Friday, May 19, 2023

Sudan...The Animal Museum Cries For War. Importance of Sudan's Natural History Museum

THIS is so sad. Let's hope it's true that people are giving water to animals.

Report from EasternHerald.com 

By Arab Desk

Dated Friday 19 May 2023 - full copy:


Sudan.. The Animal Museum Cries For War


And the clashes, which have not ceased since April 15, have made it impossible to access the museum site, which includes no less than 100 animals, which were placed in their cages the day before the outbreak of the fighting.


The director of the Natural History Museum said in statements exclusive to Sky News Arabia that things are still unclear regarding the position of the animals inside the museum, before I receive unofficial reports that some members of the Sudanese army were providing water to the animals, which represents a breakthrough for repeated distress calls throughout the past few weeks.


Despite this breakthrough, the situation remains difficult for the animals of the Sudan Museum, while “Said” identified this case in several points:


- Animals face a difficult fate, and of course there are some who have died from these very complex conditions, depending on how long they were left unattended.


- I expect the death of many animals, mainly birds and mammals which cannot endure a month without monitoring, feeding or monitoring, and we cannot reach them yet, because the water supply of their cages is was doing at the start of the war, and we cannot set a timetable for the armed forces to respond to distress calls. It is more likely that she died of hunger and thirst.


- Some other animals can withstand these conditions as long as possible, these are reptiles like desert tortoises. Because they store water in their body.


- From a scientific point of view, birds cannot survive more than 5 consecutive days without food or water, especially in extreme temperatures that reach 46 degrees Celsius.


- The pets that some Sudanese used to keep at home are also in a difficult situation. Because many citizens have been displaced and left these animals behind.


- We cannot go to the headquarters of the zoo, because things are very complicated considering the location of the museum near the general command of the armed forces, which is a very dangerous area for the movement of civilians, who can be targeted by both sides of the conflict.


- I tried as much as possible to reach the museum, but I was in an area where the sounds of bullets had never been silenced, and I couldn’t; Therefore, no one has any information or assessment of the situation and the number of dead animals.


Importance of the Natural History Museum


- The Natural History Museum zoo is home to many species of animals including lion, African gray parrot, vervet monkey, giant lizards called Nile monitor lizards, desert tortoise, horned snake and nubian cobra.


- The site of the museum, which is close to the headquarters of the Sudanese army, where fighting was taking place there, prevented people from accessing it and rescuing the animals.


- The museum documents wildlife in Sudan as well as the state of South Sudan, and serves scientists, scholars and visitors.


- The museum contains hundreds of valuable preserved animal specimens, some of which are now extinct.


- The Sudanese fear the repercussions of the current crisis on the historical legacy of Sudan, which is difficult to compensate for in the light of the continuous clashes between the two parties to the conflict, with no hope of an immediate solution.


View original: https://www.easternherald.com/2023/05/19/sudan-the-animal-museum-cries-for-war/

Impunity enabled generals to recklessly destroy Sudan (Hala al-Karib)

HOW YEARS OF IMPUNITY gave Sudan’s generals licence to destroy Sudan. This powerful op-ed was published in May at SudanTribune.com

Written by HALA AL-KARIB 

@Halayalkarib https://twitter.com/Halayalkarib

Regional Director, Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA)


Impunity enabled generals to recklessly destroy Sudan


I haven’t looked at my face in the mirror since the morning of 15 April when Sudan got turned upside down by two generals battling for power, the culmination of decades of state failure, impunity, and the negligence of the international community.


I don’t know what I look like now. I don’t want to see myself. I don’t want to cry.


That Saturday morning was the turning point. Before then, life was about that next medical appointment, school exam, or job interview: the upcoming wedding, or baby’s naming ceremony, or funeral to attend; the savings plan, the friend to visit, the house or small room to build; the tuk tuk, motorbike, or car to buy.


But all that has vanished.


We woke up that Saturday to a new reality of killings, of bodies strewn on the streets, of artillery bombardment and burning buildings. We are now in a desperate period of fear, trauma, and – for those who can – exodus.


Khartoum is the capital of 45 million Sudanese. It’s also the home of at least 10 million of us – including more than two million refugees who came here for sanctuary. For Khartoum to be destroyed like this, by thugs and monsters, is shocking, and perplexing.


That Saturday it took me the whole day, scanning the news channels and communicating with friends and colleagues before my brain was able to recognise what was actually happening.


We had fallen into the hands of those with no mercy, without humanity.


The city was being torn apart by rival militaries: Those loyal to General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the armed forces chief, versus his deputy, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, the head of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).


It is behaviour that the people of Darfur have witnessed for years – where the RSF and other militias have protected their power by subjecting the people to intimidation and oppression, and where al-Burhan and the Sudanese army have also been accused of coordinating attacks against civilians.


The collapse


I came to Khartoum in early April to see my mother, and to check on an unwell brother and visually impaired aunt. I wanted to give my siblings – who had been looking after them – a break.


I planned to work out of the Khartoum office of my organisation, the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA), an African feminist women’s rights network.


I had so much to do. I was planning a trip to Blue Nile and North Darfur to launch one of our new projects. We were pushing on with our work, almost oblivious to the abnormalities all around us.


As Sudanese, we were witnessing the collapse of the country, its decay, following the military’s seizure of power in October 2021 – bitterly protested by street-based pro-democracy groups.


There was the economic pain of an ever-accelerating cost of living, which means most people dependent on a daily income cannot afford the basics. Even the salaries of teachers, nurses, doctors, and government public servants have only been paid a few times since the coup – stranding them for months without an income.


The international community saw the way out of the crisis as a power-sharing deal between civilian politicians and the military.


The intention was to repeat the coalition formula agreed upon after the collapse of the Omar al-Bashir regime in 2019, an arrangement the military subsequently tore up two years later.


The UN, the African Union, and the regional Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) were supposed to coordinate the political process leading to a new coalition government – but it was naïvely and ineptly managed.


Fundamentally, power-sharing doesn’t solve Sudan’s deep-rooted structural problems, when seats at the political table are reserved for the men in uniform responsible for the violence and injustice we’ve long been forced to live with.


Power-sharing covers up war crimes and crimes against humanity. It entrenches the military elite based on the assumption that – for the sake of peace – they can’t be touched. The result is the weakening of human rights and justice frameworks, and the legitimisation of the warlords, who are rewarded with access to resources and positions.


The 2020 Juba power-sharing agreement that followed the fall of al-Bashir was supposed to lead to free and fair elections. Instead, the generals have since been competing among themselves, mobilising their forces to achieve their corrupt ends.


That is the root of the violence we are confronted with today on the streets of Khartoum – and just as bloodily in Darfur and Kordofan – as the army and the RSF battle it out for supremacy.


Civilian politicians have also played a role. Sudanese people have been exhausted by the divisions and lack of leadership among the parties. As a result, politicians lost their connection to the people and failed to cultivate popular support.

 

Solidarity and courage


Even on the eve of the collapse, Sudanese were still trying to manage life as best as possible. I drove to a relative’s funeral around the Reyad area on Friday night and could still see people taking their kids out to purchase their Eid clothes for the end of Ramadan.


The main roads were dark, and street lights and traffic lights hardly working.


I remember thinking Khartoum reflected the impoverished soul of Sudan’s military clique. After seizing power, they had no idea how to run the country beyond plundering, and killing and violating its citizens.


That weekend, we had 14 guests staying with us: two project auditors from SIHA’s Uganda office, two Ugandan consultants, and 10 colleagues from Darfur taking part in a training programme.


On Saturday 16 April, three of our guests were at the airport, checked in and preparing to board their flight home, when the RSF began shelling. No one was allowed in or out of the airport for hours.


As we tried to figure out what to do, one by one their phone batteries died. They had to use the phones of other passengers, who pleaded for us to take them too if we came to collect our colleagues.


Then, in the afternoon, the RSF began ordering everyone to leave the airport, and hundreds of passengers were ushered out onto the main road.


I cannot be grateful enough to Adla from our Khartoum office, and her husband. They jumped into their old car and drove through the back streets to the airport. They picked up, thank God, our friends and managed to find lodgings for them.


When the hotel they stayed in ran out of food and water, Neimat – another SIHA colleague – and her husband managed to keep them fed. After four days, we were finally able to evacuate them home to Uganda via South Sudan.


Meanwhile, our friends from Darfur were struck at a hotel on Africa Road. It was among the first targeted by the RSF, who broke in and took the safe and then robbed the residents of their money and phones.


Coming from Darfur, our colleagues understand how the RSF operates – what triggers them, and how to negotiate. It took days, but they finally managed to leave the hotel on foot, although without their belongings.


When we spoke later, they told me how the RSF soldiers had made daily demands for money, terrifying the hotel guests by firing into the air.


It was the same story at the Acropole Hotel, where the last of our consultants from Uganda was staying. There was no power and water for the first three days, while the RSF ransacked every corner of the landmark hotel, again robbing guests and workers at will.


After days of being held, the hotel’s guests were dropped off at the grand mosque in the middle of Khartoum. Our colleague told a horrific story of picking his way through the dead bodies scattered on the streets.


Finally, he reached Omdurman, where he was picked up by Mayada, a SIHA staff member, and her husband. He stayed for two nights with Mayada before she managed to put him on a truck to South Sudan.


The courage, thoughtfulness, and endurance of our guests contributed to their safety in a situation where we couldn’t do much for them if it all had gone wrong.

 

Staying behind


SIHA has 32 staff in Sudan, the majority of us are scattered throughout rural Sudan, but many of us are also in Khartoum. Sudan is our home, and we are committed to staying, to care for our loved ones – we cannot abandon them.


So when the shelling and shooting started, I barricaded my family inside our house. The main gate was blocked with cars and piles of bricks. We closed up the windows and doors. Our bright open home became like a cave.


I was, however, obsessed with making sure that my girls – my daughter and two nieces – got out. Over the next few days, I sat with my sister and we thrashed out a plan. The girls are now safe outside the country.


As I write this article, three weeks after the violence began, I’m sitting beside my mother and aunt, somewhere safe and quiet near Khartoum.


My brother has just come in and said I look tired. Yes, I am. All I want to do is sleep and find space to think.


Looking at what has happened to my country, I can tell you that this violence is not random or a reaction to political tension. I believe this is a well-planned and well-funded vile act in support of the RSF.


The question is, how come all those high-powered bodies that were supposed to be coordinating the political process – the UN, the regional groupings, the international financial institutions, the donor governments – utterly failed to see it coming? What a shame!


In the meantime, I still don’t dare to look at myself in the mirror, and I don’t want to cry.


View original: https://sudantribune.com/article273883/

___________________________________________


SW Ed: The above op-ed by Hala al-Karib was published at The New Humanitarian 3 May 2023 entitled ‘How years of impunity gave Sudan’s generals licence to destroy my country’ - see copy here: https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/opinion/first-person/2023/05/03/impunity-sudan-licence-to-destroy-my-country

Hala al-Karib

Regional Director, Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA)

Stringer/Reuters. People fleeing the fighting in Khartoum between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces and the army on 28 April 2023.


Read more by Hala al-Karib

‘Sudan should not settle for anything other than true democracy’

https://sudantribune.com/article269336/


[Ends]

Galal Yousif: STOP killing the People of #SUDAN

THIS great piece of art by Galal Yousif from Sudan is a powerful image alongside its caption: STOP killing the People of #SUDAN.

Wednesday, May 17, 2023

IGAD: Burhan and Hemeti will be held accountable

Report from radiotamazuj.org

Dated Wednesday 17 May 2023 - full copy:

IGAD says belligerent Sudanese generals will be held accountable

IGAD’Executive Secretary Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu (L) and South Sudanese Acting Foreign Minister Deng Dau (R) addressing the press in Juba. (Photo: Radio Tamazuj)


(JUBA CITY)The regional bloc, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), on Wednesday, warned that the warring rival generals superintending the fighting in Sudan will be held responsible for ensuring crimes.


Clashes erupted on 15 April in the Sudanese capital Khartoum and other parts of the country between Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) loyal to Gen. Abdel Fataah al-Burhan who is also the country’s de facto leader and his deputy in the sovereign council and leader of the Rapid Support Forces, Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo as a result of a power struggle.


The warning follows talks in Juba between Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu, IGAD’s Executive Secretary, and South Sudan President Salva Kiir Mayardit on Wednesday.


Addressing a press conference at the Juba State House after the talks, Dr. Gebeyehu said the warring parties in Sudan will be held accountable.


“We are working with the International community, United Nations Security Council and African Union, and IGAD as a regional organization that clearly says that all parties are responsible for any atrocities which are going to happen in that country,” he said.


He said history will judge the leaders unless they stop the fighting.


“Also, we stress that they have the responsibility as a citizen of that country and as leaders of that country,” Dr. Gebeyehu said. “History will judge that tomorrow unless otherwise, they decided today to stop this thing. We are working in terms of accountability while we are pushing to bring these parties to the table of discussion.”


Meanwhile, South Sudan's Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs Deng Dayu Dend said IGAD is ready to position all the efforts of its member states to help Sudan end the conflict.


“IGAD is very focused on the issue of cessation of hostilities, on the issue of stopping the current situation in Khartoum and other places and IGAD is ready to position all the efforts of IGAD countries to help this member state,” he said. “This is why the IGAD’s executive secretary has to come personally to meet with His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit.”


In a virtual meeting held on April 16, the IGAD heads of state decided to send the presidents of South Sudan, Kenya, and Djibouti to Khartoum to engage the two belligerent leaders to resume talks about security and military reforms in Sudan.


View original: https://radiotamazuj.org/en/news/article/igad-says-belligerent-sudanese-generals-will-be-held-accountable


[Ends]

Tuesday, May 16, 2023

VIDEO: Atrocities as fighting rages in Darfur Sudan


Report by Channel 4 News


By Lindsey Hilsum, International Editor 


Dated Tuesday 16 May 2023


Sudan: reports of civilians atrocities as fighting rages


Fighting continues to rage between government troops and rebel militia forces in Sudan, despite efforts to impose a ceasefire.


And this programme has heard increasing reports of civilians being murdered and raped, along with large scale looting.


Rapid Support Forces fighters have claimed control of a key military base in the capital Khartoum – while in western Darfur, more civilians are being killed in the city of El Geneina, scene of some of the worst violence in the country.


View original: https://www.channel4.com/news/sudan-reports-of-civilians-atrocities-as-fighting-rages


Channel 4 is a British public broadcast service.


[Ends]

Monday, May 15, 2023

Tue 16 May 2023 Webinar on conflict in Sudan


Webinar: Exacerbating Humanitarian Crisis Due to Military Conflict in Sudan


The Sudanese people are facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis due to the internal conflict between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces.

Given the current situation, human rights violations have spread in Sudan, including the killing and injury of many civilians, and the humanitarian crisis that citizens were already suffering from, including malnutrition, disease outbreaks and displacement, have exacerbated.

The current situation has worsened due to negative impacts of the conflict on the economic and social conditions of Sudan, which threatens the future for the Sudanese people.

In this context, Arab Organisation for Human Rights in the UK will be holding a webinar to shed light on the current situation in Sudan and to explore means to put an end to this conflict.

The webinar will bring together prominent experts, academics, activists, journalists and researchers to discuss practical solutions to protect the Sudanese people.

Speakers and Guests:

Ernst Jan Hogendoorn
Former Senior Advisor at U.S. Department of State

Dr Willow Berridge
Senior Lecturer in History- Newcastle University

Prof Alex DeWaal
Executive Director of the World Peace Foundation

Anette Hoffmann
Senior Research Fellow at the Conflict Research Unit of Clingendael

Justin Lynch
Researcher and co-author of the book Sudan’s unfinished democracy

Kholood Khair
Founding Director of Confluence Advisory

Musa Hamid
Member of Sudanese Journalists Syndicate

Moderator:
Roba Salibi
Postdoctoral Fellow at Oxford University

Date and time:
Tuesday 16th May 2023

At 17:00 GMT / 18:00 London timing/ 20:00 KSA/ 13:00 Washington DC timing

Join Zoom Meeting

https://us02web.zoom.us/j/88407958968?pwd=V3g0UmlxT1FkckR1NlZTQXYxUjhEZz09

Meeting ID: 884 0795 8968

Passcode: 197432

[Ends]

Peace doesn’t just happen. It cannot be wished or willed into existence, it has to be made and fought for

“Peace doesn’t just happen. It cannot be wished or willed into existence. It has to be made, it has to be fought for, it needs its own warriors” -Nicholas Haysom, the UN’s top envoy in South Sudan

Source: https://unmiss.unmissions.org/hope-blossoms-launch-joint-unmiss-and-government-south-sudan-peace-fellows-program

Jan Pronk: "Sudan? Europe is busy with itself"

NOTE from Sudan Watch Ed: This report was written in Dutch by Prof Jan Pronk of The Netherlands, UN Special Envoy to Sudan from 2004 to 2006. 

Google Translator enabled me to produce the following translation but it doesn't do justice to his excellent English, communication and writing skills. 

Hopefully, readers will make allowances for this version that's been stripped of the personality and character of a great humanitarian by a machine.

Jan Pronk (pictured) was UN Special Envoy to Sudan from 2004 to 2006.

Opinion editorial from NRC Netherlands - https://www.nrc.nl/

By JAN PRONK

Dated 05 May 2023 - full copy, translated from original Dutch version:

Jan Pronk: "Sudan? Europe is busy with itself"


Sudan Diplomatic pressure was minimal, economic sanctions were not forthcoming, the arms trade flourished. In the run-up to the civil war in Sudan, the international community has looked away, writes Jan Pronk

Sudanese refugees just across the border in Chad, near Koufroun.

Photo Gueipeur Denis Sassou / AFP)


Was to prevent the civil war in Sudan, which erupted last month? When conflicts arise mainly from deeper internal contradictions – ethnic, religious or economic – it is difficult to get a grip on them from the outside. We learned that lesson. International intervention consists mainly of humanitarian aid. 


And UN peacekeeping operations, if they take place at all, are given a limited mandate: protect victims and try to stabilize the situation so that conflict parties can seek a political solution themselves. But no matter how limited that ambition is compared to thirty years ago, the results are small. More and more countries in Africa and Asia are plagued by internal conflicts of violence. The number of victims and refugees is increasing alarmingly.


Sudan, too, has been hit by deep divisions since it gained independence in 1956. The civil war between North and South claimed hundreds of thousands of victims. He ended in 2012 with the declaration of South Sudan as an independent state. The genocide in Darfur, shortly after the beginning of this century, is not yet history. Throughout Sudan, North and South, ethnic conflicts continue to cause casualties. 


Throughout Sudan, North and South, ethnic conflicts continue to cause casualties. Contradictions between Islamic fundamentalists and others are becoming sharper. The distance between the population in the Nile Delta and beyond is increasing. Economic inequality is widening. Young people see less and less perspective.


But the battle between President Abdel Fattah al-Burhan's army and the militias of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (aka Hemedti) is mainly about power and control over the country's wealth. Other contradictions were subordinated to the interests of the army and paramilitaries. 


But while the underlying contradictions cannot be easily influenced from the outside, the outside world did have the opportunity to prevent the current brutal power struggle. That has not been done.


On horseback and by camel


When an uprising broke out in Darfur in 2003 against the regime in Khartoum, President Bashir, who had come to power in a military coup in 1990, tried to defeat the guerrillas by deploying militias of Arab tribes.


The army couldn't do it alone. Many soldiers were from Darfur themselves and unwilling to go all out. The militias did. They were given carte blanche and made no distinction between rebels and unarmed civilians.


The army cooperated with them by carrying out bombing raids. The population fled in panic and fell prey to pursuers on horseback and by camel. Villages were set on fire and wiped off the map. Immediately afterwards, the militias disappeared like snow in the sun, until another attack. Four hundred thousand people died.


Two million others fled to camps in Darfur and Chad, across the border. They were received by the UN and aid workers, but were not safe there.


Bashir and his predecessors had used the same tactic before, in the fight against the South. It was a tried and tested method and it cost Khartoum little. The militias were allowed to loot and loot at will. 


In Darfur they were known as the Janjaweed: 'Devils with a horse and a gun'. They did not need heavier weapons to kill women, children and unarmed elderly men. Large parts of Darfur were ethnically 'cleansed'.


Villages were set on fire and wiped off the map


The international uproar over the genocide was great. Then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan personally negotiated with Bashir in Khartoum and reached an agreement. The Janjaweed would be disarmed. But that didn't happen. The Security Council protested, but did not act. 


The killing continued. Negotiations between the government and the rebels resulted in a peace agreement, but that did not last. The army attacked villages where it suspected that the villagers were sheltering rebels, even though the inhabitants themselves adhered to the truce.


The international outrage over the actions of the Janjaweed and the army was not followed up. Bashir was summoned by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. He didn't come.


If he visited another country, he was obliged to arrest him. That didn't happen. He visited Qatar, met the new UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon, who was content to shake his hand. 


The Security Council kept quiet so as not to jeopardize Bashir's agreement to South Sudan's coming independence. The regime got away with everything. So does the Janjaweed. Diplomatic pressure was minimal. There was no political pressure. Economic sanctions as well. The arms trade flourished. 


The Janjaweed were transformed into Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The former genocide perpetrators received support from the European Union to guard Sudan's borders and stop refugees who wanted to move to Europe via Chad and Libya. Brussels hypocrisy at its best.


Gulf states jump into the hole


In 2018, civilians revolted against the regime. For the first time in thirty there was a loud call for democracy. Bashir was jailed on charges of corruption — not war crimes.


The new ruler Burhan promised to cooperate in the formation of a civilian government. It came for a while, but was sent away two years later by the military and the RSF with combined forces. The Janjaweed-new-style resumed cooperation with the army.


It was agreed to integrate the militias into the army, but they now had so many weapons and money that they felt strong enough to resist. That was the beginning of this civil war.


The civilian population was defeated and slaughtered. The outside world had looked to the side for the umpteenth time. Foreigners were picked up in haste, as they were in Afghanistan, Rwanda and Vietnam. It stands in stark contrast to the EU's treatment of African, Arab and Asian refugees trying to escape war, oppression and genocide.


China, Russia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states are jumping into the gap left by Europe. The EU lacks a vision of Sudan and other countries in the region. Things are just as bad there. In Chad it was unsettled, in Ethiopia war was fought this year. Eritrea and Egypt are ruled by dictators.


Somalia is being held hostage by the al-Shabab terror group. In Uganda, repression of dissenters is on the rise. Eastern Congo and the Central African Republic are prey for warlords. Libya is falling apart.


Europe is busy with itself. The problems are indeed great. But those who look away from the problems across the border become problem owners. We already are.


View original: https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2023/05/05/soedan-europa-heeft-het-druk-met-zichzelf-a4163865


[Ends]

Sudan: Could Arab tribal chief Hilal undercut Hemeti?

NOTE from Sudan  Watch Editor: I have just visited the archives of this site Sudan Watch 2004. The news headlines at that time seem to show we've gone full circle over past 20 years and are now back to square one. Here is an excerpt from one of the first reports reprinted here in 2004, followed by a recent report featuring the Arab tribal chief Mr Musa Hilal now aged 63.

Sudan Watch - Sunday, August 22, 2004

Janjaweed Leader Moussa Hilal - interview with UK Telegraph and IslamOnline.net


Aug 22: UK Telegraph news report by Philip Sherwell in Khartoum, copied here in full:

 

Tribal leader accused over Darfur says he was acting for government 

The sheikh accused by the United States of co-ordinating Janjaweed militiamen has admitted that he was "appointed" by Sudan's government to recruit Arab tribesmen to "defend their land". 


In an interview with The Telegraph, Musa Hilal scorned calls for his arrest on the eve of this week's visit to Sudan by Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, and the United Nations' deadline for Sudan to begin its promised crackdown on the Janjaweed. 


"I don't care what my enemies say about me," he said, jabbing his finger. "I have no concerns about being arrested. I don't think the Sudanese government would be stupid enough to take that decision." 


Mr Hilal has been identified by the US State Department as the most senior of seven Janjaweed leaders allegedly responsible for the ethnic cleansing conducted against predominantly black African villagers by Arab militiamen in the province of Darfur. 


Mr Hilal, 43, a tall man who has three wives and 13 children and leads a tribe of more than 200,000 people, denies the accusation. He was not an "agent" of the government, he said, but acknowledged allegations that the Khartoum government was using the camel and horse-riding Arab militia to suppress the rebellion. 


"I am one of the tribal leaders responsible for collecting people for military service for the country," he said, claiming that he organised his followers to defend themselves against Darfurian rebels. 


"I was appointed by the government to organise people to defend their lands but legally, not illegally. They were defending themselves against the mutineers." 


Read full story: https://sudanwatch.blogspot.com/2004/08/janjaweed-leader-moussa-hilal.html

________________________

Report from AlJazeera.com

By Mat Nashed


Dated 3 May 2023 - full copy:


Could an old tribal foe undercut Sudan’s Hemedti?


The RSF could be more vulnerable in its stronghold in Darfur, where a rival foe is challenging Hemedti.

PHOTO: Musa Hilal (centre right) celebrates with former President Omar al-Bashir (centre left) at the wedding of the former's daughter [File: Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters]


After two weeks of armed conflict, Sudan’s feared paramilitary leader, Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo, has fought the army to a deadlock in the capital of Khartoum.


But his Rapid Support Forces could be more vulnerable in their stronghold in Darfur, where a rival has challenged Hemedti for tribal supremacy, analysts and residents told Al Jazeera.


Enter Musa Hilal, a respected tribal chief from the same Arab Rizeigat tribe that Hemedti hails.


Back in 2003, Hilal fought on behalf of the government against mostly non-Arab armed groups, who were rebelling against what they said was the state’s neglect and exploitation of Darfur. According to Human Rights Watch, Hilal’s forces – the Popular Defence Forces, called “Janjaweed” by the rebels – were accused of committing summary executions and using rape as a weapon of war.


Between 2003 and 2009, about 300,000 people were killed in the armed conflict, as well as from disease and famine brought on by the war. But while Hilal was scorned worldwide, he was rewarded back home.


In 2005, Sudan’s former leader, Omar al-Bashir, put Hilal’s fighters under the army’s control and tasked them with protecting Sudan’s frontiers.


Three years later, al-Bashir appointed him as his special adviser and even awarded him a seat in parliament in 2010.


“The thing with these militia leaders is that they start off as proxies [for the central government] and then they end up having their own political ambitions,” said Hafiz Mohamad, a Sudanese researcher for Justice Africa, which advocates for human rights across the continent.


Despite Hilal’s ascension in Khartoum, he eventually returned to Darfur after growing frustrated at the government’s continuing neglect of the region.


The fallout prompted al-Bashir to turn to Hemedti – then a little-known trader and a former fighter – to command a new armed group called the RSF. One of Hemedti’s early tasks was arresting Hilal for refusing to disarm his forces.


Now, Hilal could look to settle scores by helping the army weaken the RSF.


“When Bashir created the RSF, he gave all sorts of resources to Hemedti. That’s really when this rivalry started. Hilal started a rebellion against the government and one of Hemedti’s first tasks was to contain him,” Mohamad said.


Mobilising forces?


In March 2021, Hilal was pardoned after spending six months in prison, before Hemedti and army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan – the two generals now fighting each other – upended the country’s democratic transition through a coup in October 2021.


Hilal has kept a low profile since his release, yet some analysts believed that the army has been trying to co-opt him – and fighters from his tribe – to undercut Hemedti.


“Hilal has been under Military Intelligence protection since his re-emergence,” one expert, who did not wish to disclose his name for fear of losing important sources and access to Sudan, told Al Jazeera.


Signs of a warm relationship between Hilal and the military have been reported. In June 2022, Hilal and his Revolutionary Awakening Council participated in peace talks with a number of other armed groups from Darfur, according to the latest United Nations Panel of Experts report on Darfur.


Sudan’s army sent the head of military intelligence, Major General Mohamed Ahmed Sabir, to mediate talks between the factions under the auspices of Promediation, a French NGO that assists mediation efforts between state and non-state groups.


The discussion centred around the peaceful return of Sudanese mercenaries, many of whom are loyal to Hilal, from Libya.


Months later, in the lead-up to the war between the army and RSF, Arab activists in Darfur reported that the military was recruiting from their clan in order to form a new border force that could undercut Hemedti.


The military has not denied that it was recruiting from Darfur, yet it did refute that it was coveting fighters from a certain tribe or clan. However, Hilal’s role and whereabouts remain uncertain.


“Rizeigat leaders were warning against an ongoing campaign to recruit fighters. The mobilisation is ongoing, but where Hilal fits in is not clear,” said Suliman Baldo, the founder of the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker, a think tank covering political affairs in the country.


“The fact that all these [Rizeigat] tribal leaders were complaining about [recruitment], shows that it was an intense activity,” he added.


From strongmen to politicians


While Hilal and Hemedti are both from the Rizeigat, they are from two different clans within it.


The former is from the Mahamid and the latter from the Mahariya.


But, similar to Hilal, Hemedti evolved from being a militia fighter to having his own political ambitions.


The difference is that while Hilal maintains a loyal following in North Darfur, Hemedti has been able to cultivate relationships with regional backers, such as the United Arab Emirates, Russia and Eritrea.


Those powerful friends give Hemedti and the RSF an outsized advantage against any attempt by Hilal to fight him, said Anette Hoffman, an expert on Sudan for the Clingendael Institute, an independent Dutch think tank.


“If there were no foreign players involved, Hilal would be able to mobilise through his tribal links, including whatever links he has in Chad,” she told Al Jazeera. “But with such powerful backers, Hilal just doesn’t compare any more to Hemedti.”


Despite Hilal’s disadvantages, Hoffman expected him to still try and mobilise fighters, which could make the fighting in Darfur significantly bloodier in the weeks and months to come.


“If we see Hemedti get killed at some point, then we could see a disintegration of the RSF and also of the Rizeigat as an ethnic group,” she said. “Hilal would then play a role that leads to more suffering and more fighting and access to arms. He would help to turn things uglier than they already are.”


For non-Arab communities in West Darfur, the scarier scenario is if Hilal and Hemedti put their differences aside in order to fight the army, said Zakaria Bedour, a local human rights monitor in the province.


She stressed that Mahamid militias and communities are already receiving support from the RSF in order to target non-Arabs in el-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur. The latest violence is due in part to a power vacuum in the region, prompting Arab militias to try and grab control over land and water resources.


The attacks have killed nearly 200 people, according to local doctors. Internally displaced camps sheltering non-Arab communities were also burned to the ground, while markets, hospitals and warehouses belonging to international relief organisations were looted.


“If [Hemedti and Hilal] get along, there will be consequences for the African tribes and the internally displaced people. [Hilal and Hemedti] remember the displaced people as being in opposition to them [in previous wars],” warned Zakaria.


“The consequence would make the [Arab] forces much bigger than the [armed non-Arab groups] in [West Darfur].”


Play Video - Duration 01 minutes 11 seconds

Video posted on social media documents destruction in Sudan


Play Video - Duration 01 minutes 13 seconds

Video shows destroyed Sudanese food market


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View original: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/3/could-an-old-tribal-foe-undercut-sudans-hemedti


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