Showing posts with label map. Show all posts
Showing posts with label map. Show all posts

Sunday, January 21, 2024

‘No diplomatic end to Sudan’s war in sight' -Baldo

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: Peace meetings between Messrs Burhan and Hemeti could happen as soon as Hemeti makes his fighters leave Khartoum and move out of the residential homes and properties they've commandeered in Khartoum. It's as simple as that. Once that happens, Gen. Burhan said (many times) he will attend ceasefire and peace talks. The fact that none of it has happened proves Hemeti is not genuine in wanting peace and security for the people of Sudan. He wants Sudan and what's left of it by the time he's hauled off to the International Criminal Court in The Hague.
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From Radio Dabanga
Dated Friday, 12 January 2024; 18:00 NEW YORK - here is a copy in full:

‘No diplomatic end to Sudan’s war in sight,’ warns Suliman Baldo

Map of Sudan showing areas under SAF (in red) and RSF (in yellow) control as of December 21, 2023 (Source: @ThomasVLinge via X)


As the war between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) soon enters its ninth month, there remains no tangible end in sight to the widespread suffering endured by the country and its people. That is despite a flurry of diplomatic mediation efforts, says prominent Sudanese researcher Suliman Baldo.


In his analysis ‘Sudan’s Interminable War, published by the International Centre for Dialogue Initiatives on Tuesday, conflict resolution expert Suliman Baldo* observes that while both the SAF and the RSF “initially believed they would crush the other in days”, the conflict has dragged on into “multiple localised ethnically driven clashes beyond either party’s control”.


On the ground, the RSF has succeeded in expanding its territorial control in Darfur, Kordofan, and Khartoum, while SAF remains in control of northern, central, and eastern regions, including de-facto administrative capital Port Sudan. In December, an RSF offensive “wrestled the central Gezira state from the army’s control and threatened its presence in the White Nile and Sennar states”.


The war unmasked SAF’s ineptitude, Baldo asserts, “as its senior commanders became too steeped in grand corruption practices to pay attention to the decay of SAF as a fighting force”.


Their adversary, the RSF, is “ethnically aligned, with plunder as the main motivation of its fighters”. The paramilitary force “proved incapable of providing for the population” in El Gezira after it took over the former safe haven for those who fled Khartoum and El Obeid in the early days of the war.


At the end of December, the Wad Madani Resistance Committees lamented the deterioration of security, health and humanitarian conditions in El Gezira, continued attacks by the RSF, the lack of functional hospitals, and the ongoing waves of displacement in the state.


The region is divided over Sudan. Sudanese policy analyst Kholood Khair and civil society activist Asmahan Akam wrote in Time magazine in December that “Egypt, Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia support the SAF while the United Arab Emirates (UAE), a UN Security Council member, backs the RSF in seeming violation of the body’s own arms embargo on Darfur, first enacted in 2004 and just renewed (with a yes vote from the UAE) in March 2023”.


‘No tangible solution’


The SAF, with junta leader Lt Gen Abdelfattah El Burhan at its head, conditions a ceasefire on the RSF evacuating private and residential areas. Baldo explains that this is most likely to be rejected by the latter, as it maintains a tactical advantage in doing so, especially in Khartoum where it continues to lay siege to several SAF command stations.


Whilst ongoing conflict threatens SAF’s collapse, Baldo believes, “a traffic jam of diplomatic initiatives” has yet to bring forth any sustainable nor tangible end to the conflict.


The Jeddah talks, facilitated by the US and Saudi Arabia, stalled due to belligerents’ failures to honour commitments. The United Nations (UN) “was relegated to an observer’s seat as Sudan unilaterally terminated its political mission”, whereas “offers of mediation by Russia, Turkey, and a Sudan neighbours’ initiative launched by Egypt in July failed to generate traction because the RSF declined to cooperate with any”.


By the end of 2023, the Horn of Africa Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), whose members include Djibouti, Kenya, the Sudans, Uganda, Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea, emerged as a lead mediator for a humanitarian ceasefire and civilian-led political negotiations.


IGAD convened in Djibouti in early December, for an extraordinary assembly session on the situation in Sudan, where members agreed to redouble efforts to achieve a peaceful resolution, including mediating head-to-head talks between El Burhan and RSF commander ‘Hemedti’.


“However, several challenges emerged in the final days of 2023 and early 2024 that risk derailing the IGAD’s role in these processes.”


Hours after the IGAD communiqué of the summit was released, the Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs initially denied El Burhan’s agreement to meet with Hemedti without conditions, stating that the communiqué’s content “was not based on consensus nor legally binding.”


Baldo notes that the FA Ministry is “dominated by Islamist allies of the SAF who are most likely behind the initial rejection of the offer. El Burhan later agreed to meet with Hemedti.


Another challenge facing IGAD’s role is the official reception and hospitality received by Hemedti during his Africa tour, in which he was hosted by the heads of four IGAD member states, including chairperson Ismail Guelleh, the President of Djibouti.


“Hemedti’s reception as a visiting dignitary bestowed on him a diplomatic legitimacy that provoked the ire of the SAF, and made less likely that Burhan would agree to meet with him under the IGAD’s auspices after this slight”, the expert explained.


Last June, Sudan’s Sovereignty Council, chaired by El Burhan, declared that “Kenya is not neutral and is home to RSF rebel leaders”.


Last week, acting FA Minister Ali El Sadig announced that Sudan summoned the Kenyan ambassador to protest against the official reception of Hemedti by the Kenyan president.


* Dr Suliman Baldo is an expert in justice, human rights and conflict resolution in Africa and served as the Africa head of International Crisis group, the International Center for Transitional Justice, and has also held human rights and mediation posts in the United Nations. He has provided expert advice on human rights in Mali and Darfur and currently leads the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker. (Source: International Centre for Dialogue Initiatives website)


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View original: https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/no-diplomatic-end-to-sudans-war-in-sight-warns-suliman-baldo


ENDS

Friday, December 22, 2023

UN Deputy Humanitarian Coordinator Sudan (Darfur) Toby Harward says vital aid needed in Darfur quickly

THIS copy of a Dec 20, 2023 post at X published by UN Deputy Humanitarian Coordinator Sudan (Darfur) Toby Harward @tobyharward says: "Latest clashes in El Fasher & Nyala, Darfur, result in more displacement with new refugees crossing into Chad, & Salamat/Habbaniya inter-communal conflict displacing more than 15,000 persons to Chad & CAR border areas. Um Dukhun already hosts more than 80,000 IDPs & refugees. Imperative that aid reaches this corner of Darfur quickly."
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Postscript from Sudan Watch Editor:
El Fasher is in North Darfur State. Nyala is in South Darfur State. Um Dukhun is in Central Darfur State. This map 'Darfur Conflict Zones and Refugee Camps' is undated. Central Darfur State is a state in south-western Sudan, and one of five comprising the Darfur region. It was created in January 2012 as a result of the ongoing peace process for the wider Darfur region. Its state capital is Zalingei. The state was formed from land that had been part of the states of West Darfur and South Darfur. Abeche is in Chad.
ENDS

Saturday, December 09, 2023

Abyei in Sudan & South Sudan: UNISFA peacekeepers are on high alert to ensure peace and security in Abyei

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Related

Map showing oil rich Abyei Area on the border of Sudan and South Sudan:


The Abyei Area (Arabicمنطقة أبيي) is an area of 10,546 km2 or 4,072 sq mi[2] on the border between South Sudan and Sudan that has been accorded "special administrative status" by the 2004 Protocol on the Resolution of the Abyei Conflict (Abyei Protocol) in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the Second Sudanese Civil War.[3] The capital of the Abyei Area is Abyei Town. Under the terms of the Abyei Protocol, the Abyei Area is considered, on an interim basis, to be simultaneously part of both the Republic of South Sudan and Republic of Sudan, effectively a condominium. -Wikipedia
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THIS ACLED map shows Abyei near E. Darfur and W. Kordofan in Sudan:
Source: UN OCHA Sudan Humanitarian Update 7 Dec 2023
To view a larger map visit the original report and click on
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Sudan
ACLED update on Sudan situation 28 Oct - 24 Nov 2023
'Unravelling the conflict dynamics in Darfur' 
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South Sudan
UN OCHA latest report on South Sudan
'Severity of humanitarian conditions and number of people in need'
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Abyei Area on the border of Sudan and South Sudan

ACLED analysis on Abyei Area March 2023

'Deadly violence in the disputed Abyei Area'

https://acleddata.com/2023/03/17/sudan-march-2023-situation-update-deadly-violence-in-the-disputed-abyei-area/


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Sunday, May 21, 2023

60,000 Sudanese have crossed into Chad. As villages in Darfur empty, villages in eastern Chad are filling up

NOTE from Sudan Watch Ed: Beige highlight is mine for future reference and to show: a woman with 5 children fled from Sudan to Chad in March; a Chadian official allegedly said Darfur war is just starting; ninety percent of the displaced seem to be children and women; they use westerners' lingo.


At height of Darfur war, usually before rainy season when rebels regrouped and splintered (I stopped counting after 40 groups, identifying them was like trying to nail mercury to a wall) women and children fled to be cared for by humanitarian aid. Rebels looted aid trucks to get the supplies they needed.


Going by what I can gather, people from all walks of life knew weeks before April 15 that fighting would start that week. What were the diplomats and politicians in Sudan doing? It's hard to believe there were no intelligence warnings. The fight for Khartoum was lightning fast and well orchestrated. 


The US embassy in Khartoum alone has 70 staff. People acted surprised. It seems what we're being told doesn't add up. I saw a report about Egyptian soldiers on exercises in Sudan being caught April 13 and Burhan and Hemeti falling out over it. I saw it on video which is why I don't have report to hand.


Also during the fast-moving news at that time I glimpsed news of possible war between Sudan and Ethiopia. I've not had time to reprint those reports here for posterity nor much about Bashir & Co being sprung from prison.


The well-planned fight for Khartoum that erupted April 15 seemed different to previous chaotic coups and rebellions. If, as is reported, Sudan has no functioning government why hasn't a state of emergency been declared? 


It's easy to remember how much Russia needs and appreciates Sudan's gold in order to keep up its war on Ukraine. And that Hemeti agreed to Russia leasing a port in Port Sudan where China has a port too. 


What's China's stance, I wonder. A report HERE recently suggests it's standing back. Next postXi sends congratulations to Arab League meeting.

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Report from The New York Times


By Elian Peltier - Photographs by Yagazie Emezi


Elian Peltier and Yagazie Emezi visited refugee sites on Chad’s Sudan border, where tens of thousands of people have found refuge since a war started in Sudan last month.


Dated Tuesday 16 May 2023, 3:29 p.m. ET - full copy:


Fleeing Generals at War and Violent Militias, Many Say 'We're Not Coming Back'


The war in Sudan has unleashed a new wave of violence in the western region of Darfur, sending tens of thousands into neighbouring Chad, where a new humanitarian crisis is looming.

An estimated 60,000 Sudanese refugees have crossed into neighbouring Chad since the beginning of the war in Sudan in April. More than 90 percent of them are children and women. 


Thousands of Sudanese refugees watched as the first emergency aid workers reached a village in Chad, days after escaping from their embattled country. Mothers tended to toddlers, while men listed their most urgent needs — water, vaccines, tarps for the looming rainy season.


The fighting that erupted in Sudan’s capital last month has ricocheted far beyond the city’s borders, worsening instability in the restive western region of Darfur and sending tens of thousands of people fleeing to neighboring countries, including Chad in Central Africa.


As villages in western Sudan empty, villages in eastern Chad are filling up: Camps have sprouted up, sometimes in days, with thousands of tents made of colourful sheets mounted on branches, forming a fragile patchwork of uncertainty.

IMAGE by The New York Times, map of Darfur Region, Sudan


The surging conflict in Darfur is the latest ordeal for a region that has been traumatized by two decades of [SW Ed: alleged] genocidal violence. It has also deepened a humanitarian crisis in Chad, where hundreds of thousands of people displaced from Darfur had already taken refuge.


The United Nations’ Refugee Agency said last week that 60,000 Sudanese had crossed into Chad since the start of the conflict — doubling an earlier assessment, with 25,000 refugees recently registered in the Chadian village of Borota alone. Most had fled Kango Haraza, a village on the other side of the border, in Darfur.

Aid workers from the United Nations’ Refugee Agency registering families in the Chadian village of Borota, a few miles from the Sudanese border.


Two New York Times journalists accompanied the U.N. agency last week into Borota, where tens of thousands of refugees have been without food, water and other essential items.


With Sudan’s most powerful groups, the army and the R.S.F., fighting for control in the capital, Khartoum, the unstable situation in Darfur has spiralled into further violence.


Militias, made up mostly of Arab fighters, have exploited the power vacuum to rampage through cities, loot households and kill an unknown number of civilians, according to aid workers, doctors and local activists. In response, some civilians  have begun arming themselves, and non-Arab groups have also retaliated against militias at a small scale.


Along with Khartoum and the two adjoining cities across the Nile, cities in Darfur have been the most affected by the fighting between the Sudanese Army and a paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces. Hospitals have been looted and markets burned.


But while Khartoum had been a peaceful city before April, Darfur has been torn by decades of violence.


More than 300,000 people were killed in Darfur in the 2000s when Sudan’s former dictator, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, ordered militias, widely known as the Janjaweed, to crush a rebellion among non-Arab groups. A popular uprising in 2019 led to Mr. al-Bashir’s ouster, but in Darfur the situation has continued to deteriorate, including with ethnically motivated attacks in recent years.


The latest influx of refugees is also increasing pressure on Chad, a landlocked, vast Central African country that shares 870 miles of border with Sudan and is the among the world’s poorest nations. Its eastern region, semiarid and isolated, already has more than 400,000 refugees from Darfur living in 13 camps, which are now filling with new arrivals helped by the U.N. refugee agency.

In Borota, thousands Sudanese refugees have joined people who had been displaced by earlier conflicts in Darfur.


About 90 percent of the refugees from Darfur recently registered by the United Nations in Chad are women and children. For most families, returning to Sudan is out of the question.


“Move back to what, and where?” said Khadija Abubakar, a mother of five young children who said she fled from Kango Haraza with her husband this month. “As long as there’s no security, we’re staying.”


The violence in Darfur shows no sign of abating. In El Geneina, the capital of West Darfur and 15 miles from Chad, armed groups have looted health care facilities and burned refugee camps. Hospitals are out of service, and humanitarian workers have fled the city for Chad, leaving thousands of people in need and trapped amid the fighting.


Over the past few days, at least 280 people were killed in El Geneina alone, according to the Sudanese Doctors’ Trade Union. Aid workers and Chadian officials now expect that a pause in the fighting there could push tens of thousands to flee to Chad.


In Borota, which is four miles from the Sudanese border, many refugees had fled earlier eruptions of violence in Darfur, according to Jean-Paul Habamungu, the coordinator of the U.N. agency’s operations in Eastern Chad.


He was one of the first humanitarian workers to reach Borota, arriving on May 11. What he saw stunned him: hundreds of children, most of whom had arrived in the previous days, lining up in front of him, so many people that it caught the local authorities and aid agencies by surprise.

Awa Ibrahim Abakar, 35, a refugee from Darfur now staying in Chad, said gunmen killed her husband and wounded one of her four children.


The refugee encampment is at least four hours away from the closest aid outpost in the region, and some parts of the sandy and bumpy tracks used to traverse the area will soon be submerged in the rainy season. As we crossed a few dried-out wadis, or rivers, on our way to Borota, raindrops appeared and puddles began to form.


Ms. Abubakar, the mother of five, has spent her days waiting for her husband to find food in a nearby village. As she tried to keep two toddlers playing in the dust nearby, she said that she also needed water and soap.


Other Sudanese repeated similar pleas. We need vaccination for the children, we need tarp for when the rain comes,” said Adoum Ahmad Issa, a 43-year-old father of four who said he had arrived in Chad in early May.


In nearby tents, children in rags dozed on their mother’s laps, while other parents prepared madeeda hilba, a thick porridge, and grilled small grasshoppers in the 100-degree heat. Most appeared to have fled with little more than a few cooking supplies, sheets and mats and, in some cases, a donkey.


Mr. Issa and nearly two dozens other refugees interviewed this month said the violence in Darfur had preceded the fighting in Khartoum. But many said the new conflict had only made things worse.


It is unclear how many people have died in Darfur, but they are estimated to be in the hundreds. At least 822 civilians have been killed and more than 3,200 injured in the month long conflict, according to the doctors union.

At the border between Koufroune in Chad, and the Sudanese village of Tendelti, people journey back and forth to gather personal belongings.


Aid agencies have rushed to try to help refugees who have gathered in Chad, often in sites miles apart. In some areas, like in the Chadian border village of Koufroune, refugees have managed to bring furniture, mattresses and bed frames.


On a recent morning, some men and teenagers on horse-drawn carts crossed a dried riverbed — the border between the two countries — journeying back and forth between Koufroune and the Sudanese village of Tendelti, just on the other side. Some villagers said they fled under gunfire in the early days of the conflict. Tendelti now stands emptied of most residents.


A few Chadian soldiers stood guard by the riverbed, under the shade of mango trees bending under the weight of ripe fruit.


“Tendelti is now here, in Chad,” said Fatima Douldoum, a 50-year-old mother of five who said she fled in late March. Relatives crossed back in April to retrieve their beds.

“Tendelti is now here, in Chad,” Fatima Douldoum, left, a 50-year-old mother of five, said referring to her village in Darfur. She sat with her family under a tent made of scarves and other fabric.


“It is the first time so many people are bringing everything they can,” said Aleksandra Roulet-Cimpric, the country director for the International Rescue Committee, an aid organization providing health services in Koufroune. “It’s also the first time so many of them say ‘We’re not coming back.’”


Kango Haraza, too, is now mostly empty, and in recent days people have reached Borota from other Sudanese communities, said Mr. Habamungu of the U.N. agency.


As he visited the site last week, Mr. Habamungu said a Chadian official told him that the war in Darfur was only starting. “That made me pause and wonder,” Mr. Habamungu said. “How we are going to cope?”

A family from Darfur organized their belongings under a tree in Koufroune, Chad. Aid agencies have struggled to provide aid to the swelling number of Sudanese refugees arriving in Chad.


Violence in Sudan

Fighting between two military factions has thrown Sudan into chaos, with plans for a transition to a civilian-led democracy now in shambles.

Elian Peltier is the West Africa correspondent. He joined The Times in 2017 and was previously based in Paris and London. He now lives in Dakar, Senegal. @ElianPeltier


View original: https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/16/world/africa/chad-sudan-conflict.html


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