Civil Front to Stop the War and Restore Democracy in Sudan concludes Addis meetings, contacts SLM-AW

NOTE from Sudan Watch Editor: The following report, written in Arabic, was sent to me today by a Sudanese man living and working in England, UK. As he is keen to see peace in Sudan I have used Google translate to document the report here in English. A report by Sudan Tribune, also copied here below, explains who is behind the 'Civil Front'. It is heartening to see former Prime Minister Hamdok's name cited in the Sudan Tribune's report. 

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Report from Al Taghyeer -  altaghyeer.info/en/
Dated 20 September 2023 - here is a full copy (using Google translate):

Civil Front concludes Addis meetings and takes steps to stop war in Sudan

The components of the Civil Front to Stop the War and Restore Democracy in Sudan agreed on the importance of strengthening the efforts of all forces calling for stopping the war and restoring democracy, and the need to coordinate between them as soon as possible.

Khartoum: Change

The Civil Front to Stop the War and Restore Democracy in Sudan concluded meetings of the Coordination and Communication Authority held on September 17 and 18 in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, and issued a final statement on the deliberations and decisions.

According to the statement issued on Tuesday, the meeting stressed the need to redouble efforts to confront the plans of the remnants of the former regime calling for the continuation of the war, and discussed the importance of strengthening the efforts of all forces calling for stopping the war and restoring democracy and the need to coordinate between them as soon as possible.

He announced the formation of a committee to communicate with all democratic civil forces to accelerate these efforts, and the meeting adhered to the political vision of the components of the Civil Front.

"Change" publishes the text of the final statement:

Civil Front to Stop the War and Restore Democracy

Final communiqué of the meetings of the Coordination and Communication Authority

The meetings of the Coordination and Liaison Committee of the Civil Front to Stop the War and Restore Democracy, which lasted for two days (September 17 and 18), concluded in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, these meetings discussed the poor humanitarian situation caused by the war, and the political efforts exerted to work to stop it by building the broadest civil front of democratic forces opposed to it.

At the outset, the Civil Front paid tribute to those who lost their lives in this war, and expressed its full solidarity with the injured, displaced and refugee victims.

It declared its full condemnation of the gross violations of human rights, which varied between killings, occupation of homes and hospitals, looting of property, arrests, kidnappings, rape and many heinous crimes committed by the Rapid Support Forces, as well as all violations of killing, aerial bombardment of civilians and arbitrary arrests by the armed forces, and called for a transparent investigation and accountability for all those involved.

The participants stressed the need to redouble efforts to confront the plans of the remnants of the former regime who call for the continuation of this war, use it to demonize the revolution and liquidate its forces, and spread hate speech and ethnic and regional division.

They also discussed the importance of strengthening the efforts made by all civil forces calling for stopping the war and restoring democracy, and stressed the need for coordination between them as soon as possible, and a committee was formed from all categories of the front to communicate with all civil democratic forces to accelerate these efforts and reach the widest civil front that works to end the war, and rebuild the state on the basis of the principles, values and goals of the glorious December revolution.

The meeting adhered to the political vision of the components of the Civil Front, which was contained in the founding statement of the Front on the twenty-seventh of last April, and work to develop it with the rest of the civil democratic forces in response to the new reality produced by the fifteenth of April war and its repercussions.

They agreed to establish a national mechanism for reparations and compensation, including the relevant authorities, to account for all the damage caused by the war, and stressed that any political solution to end it must not fall under the principle of fair and equitable compensation for all those who have been harmed and harmed by this damned war.

They also appreciated the efforts of humanitarian aid workers from local, regional and international institutions and organizations, especially the emergency rooms in Khartoum State and all cities and regions of Sudan, who work in very complex conditions, stressing the need to ensure the delivery of aid to those who deserve it.

In conclusion, it was agreed to activate the organizational, media and humanitarian work to achieve the goals of the interim and future front.

Coordination and Communication Authority

19 September 2023

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

View original: https://www.altaghyeer.info/ar/2023/09/19/الجبهة-المدنية-تختتم-اجتماعات-أديس/

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Related report

From Sudan Tribune.com

Dated Thursday, 13 October 2023 - here is a full copy:

Sudanese anti-war civilian forces reach out to Darfur holdout group

Image: FFC leaders meet Ugandan president on July 3, 2023

October 13, 2023 (ADDIS ABABA) – A prominent leader of the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) revealed that the Civil Front to Stop the War and Restore Democracy forces have been in contact with the Sudan Liberation Movement led by Abdel Wahid Nur (SLM-AW) to join this collective effort.

Since July of this year, political forces, civil society groups, and some armed movements that are parties to the Juba peace agreement have been engaged in discussions to establish a broad civil coalition. The purpose of this coalition is to exert pressure on the warring factions to cease hostilities and revive the path toward democratic transition.

Nur al-Din Babikir, a member of the FFC leadership and spokesman for the Sudanese Congress Party, told Sudan Tribune that there is coordination between the Front, the SLM-AW, the initiatives led by former Prime Minister Abdallah Hamdok and former Sudanese ambassador to the United States Nur al-Din Satti. He added that the purpose of these consultations is to convene a founding conference for the Civil Front.

Babikir stated that the conference’s agenda is centred on halting the conflict by forming a coalition capable of compelling both sides involved in the conflict to cease hostilities. Subsequently, this would pave the way for a political process to restore the civilian-led democratic transition through an agreed project.

He further confirmed that the FFC also consults with IGAD, neighbouring countries, and other regional actors to unify their initiatives. He stressed that these efforts have made some progress towards achieving a ceasefire despite the lack of commitment from both parties.

Also, he announced that the United States and Saudi Arabia are holding consultations to resume the Jeddah process to end the war in the near future, starting with the cessation of hostilities, the establishment of humanitarian corridors to provide aid to the war-afflicted civilians, and a subsequent political process that ends the war.

He pointed out that the Front includes many Sudanese figures representing various bodies, the FFC, and nine coordination committees for Resistance Committees, civil society initiatives, and armed groups.

The SLM-AW rejects the Juba Peace Agreement and refuses to participate in any peace process to end the war in Darfur. In return, the Movement calls for a national conference to discuss issues of identity, wealth distribution, and justice and social justice in the country.

It’s worth noting that the SLM-AW has rejected the Juba Peace Agreement and remains unwilling to participate in any peace process to end the conflict in Darfur. Instead, the group calls for a national conference to address matters related to identity, wealth distribution, justice, and social justice within the country.

The FFC-initiated civilian front has not announced any contact with the Democratic Bloc groups, which includes the SLM led by Minni Minnawi and the Justice and Equality Movement of Gibril Ibrahim.

A severe conflict has been ongoing between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces since April 15 of this year. This has been accompanied by grave violations against civilians, including killings, sexual violence, arrests, forced displacement, and military airstrikes. (ST)

View original: https://sudantribune.com/article278299/

[Ends]

Inside the frantic days leading to Sudan’s coup

Report by ABDI LATIF DAHIR and DECLAN WALSH, The New York Times

Published: Sun 31 Oct 2021 08:21 AM BdST - Reprinted by bdnews24.com

Title: 'They lied.’ Inside the frantic days leading to Sudan’s coup

For days, the American envoy navigated between Sudan’s army chief and prime minister, striving to head off the collapse of a tenuous democratic transition in the country that had been two years in the making.

In a frantic series of meetings in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum last weekend, Jeffrey Feltman, the US envoy to the Horn of Africa, sought to narrow the differences between the army chief, Lt Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the civilian prime minister, Abdalla Hamdok, who had been sharing power since the 2019 ouster of longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir.

At a final meeting Sunday afternoon, al-Burhan argued that Sudan’s Cabinet should be dismissed and replaced with technocrats but gave no indication he was preparing to seize power. With that reassurance, the American diplomat wrapped things up and caught a flight to Qatar where, on landing, his phone lit up: A coup was underway in Sudan.

“They lied to him,” said Nureldin Satti, Sudan’s ambassador to the United States, referring to his country’s military leadership. “This is very serious, because when you lie to the US, you have to pay the consequences.”

No one factor appeared to prompt al-Burhan to call a halt to Sudan’s democratic transition. Nor is it certain his coup will succeed, given the mass demonstrations called for this Saturday.

In a series of interviews with analysts and multiple American, Sudanese and European officials, a picture emerged of a military that had grown frustrated with its civilian partners and was intent on maintaining its privileged position and avoiding any investigations into its business affairs or human rights abuses during al-Bashir’s three decades of rule.

Some also faulted the civilian opposition for failing to assuage the generals’ fears of prosecution while the transition to democracy was still underway, while one US official said that Russia had encouraged the coup in hopes of securing commercial advantages and a port on the Red Sea.

Sudan’s civilian leadership had been living in fear of a military coup for at least 18 months. Last weekend, as pro-military protesters camped outside the presidential palace and a pro-military ethnic group closed off the country’s main seaport, it seemed imminent.

Around noon Monday, al-Burhan announced the dissolution of the country’s governing bodies, arrested the prime minister, blocked the internet and announced a nationwide state of emergency. He also disbanded the committees managing the country’s trade unions, while his security forces arrested top civilian leaders, at least one of whom was badly beaten, according to Western officials who spoke on condition of anonymity, under normal diplomatic practice.

His moves plunged the nation into a wave of deadly protests and work stoppages, and drew condemnation from regional and global leaders who insisted on the need to return to civilian leadership. But none of that has seemed to soften the resolve of al-Burhan and his confederates.

“We are back to square one,” said Jihad Mashamoun, a Sudanese researcher and analyst. “General al-Burhan has once again set the seal on the military’s dominance in Sudanese affairs, and the people will come out to face him.”

Little known before 2019, al-Burhan, 61, rose to power in the tumultuous aftermath of the military-led coup that ousted al-Bashir. Then the inspector general of the armed forces, he played a role in sending Sudanese troops, including children, to fight in Yemen’s civil war. He had also served as a regional army commander in Darfur, when 300,000 people were killed and millions of others displaced in fighting between 2003 and 2008.

A close associate of al-Bashir, the general firmly believed the military was the most important institution in the country, tantamount to the state itself, said Cameron Hudson, a nonresident senior fellow with the Atlantic Council’s Africa Centre.

Thrust into the public eye following a popular uprising against the strongman ruler, he proved a reluctant leader, unaccustomed to the international stage. Under the long decades of isolation and international sanctions under al-Bashir, his sphere of travel had been limited to a handful of Middle Eastern countries, including Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.

By contrast, Hamdok, 65, an economist by training, had spent much of his career working at international financial institutions and consulting firms.

The two leaders remained amicable in the beginning, with Hamdok’s government overseeing a raft of reforms that succeeded in removing Sudan from the US list of countries that sponsor terrorism, banned female genital cutting and scrapped apostasy laws. He also signed a peace agreement with rebel groups.

But their relationship soon soured over the question of how best to manage the country and the economy. Those differences deepened after a coup attempt in September.

Tensions rose further in recent months as pro-democracy groups stepped up calls for the military to relinquish power to civilians and for the transitional government to investigate human rights abuses and corruption under al-Bashir. The military balked, analysts and officials said, fearful that any measures of accountability would expose their personal, financial and factional interests.

“It’s all tactical retreat,” said Hudson, arguing that the generals signed the power-sharing agreement in 2019 to relieve pressure on the military, not because they truly believed in it. “The only throughline in all of this is the military’s survival.”

Another divisive issue was whether to hand over al-Bashir to the International Criminal Court, where he has been charged with crimes against humanity and other offenses. Neither al-Burhan nor Lt. Gen. Mohamed Hamdan, also known as Hemeti, head of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces that were accused of genocidal violence in Darfur, have been indicted by the court, and analysts say they are keen to maintain the status quo.

“The two generals have had very close relations since Darfur and have everything to worry about if Mr al-Bashir is taken to the ICC,” Mashamoun said. “They would like to see some sort of immunity.”

The armed forces and intelligence services have also resisted efforts to rein in their extensive financial power.

Together they control hundreds of state-owned enterprises dealing in the production and sale of minerals, including gold, imports and exports of livestock, construction materials and pharmaceuticals. Rife with corruption, the companies rarely contribute their profits to the national budget, said Suliman Baldo, a senior adviser at The Sentry, a Washington-based group that seeks to expose corruption in Africa.

Al-Burhan also heads the board of trustees for Defence Industrial Systems, one of the military’s biggest firms. “He is doubling up as a corporate baron while he’s also the general commander of the army and now the de facto head of state,” Baldo said.

But civilian leaders in the transitional government bear some of the blame for the breakdown in relations, said Satti, the Sudanese ambassador, whom the military said Thursday it had fired along with other ambassadors who had publicly condemned the coup. Satti insisted that he was still on the job.

“There is a tug of war and a mutual provocation between the two sides,” he said. He added that some civilians did not understand the importance of alleviating the military’s fears.

With rising inflation and a shortage of basic goods, Hamdok faced a lot of pressure, too. A technocrat by training and temperament, he lacked the political skills to manage the tensions, Satti said.

There were “too many actors, a lot of disagreements and not a proper background to understand the requirements of the moment,” he said. “And he pushed too hard, too fast.”

Analysts said that al-Burhan would not have undertaken the coup without at least the tacit approval of powerful allies in the Middle East. Two of those, Egypt and the UAE, have yet to criticise the coup, while Saudi Arabia has condemned it, the US State Department said in a statement.

Al-Burhan has defended the coup as necessary to avert a “civil war” and promised to transfer power following elections in 2023. It is a timeline many young Sudanese say they do not agree with, a point they plan on making in Saturday’s protests.

“It’s going to be a showdown,” Mashamoun said.

© 2021 The New York Times Company

IMAGE, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan attends a news conference during the International Conference in support of Sudan at the Temporary Grand Palais in Paris, France, May 17, 2021. REUTERS 

View source: https://bdnews24.com/world/africa/2021/10/31/they-lied.-inside-the-frantic-days-leading-to-sudans-coup