refugees is increasing alarmingly.


Sudan, too, has been hit by deep divisions since it gained independence in 1956. The civil war between North and South claimed hundreds of thousands of victims. He ended in 2012 with the declaration of South Sudan as an independent state. The genocide in Darfur, shortly after the beginning of this century, is not yet history. Throughout Sudan, North and South, ethnic conflicts continue to cause casualties. 


Throughout Sudan, North and South, ethnic conflicts continue to cause casualties. Contradictions between Islamic fundamentalists and others are becoming sharper. The distance between the population in the Nile Delta and beyond is increasing. Economic inequality is widening. Young people see less and less perspective.


But the battle between President Abdel Fattah al-Burhan's army and the militias of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (aka Hemedti) is mainly about power and control over the country's wealth. Other contradictions were subordinated to the interests of the army and paramilitaries. 


But while the underlying contradictions cannot be easily influenced from the outside, the outside world did have the opportunity to prevent the current brutal power struggle. That has not been done.


On horseback and by camel


When an uprising broke out in Darfur in 2003 against the regime in Khartoum, President Bashir, who had come to power in a military coup in 1990, tried to defeat the guerrillas by deploying militias of Arab tribes.


The army couldn't do it alone. Many soldiers were from Darfur themselves and unwilling to go all out. The militias did. They were given carte blanche and made no distinction between rebels and unarmed civilians.


The army cooperated with them by carrying out bombing raids. The population fled in panic and fell prey to pursuers on horseback and by camel. Villages were set on fire and wiped off the map. Immediately afterwards, the militias disappeared like snow in the sun, until another attack. Four hundred thousand people died.


Two million others fled to camps in Darfur and Chad, across the border. They were received by the UN and aid workers, but were not safe there.


Bashir and his predecessors had used the same tactic before, in the fight against the South. It was a tried and tested method and it cost Khartoum little. The militias were allowed to loot and loot at will. 


In Darfur they were known as the Janjaweed: 'Devils with a horse and a gun'. They did not need heavier weapons to kill women, children and unarmed elderly men. Large parts of Darfur were ethnically 'cleansed'.


Villages were set on fire and wiped off the map


The international uproar over the genocide was great. Then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan personally negotiated with Bashir in Khartoum and reached an agreement. The Janjaweed would be disarmed. But that didn't happen. The Security Council protested, but did not act. 


The killing continued. Negotiations between the government and the rebels resulted in a peace agreement, but that did not last. The army attacked villages where it suspected that the villagers were sheltering rebels, even though the inhabitants themselves adhered to the truce.


The international outrage over the actions of the Janjaweed and the army was not followed up. Bashir was summoned by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. He didn't come.


If he visited another country, he was obliged to arrest him. That didn't happen. He visited Qatar, met the new UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon, who was content to shake his hand. 


The Security Council kept quiet so as not to jeopardize Bashir's agreement to South Sudan's coming independence. The regime got away with everything. So does the Janjaweed. Diplomatic pressure was minimal. There was no political pressure. Economic sanctions as well. The arms trade flourished. 


The Janjaweed were transformed into Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The former genocide perpetrators received support from the European Union to guard Sudan's borders and stop refugees who wanted to move to Europe via Chad and Libya. Brussels hypocrisy at its best.


Gulf states jump into the hole


In 2018, civilians revolted against the regime. For the first time in thirty there was a loud call for democracy. Bashir was jailed on charges of corruption — not war crimes.


The new ruler Burhan promised to cooperate in the formation of a civilian government. It came for a while, but was sent away two years later by the military and the RSF with combined forces. The Janjaweed-new-style resumed cooperation with the army.


It was agreed to integrate the militias into the army, but they now had so many weapons and money that they felt strong enough to resist. That was the beginning of this civil war.


The civilian population was defeated and slaughtered. The outside world had looked to the side for the umpteenth time. Foreigners were picked up in haste, as they were in Afghanistan, Rwanda and Vietnam. It stands in stark contrast to the EU's treatment of African, Arab and Asian refugees trying to escape war, oppression and genocide.


China, Russia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states are jumping into the gap left by Europe. The EU lacks a vision of Sudan and other countries in the region. Things are just as bad there. In Chad it was unsettled, in Ethiopia war was fought this year. Eritrea and Egypt are ruled by dictators.


Somalia is being held hostage by the al-Shabab terror group. In Uganda, repression of dissenters is on the rise. Eastern Congo and the Central African Republic are prey for warlords. Libya is falling apart.


Europe is busy with itself. The problems are indeed great. But those who look away from the problems across the border become problem owners. We already are.


View original: https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2023/05/05/soedan-europa-heeft-het-druk-met-zichzelf-a4163865


[Ends]

Sudan: Could Arab tribal chief Hilal undercut Hemeti?

NOTE from Sudan  Watch Editor: I have just visited the archives of this site Sudan Watch 2004. The news headlines at that time seem to show we've gone full circle over past 20 years and are now back to square one. Here is an excerpt from one of the first reports reprinted here in 2004, followed by a recent report featuring the Arab tribal chief Mr Musa Hilal now aged 63.

Sudan Watch - Sunday, August 22, 2004

Janjaweed Leader Moussa Hilal - interview with UK Telegraph and IslamOnline.net


Aug 22: UK Telegraph news report by Philip Sherwell in Khartoum, copied here in full:

 

Tribal leader accused over Darfur says he was acting for government 

The sheikh accused by the United States of co-ordinating Janjaweed militiamen has admitted that he was "appointed" by Sudan's government to recruit Arab tribesmen to "defend their land". 


In an interview with The Telegraph, Musa Hilal scorned calls for his arrest on the eve of this week's visit to Sudan by Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, and the United Nations' deadline for Sudan to begin its promised crackdown on the Janjaweed. 


"I don't care what my enemies say about me," he said, jabbing his finger. "I have no concerns about being arrested. I don't think the Sudanese government would be stupid enough to take that decision." 


Mr Hilal has been identified by the US State Department as the most senior of seven Janjaweed leaders allegedly responsible for the ethnic cleansing conducted against predominantly black African villagers by Arab militiamen in the province of Darfur. 


Mr Hilal, 43, a tall man who has three wives and 13 children and leads a tribe of more than 200,000 people, denies the accusation. He was not an "agent" of the government, he said, but acknowledged allegations that the Khartoum government was using the camel and horse-riding Arab militia to suppress the rebellion. 


"I am one of the tribal leaders responsible for collecting people for military service for the country," he said, claiming that he organised his followers to defend themselves against Darfurian rebels. 


"I was appointed by the government to organise people to defend their lands but legally, not illegally. They were defending themselves against the mutineers." 


Read full story: https://sudanwatch.blogspot.com/2004/08/janjaweed-leader-moussa-hilal.html

________________________

Report from AlJazeera.com

By Mat Nashed


Dated 3 May 2023 - full copy:


Could an old tribal foe undercut Sudan’s Hemedti?


The RSF could be more vulnerable in its stronghold in Darfur, where a rival foe is challenging Hemedti.

PHOTO: Musa Hilal (centre right) celebrates with former President Omar al-Bashir (centre left) at the wedding of the former's daughter [File: Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters]


After two weeks of armed conflict, Sudan’s feared paramilitary leader, Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo, has fought the army to a deadlock in the capital of Khartoum.


But his Rapid Support Forces could be more vulnerable in their stronghold in Darfur, where a rival has challenged Hemedti for tribal supremacy, analysts and residents told Al Jazeera.


Enter Musa Hilal, a respected tribal chief from the same Arab Rizeigat tribe that Hemedti hails.


Back in 2003, Hilal fought on behalf of the government against mostly non-Arab armed groups, who were rebelling against what they said was the state’s neglect and exploitation of Darfur. According to Human Rights Watch, Hilal’s forces – the Popular Defence Forces, called “Janjaweed” by the rebels – were accused of committing summary executions and using rape as a weapon of war.


Between 2003 and 2009, about 300,000 people were killed in the armed conflict, as well as from disease and famine brought on by the war. But while Hilal was scorned worldwide, he was rewarded back home.


In 2005, Sudan’s former leader, Omar al-Bashir, put Hilal’s fighters under the army’s control and tasked them with protecting Sudan’s frontiers.


Three years later, al-Bashir appointed him as his special adviser and even awarded him a seat in parliament in 2010.


“The thing with these militia leaders is that they start off as proxies [for the central government] and then they end up having their own political ambitions,” said Hafiz Mohamad, a Sudanese researcher for Justice Africa, which advocates for human rights across the continent.


Despite Hilal’s ascension in Khartoum, he eventually returned to Darfur after growing frustrated at the government’s continuing neglect of the region.


The fallout prompted al-Bashir to turn to Hemedti – then a little-known trader and a former fighter – to command a new armed group called the RSF. One of Hemedti’s early tasks was arresting Hilal for refusing to disarm his forces.


Now, Hilal could look to settle scores by helping the army weaken the RSF.


“When Bashir created the RSF, he gave all sorts of resources to Hemedti. That’s really when this rivalry started. Hilal started a rebellion against the government and one of Hemedti’s first tasks was to contain him,” Mohamad said.


Mobilising forces?


In March 2021, Hilal was pardoned after spending six months in prison, before Hemedti and army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan – the two generals now fighting each other – upended the country’s democratic transition through a coup in October 2021.


Hilal has kept a low profile since his release, yet some analysts believed that the army has been trying to co-opt him – and fighters from his tribe – to undercut Hemedti.


“Hilal has been under Military Intelligence protection since his re-emergence,” one expert, who did not wish to disclose his name for fear of losing important sources and access to Sudan, told Al Jazeera.


Signs of a warm relationship between Hilal and the military have been reported. In June 2022, Hilal and his Revolutionary Awakening Council participated in peace talks with a number of other armed groups from Darfur, according to the latest United Nations Panel of Experts report on Darfur.


Sudan’s army sent the head of military intelligence, Major General Mohamed Ahmed Sabir, to mediate talks between the factions under the auspices of Promediation, a French NGO that assists mediation efforts between state and non-state groups.


The discussion centred around the peaceful return of Sudanese mercenaries, many of whom are loyal to Hilal, from Libya.


Months later, in the lead-up to the war between the army and RSF, Arab activists in Darfur reported that the military was recruiting from their clan in order to form a new border force that could undercut Hemedti.


The military has not denied that it was recruiting from Darfur, yet it did refute that it was coveting fighters from a certain tribe or clan. However, Hilal’s role and whereabouts remain uncertain.


“Rizeigat leaders were warning against an ongoing campaign to recruit fighters. The mobilisation is ongoing, but where Hilal fits in is not clear,” said Suliman Baldo, the founder of the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker, a think tank covering political affairs in the country.


“The fact that all these [Rizeigat] tribal leaders were complaining about [recruitment], shows that it was an intense activity,” he added.


From strongmen to politicians


While Hilal and Hemedti are both from the Rizeigat, they are from two different clans within it.


The former is from the Mahamid and the latter from the Mahariya.


But, similar to Hilal, Hemedti evolved from being a militia fighter to having his own political ambitions.


The difference is that while Hilal maintains a loyal following in North Darfur, Hemedti has been able to cultivate relationships with regional backers, such as the United Arab Emirates, Russia and Eritrea.


Those powerful friends give Hemedti and the RSF an outsized advantage against any attempt by Hilal to fight him, said Anette Hoffman, an expert on Sudan for the Clingendael Institute, an independent Dutch think tank.


“If there were no foreign players involved, Hilal would be able to mobilise through his tribal links, including whatever links he has in Chad,” she told Al Jazeera. “But with such powerful backers, Hilal just doesn’t compare any more to Hemedti.”


Despite Hilal’s disadvantages, Hoffman expected him to still try and mobilise fighters, which could make the fighting in Darfur significantly bloodier in the weeks and months to come.


“If we see Hemedti get killed at some point, then we could see a disintegration of the RSF and also of the Rizeigat as an ethnic group,” she said. “Hilal would then play a role that leads to more suffering and more fighting and access to arms. He would help to turn things uglier than they already are.”


For non-Arab communities in West Darfur, the scarier scenario is if Hilal and Hemedti put their differences aside in order to fight the army, said Zakaria Bedour, a local human rights monitor in the province.


She stressed that Mahamid militias and communities are already receiving support from the RSF in order to target non-Arabs in el-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur. The latest violence is due in part to a power vacuum in the region, prompting Arab militias to try and grab control over land and water resources.


The attacks have killed nearly 200 people, according to local doctors. Internally displaced camps sheltering non-Arab communities were also burned to the ground, while markets, hospitals and warehouses belonging to international relief organisations were looted.


“If [Hemedti and Hilal] get along, there will be consequences for the African tribes and the internally displaced people. [Hilal and Hemedti] remember the displaced people as being in opposition to them [in previous wars],” warned Zakaria.


“The consequence would make the [Arab] forces much bigger than the [armed non-Arab groups] in [West Darfur].”


Play Video - Duration 01 minutes 11 seconds

Video posted on social media documents destruction in Sudan


Play Video - Duration 01 minutes 13 seconds

Video shows destroyed Sudanese food market


KEEP READING

list of 4 items

list 1 of 4

What will the war in Sudan mean for Ethiopia?

list 2 of 4

UN refugee agency warns more than 800,000 may flee Sudan

list 3 of 4

Sudan fighting in its 18th day: A list of key events

list 4 of 4

The journey out of Sudan


View original: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/3/could-an-old-tribal-foe-undercut-sudans-hemedti


[Ends]